Explains the nature of plural democracy in both traditional and contemporary Australian society5 p., typescriptaborigines, australia politics and government, democracy

The SS Grace Harwar was a Finnish full-rigged iron hull (Mariehamn is the capital of the Åland Islands, an autonomous territory under Finnish sovereignty located between halfway between Finland and Sweden). She was transporting timber to Melbourne and generally loaded wheat from Geelong.The Grace Harwar was one of the last working windjammers in the 1920s-1930s. Alan Villiers, Melbourne writer and adventurer, sailed on this ship. He wrote "By Way of Cape Horn" after his harrowing experiences on board the Grace Harwar in 1929. The voyage was filmed in both movie (6,000 feet) and still form, serving as a record of significant images of that period.Postcard depicting the SS Grace Harwar crew on boardIn white pen: SS Grace Harwar - Mariehamn July 1921crew, s.s.grace harwar, mariehamn, 1921, finland, full rigged barque, windjammer, grain race, alan villiers, timber trade, crews and ships

C.C. Thorold in the main classrooms with the Tasmanina blackwood honour board above the door. Lines written on the black board are from Richard II, Act IV, Scene 1: Mine eyes are full of tears, I cannot see: And yet salt water blinds them not so much But they can see a sort of traitors here. Nay, if I turn mine eyes upon myself, I find myself a traitor with the rest; For I have given here my soul's consent To undeck the pompous body of a king; Made glory base and sovereignty a slave, Proud majesty a subject, state a peasant.

A time for reconciliation / Bob Hawke -- Treaty is a recipe for separatism / John Howard -- A treaty for land justice and self-determination / Janine Haines -- Why a treaty? / Galarrwuy Yunupingu -- Aborigines are Australian, too / Bob Liddle -- Fallacies weaken the case for a treaty / Geoffrey Blainey -- Why whites also need an Aboriginal treaty / Roberta Sykes -- The quest for Aboriginal sovereignty / Hugh Morgan -- Legal and constitutional considerations / Mark Cooray -- Australia as terra nullius / Peter van Hattem -- Canada: towards Aboriginal self-government? / Jean Chretien -- American Indian treaties: historic relics / Peter Samuel -- The long aftermath of Waitangi / Antomy C. Turner -- Appendix 1: The Barunga statement -- Appendix 2: Preamble to the ATSIC Bill -- Appendix 3: Press attitudes to a treaty -- Appendix 4: Aboriginal population and landmaps, b&w photographsrace relations, racism, government relations, treaties

2554.01 - Brochure Energy Review of the German Export Industry English Edition of JJ Webers Illustrated Export Journals published in English German and Spanish June 1913 No 6|2554.02 - Brochure Energy Review of the German Export Industry Published by JJ Webers Leipzig Volume 8 June 1913 No 6|2554.03 - Brochure Energy Review of the German Export Industry Published by JJ Webers Leipzig Manager W Ludw Klitzsch Leipzig Volume 8 June 1913 No 6 Emperor William II Twenty Five Years of His Sovereignty

The Australian Aboriginal Flag symbolises the identity, unity, and survival of Aboriginal peoples, their unbroken connection to the country, and the enduring strength of the world’s oldest living cultures. Its three core colours are black, yellow and red. Black represents the Aboriginal people, the yellow circle represents the sun, the giver of life and protector and red represents the earth, the red ochre used in ceremonies, and the spiritual relationship to the land. The flag was officially recognised as a Flag of Australia in 1995 under the Flags Act. It is widely used at rallies, community events, cultural centres, and public institutions to acknowledge Aboriginal sovereignty and presence. The flag holds official status alongside the Australian National Flag and the Torres Strait Islander Flag.The Australian Aboriginal Flag is one of the most powerful symbols of identity, unity, and survival of Aboriginal peoples. The flag was first flown in 1971 at a land rights rally in Adelaide and was created specifically for the land rights movement, and quickly became a unifying symbol of resistance, pride, and cultural identity.Australian Aboriginal Flag. This flag is suitable to be flown on a flagpole.Manufacturer's Tag: Manufactured in Australia by Carroll & Richardsonaustralian aboriginal flag, aboginal, first nations

Working across installation, video and painting, Quandamooka artist Megan Cope investigates issues relating to colonial histories, the environment and mapping practices. Black Napoleon (Eulope) is part of a series of lithographs that highlights what Cope sees as ‘just one of the many stories of powerful and clever people defying Empire’ at the turn of the 19th century in Australia. The Black Napoleon series was produced as part of the Australian Print Workshop’s French Connections project. The project aimed to produce new work responding to the National Archive in Paris, with a focus on cultural materials relating to early exploration of Australia and the Pacific. It was important to Cope that she did not simply repeat the material of the archive, which was collected and conserved within a colonial framework. Instead, Cope’s work addresses Eulope’s sovereignty and role in resisting invasion. Eulope was a Quandamooka man named after Napoleon Buonaparte because of his leadership in battles against British forces, which invaded Stradbroke Island in the early 1800s.

The Hong Kong Police Force (香港警務處, HKPF; HKP), also known as the Hong Kong Police, is the largest disciplined service under the Security Bureau of Hong Kong. It is the world's second, and Asia's first, police agency to operate with a modern policing system. It was formed on 1 May 1844, with a strength of 32 officers. Queen Elizabeth II granted the Royal Charter to the Hong Kong Police Force in 1969 for their handling of the Hong Kong 1967 riots—renaming them: the Royal Hong Kong Police Force. Following the transfer of sovereignty, the Force is once again named the Hong Kong Police Force.[1] The current Commissioner of Police is Andy Tsang Wai-hung.[2] Including the Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Force and civil servants, the force consists of about 40,000 personnel; which gives Hong Kong the second largest citizen–police officer ratio in the world. In addition, the Marine Region with about 3,000 officers and a fleet of 143 vessels, is the largest of any civil police force.Wooden Plaque 15cm x x13cmRoyal Hong Kong Police

This commemorative framed print was a gift presented by Freemason, Worship Brother J. Wishart Junior, who also had the title of Worshipful Master of the Masonic Lodge from 1983-1954. This print was possibly presented by Wor. Bro. J. Wishart to the Masonic Lodge in Warrnambool the year following the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II, just after Wishart completed his term as the Worshipful Master of the Lodge. It is likely that the portrait was also part of the furnishings when one of Flagstaff Hill's village buildings was set up as a 19th century style Masonic Lodge, as shown in the map of the village in 1994 and was activated by a member of the Masonic Lodge. (Before this time the building was a Reference Library, and some time afterwards it was a Reading Library, and is now a Mechanics' Institute.) Australia is part of the British Commonwealth. Respect for the reigning monarchy of the colony of Australia has been shown here since colonisation and continued after Federation. Portraits of the reigning sovereignty have been displayed in public organisations, government departments and clubs over the years. Children in schools have been taught to 'Honour the flag, serve the Queen" (or King) etc. In February 1952 King George VI of England passed away. His daughter was proclaimed Queen, and crowned as H.M. Queen Elizabeth II on June 2nd, 1953, at Westminster Abbey, London. It is interesting to note that on 12th April, 1997, Warrnambool's Masonic Centre in Kepler Street held a 150 years celebration of the settlement of Warrnambool and District. A time capsule was inserted in the 'foundation stone' and one of the items inside it was a Flagstaff Hill Heritage Centre leaflet. The portrait of the coronation of H.M. Queen Elizabeth II and her continued reign of 70 years is significant, as it marks a very special occasion in the history of Britain and its Commonwealth. This portrait is similar to many other portraits of the Queen's coronation and is familiar to Australian citizens of the current generation and the ongoing link to Britain's colonasit6ion of Australia.Print, coloured, framed behind glass. Portrait of H.M. Queen Elizabeth II at her Coronation on June 2nd, 1953. The Queen is seated and wearing a white gown and white-trimmed blue cape. She is wearing a jewelled crown and holds the ceremonial Orb and Sceptre. In the background is Westminster Abbey. The decorative frame is cast composite or plaster. A card provided with the print advises that the print was presented by J. Wishart - it is attached to the reverse.Handwritten in ink on card "H.M.QUEEN ELIZABETH II / PRESENTED BY / WOR. BRO. J. WISHART JNR. / WOR. MASTER 1953-1954."flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime village, maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime museum & village, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, 2-06-1953, westminster abbey, scepter, orb, royal crown, coronation, queen elizabeth ii, hm queen elizabeth ii, royal portrait, h.m. queen elizabeth ii, worshipful brother, worshipful master, time capsule, 19th century style masonic lodge, warrnambool 150 years celebration, coronation of queen elizabeth ii, freemasons, j. wishart, flagstaff hill masonic lodge building, portrait

This model of the ship H.M.S. Lady Nelson was researched and built as the vessel Lady Nelson by David Lumsden, a professional ship model builder. His Majesty's Armed Survey Vessel Lady Nelson was commissioned in 1799 to survey the coast of Australia. This vessel was purpose-built before the British Admiralty requested plans for a Schooner for Port Jackson. At the time large parts of the Australian coast were unmapped and Britain had claimed only part of the continent. The British Government were concerned that, in the event of settlers of another European power becoming established in Australia, any future conflict in Europe would lead to a widening of the conflict into the southern hemisphere to the detriment of the trade that Britain sought to develop. Against this background, Lady Nelson was chosen to survey and establish sovereignty over strategic parts of the continent. Lady Nelson left Portsmouth on 18 March 1800 and arrived at Sydney on 16th December 1800 after having been the first vessel to reach the east coast of Australia via the Bass Strait. Before that date, all vessels had sailed around the southern tip of Tasmania to reach their destination. Lady Nelson's survey work commenced shortly after she arrived in Sydney, initially in the Bass Strait area. She was involved in the discovery of Port Phillip, on the coast of Victoria, in establishing settlements on the River Derwent and at Port Dalrymple in Tasmania. She also successfully chartered much of the Victorian coastline and was heavily involved with the exploration of the Queensland coast with Matthew Flinders; investigated the Hunter River; made numerous visits to New Zealand and Norfolk Island and was involved in the founding of numerous settlements. In comparison to most colonial vessels, the Lady Nelson was technically unique she was fitted with sliding keels, or centreboards, and water-tight trunks reaching to the deck. Captain Schank invented these sliding keels that, when raised, reduced her draught to less than six feet. Her life as an exploration vessel ended while accompanying HMS 'Tamar' to Melville Island in 1825, the 'Lady Nelson' was captured and later abandoned by pirates off the island of Babar (Indonesia). This brought the vessel's 25 years of coastal exploration and navigation to a close.The Lady Nelson made was the first British ship to survey of the southern or south-western coast of Australia and traverse the Bass Strait. The vessel holds a special place in Australia's history of exploration as the first to explore and establish settlements in the then-new British colony of Van Diemans Land. The model gives an insight into what life must have been like onboard sailing vessels of the time and Australia's early history of establishment and exploration. This model acts as an important legacy of the full-scale ship which no longer survives. Ship model of the 60 ton British brig HMS Lady Nelson. Timber model of a two-masted brig with rigging but no sails, displaying the British Union Jack flag. The ship is in a glass exhibition display case on metal stand. HMS Lady Nelsonflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, by captain john schanck, sliding keels or centreboards, lady nelson, british brig hms lady nelson, david lumsden ship model builder, lieutennant james grant, bass strait discovery, surveying king island and port phillip bay, philip gidley king

Gwyneth "Gwen" Goedecke collection.1st United Nations (UN) conference - World Conference of the International Women's Year: World Plan of Action, Mexico City, 19 June - 2 July 1975| 2nd United Nations (UN) conference - World Conference of the United Nation's Decade for Women: Equality, Development, and Peace. Copenhagen, 14 - 30 July 1980| 3rd United Nations (UN) conference - World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development, and Peace. Nairobi, 15 - 26 June 1985| 4th United Nations (UN) conference - World Conference on Women: Action for Equality, Development and Peace. Beijing 4 - 15 September 1995 | 28th Triennial World Conference of International Council of Women. Ottawa, June 1997| Women in Life, Women in Leisure - Conference Proceedings. Melbourne, 25 - 26 October 1982| National Women's Advisory Council - Recommendations of Pre-Conference Meetings 1979 re: UN Decade for Women, 1976 - 1985| Australian Federation of University Women Diamond Jubilee Conference, Quality of Life - The Continuing Challenge: the Impact of TECHNOLOGY WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO WOMEN. Canberra, 25 January 1982.| Women in Politics Conference - Canberra, 1975| Report by Gwen Goedecke - Fiftieth Anniversary Conference: The United Nations - Between Sovereignty and Global Governance La Trobe University, 2 - 6 July, 1995. Women and Poverty Workshop - Women Wise Up Conference NSW University, February 2001 | NB - Women + Labour Conferences. Australia, 1978 - 84 National Women's Conference. Adelaide, 1984. Were given to Libby @ the ALP, 21/11/2023 by Alan Dash.women

General Sir Charles Warren was an officer in the British Royal Engineers. He was one of the earliest European archaeologists ofthe Holy Land. Much of his military service was spene in British South Africa. Previously he was police chief, the Head of the London Metropolitan Police during the Jack the Ripper murders. In 1876, the Colonial Office appointed him special commissioner to survey the boundary between Griqualand West and the Orange Free State. For this work he was made a Companion of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1877. He was appointed special commissioner to investigate "native questions" in Bechuanaland and commanded the Northern Border Expedition troops in quelling the rebellion there. In 1879 he became Administrator of Griqualand West. The town Warranton in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa is named after him. In 1882 the Admiralty sent him to Sinai to discover what had happened to Professor Edward Palmer's archaeological expedition. He discovered the members had been robbed and murdered, located their remains and brought their killers to justice. For this he was created a Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1883 , also Knight of Justice of the Order of St John of Jerusalem and in 1884 elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. In 1884 Warren was sent as HM Special Commissioner to command a military expedition to Bechuanaland, to assert British sovereignty in the face of encroachments from Germany and the Transvaal and to suppress the Boer freebooter states of Stellaland and Goshen, which were backed by the Transvaal and were stealing land and cattle from the local Tswana tribes. This became known as the Warren Expedition and achieved its aims without bloodshed. Warren was recalled and in 1885 was made Knight Grand Cross ofthe Order of St Michael and St George. In 1885 Warren stood for election for Parliament but lost the vote. In 1886 he was appointed Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis following Sir Edmund Henderson's resignation. Criticised continually for his decisions and actions he resigned in November 1888. Prior to this time he was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath, January 1888. On the outbreak of the Boer War in 1899 he returned to service and commanded the 5th Division of the South African Field Force. In January 1990, Warren bungled the second attempted relief of Ladysmith at Tugela River. At the Battle of Spion Kop, January 1990 he had operational command and his failure of judgement, delay and indecision despite his superior forces culminated in the disaster. It has been said that Warren was "perhaps the worst" of the British generals in the Boer War and certainly the most "preposterous". Redvers Buller in a letter to his wife described him as "a duffer", responsible for him losing him "a great chance". Warren was recalled to Britain in August 1900 and never again commanded troops in the field. Individual image from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.holy land, sir charles warren, british royal engineers, archaeologist, british south africa, london metropolitan police, jack the ripper, colonial office, commissioner, griqualand west, orange free state, companion of the order of st michael and st george, bechuanaland, northern border expedition, warrenton, sinai, professor edward palmer, knight commander of the order of st michael and st george, knight of justice of the order of st johnof jerusalem, fellow of the royal society, knight grand cross of the order of st michael and st george, boer war, redvers buller, knight commander of the order of the bath

Gwyneth "Gwen" Goedecke collectionHiroshima|Historical articles, Hiroshima Day Speech (Rally 2007) Melbourne|Campaign for International Co-operation & Disarmament (CICD) - 40 years on - Commemoration (1985) |Nuclear Disarmament - People for Nuclear Disarmament (PND) including the Footscray Sunshine PND group|signed petition World Disarmament Campaign (1982) sponsored by the UN Association of Australia|Scottish Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (post 2007) - Why the US is targeting Russia and Iran ...... Nuclear Primacy|publication of the Medical Association for Prevention of War (Australia) 2007 titled ' Understanding the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty'|Australian Nuclear Free Zones Secretariat including minutes and correspondence - Sunshine Council|Non- Proliferation Legislation Amendment Bill 2003 (Australia) Uranium Mining - protest groups meetings, rally notices, newspaper articles, Atomic Energy in Australia magazines Volume 18, number 4 |Campaign for International Co-Operation and Disarmament (CICD) - Australia's longest runing peace movement, founded in 1959 by unionists, church leaders and peace activists (originally called World Congress for Disarmament and International Co-Operation) |United Nations - Australia and the United Nations Annual Report Card (2007) - report by Gwen Goedecke (1995) - 50th Anniversary Conference : The United Nations - Between Sovereignty and Global Governance - (La Trobe University)|UNITY - newsletters, publications of the UN Association of Australia -#274 (September 2001) AND #331 (March 2003) -compiled from Federal Parliamentary and other sources relevant to Australia's obligations to the UN | Arms Race/Spending: Newspaper clippings '70s to 2008 Senate Motion on National Missile Defence (200?) Submission re Australian involvement in Missile Defence dated? Defence White Paper Community Consultation Process and correspondence (July to September 2008) Exposing the Bare Essentials Behind the Arms Trade: Connecting Women's Rights & The Peace Process - by Yum Lee, Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (1995) Various articles on arms/disarmaments/national security/defence spending including Senate Questions (1994 &1995) Australian Controls on the Export of Defence & Related Goods - Guidelines for Exporters - Department of Defence (1992) World Action to Stop the Deadly Arms Race - report isssued by Alf Watt for the Australian Socialist Group NSW (post 1975) Anti US/Foreign bases in Australia - '80s to 2000 Anti US bases in Australia and the Paciic including PINE GAP newspaper - Oceania (1986) |East Timor Article by Vera Butler (PHD, Political Science, Uni of Melbourne) on Australia, East Timor and The Clinton Doctrine - September 1999 |Middle East List of UN Resolutions against Israel (1955-1992) Map of Middle East Theatre of War, from the Centre for Research on Globilisation, Canada (2003) Brief - Middle East highlights (1973) by Israel Press Ltd., Tel Aviv |Iraq War (1998-2004 Newspaper arlticles Flyers protesting the war, rally notices Reports, emails, correspondence, media releases, petitions, newsletters Socialist Worker pamphlet - 'Is the UN an alternative to the US Empire?' Report by Dr Carmen Laswrence MP - 'What War?' (April 2003) A.N.S.W.E.R Coalition response to President Bush's National TV address of September 7, 2003 |Peace andTerror World Peace Council Presidential Committee meeting, Stockholm (1975) (2 reports) 'Challenging the Cold War' - an analysis of the motivation and strategies of the Victorian Peace Council in the 1950's, by Nancy Florence Phillips B.A. (Oct 1986) Palm Sunday Peace Rally & Festival poster (1988) Media Report (2003 'Managing Terror in the Media', together with Gwen's notespeace

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The Sanctuary of the Blessed Virgin of the Coast is located in the picturesque municipality of San Giovanni Bianco, is a fascinating example of a subsidiary church immersed in the greenery of the mountains. Its privileged location, at an altitude offering breathtaking views, has made this place an important point of reference for the local community since its founding. The church, characterized by a simple yet elegant architectural style, features a façade that exudes serenity and welcome, inviting visitors to discover its history and significance. The feast of the Blessed Virgin of the Coast is celebrated every year on 15 August, becoming a moment of joy and sharing for the community. True Image of the Blessed Virgin venerated in the Church of the Costa of St. Gall One black and white holy card shows an artwork of the Blessed Virgin, St. Joseph, and the Magi and is venerated in the Church of the Costa of S. Gallo. The history of the sanctuary has its roots in an extraordinary event that occurred on 04 April 1492. A sacred image depicting the Virgin Mary, kept in the home of Caterina Lupis, was the scene of a miracle: tears of blood flowed from the painting. This event, interpreted as a divine sign, stirred great emotion and devotion in the local community. After a series of miraculous events, the Madonna herself expressed the desire to build a sanctuary in her honor, in a specific place: the coast overlooking the town and the hamlets of San Giovanni. Construction of the sanctuary began in 1492, marking the beginning of a story of faith and devotion that continues to this day. S. Antonio Abate, or St Anthony the Abbot Anthony the Abbot, Saint Anthony the Great, Saint Anthony of Egypt, Saint Anthony of the Fire, Saint Anthony of the Desert and Saint Anthony the Anchorite , ( Qumans , 12 January 251 – Thebaid Desert , 17 January 356 ) was an Egyptian abbot and hermit. A contemporary of Paul of Thebes, he is considered the founder of Christian monasticism and the first of the abbots; he is responsible for the permanent establishment of families of monks who, under the guidance of a spiritual father, abba, consecrated themselves to the service of God. His life has been handed down by his disciple Athanasius of Alexandria. He is one of the four Fathers of the Eastern Church who bear the title of "Great" together with Athanasius himself, Basil and Photius of Constantinople. He is remembered in the Calendar of Saints of the Catholic Church and the Lutheran Church on January 17, but the Coptic Orthodox Church celebrates him on January 31, which corresponds, in its calendar, to the 22nd of the month of Tobit . St Catherine of Alexandra was a martyr. T he emperor angrily ordered her to be executed on a breaking wheel. The breaking wheel is an ancient form of torture where a person's limbs are threaded among the spokes and their bones are shattered by an executioner with a heavy rod. It is a brutal punishment that results in a slow and painful death, normally reserved for the worst criminals. When Catherine was presented before the wheel, she touched it and a miracle occurred that caused the wheel to shatter. Unable to torture her to death, the emperor simply ordered her beheaded. Around the year 800, a legend spread that her body has been found with her hair still growing and a constant stream of oil coming from her body. Nothing exists to this day of her remains, and her very existence has been called into question. Despite these questions, and the possibility that her story may be confused with that of one or more other saints, she is still venerated in the Eastern Orthodox Church as a Martyr. Many Roman Catholics also venerate her to this day as one of the great virgin saints of the early Church. During the medieval period, St. Catherine was one of the most famous saints of the Church. She has was a popular subject in renaissance art and many paintings from the period are dedicated to her. St. Henry, son of Henry, Duke of Bavaria, and of Gisella, daughter of Conrad, King of Burgundy, was born in 972. He received an excellent education under the care of St. Wolfgang, Bishop of Ratisbon. In 995, St. Henry succeeded his father as Duke of Bavaria, and in 1002, upon the death of his cousin, Otho III, he was elected emperor. Firmly anchored upon the great eternal truths, which the practice of meditation kept alive in his heart, he was not elated by this dignity and sought in all things, the greater glory of God. He was most watchful over the welfare of the Church and exerted his zeal for the maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline through the instrumentality of the Bishops. He gained several victories over his enemies, both at home and abroad, but he used these with great moderation and clemency. In 1014, he went to Rome and received the imperial crown at the hands of Pope Benedict VIII. On that occasion he confirmed the donation, made by his predecessors to the Pope, of the sovereignty of Rome and the exarchate of Ravenna. Circumstances several times drove the holy Emperor into war, from which he always came forth victorious. He led an army to the south of Italy against the Saracens and their allies, the Greeks, and drove them from the country. The humility and spirit of justice of the Saint were equal to his zeal for religion. He cast himself at the feet of Herebert, Bishop of Cologne, and begged his pardon for having treated him with coldness, on account of a misunderstanding. He wished to abdicate and retire into a monastery, but yielded to the advice of the Abbot of Verdun, and retained his dignity. Both he and his wife, St. Cunegundes, lived in perpetual chastity, to which they had bound themselves by vow. The Saint made numerous pious foundations, gave liberally to pious institutions and built the Cathedral of Bamberg. His holy death occurred at the castle of Grone, near Halberstad, in 1024. His feast day is July 13th. He is the patron saint of the childless, of Dukes, of the handicapped and those rejected by Religious Order. What we know of St. Elizabeth comes from the Gospel, the book of Luke, in particular. In Luke, Elizabeth, a daughter of the line of Aaron, and the wife of Zechariah, was "righteous before God" and was "blameless" but childless. Elizabeth is also a cousin to the Virgin Mary.What we know of St. Elizabeth comes from the Gospel, the book of Luke, in particular. In Luke, Elizabeth, a daughter of the line of Aaron, and the wife of Zechariah, was "righteous before God" and was "blameless" but childless. Elizabeth is also a cousin to the Virgin Mary. Five holy cards from San Gallo, Lombardy, Italy, carried by Luigi Gervasoni in a small prayer book that he carried to Australia. Two of the Holy Cards are hand coloured, and one mentions the Church were he was baptised, The Chiesa della Costa di S. Gallo. caterina lupis, san gallo, luigi gervasoni, italy, saint elizabeth, san giovanni bianco, chiesa di costa san giovanni bianco, holy family, saint anthony the abbot, st catherine

This hardcover book, The logbooks of the 'Lady Nelson' : with the journal of her first commander, Lieutenant James Grant, R.N., by Ida Lee (Mrs Charles Bruce Marriott) was published over 100 years after the Lady Nelson arrived in Australia to navigate and survey this ‘new colony’. Included in the book are sixteen charts and illustrations from the originals in the Admiralty Library, showing the surveyed land and water. The transcribed Contents, below, summarise the trips of the Lady Nelson during this time. Book’s Content PLUS text of the Chart of ‘Part of Bass Strait’ - Chapter 1: The Lady Nelson built with centreboards. Her voyage to Sydney under James Grant. The first ship to pass through Bass Strait. - Chapter 2: Returns to explore the Strait. Her visits to Jervis Bay and to Western Port in 1801 - Chapter 3: Colonel Paterson and Lieutenant Grant survey Hunter River - Chapter 4: Murray appointed commander of the Lady Nelson. His voyage to Norfolk Island. - Chapter 5: Murray’s exploration of Bass Strait. - Chapter 6: Discovery of Port Phillip. - Chapter 7: The Lady Nelson in company with HMS Investigator examines the North-Eastern shores of Australia. - Chapter 8: The French ships in Bass Strait. The founding of Hobart. - Chapter 9: Symons succeeds Curtoys as commander of the Lady Nelson. His voyages to Tasmania, Port Phillip and New Zealand. - Chapter 10: The Lady Nelson in Tasmania. The founding of Port Dalrymple. - Chapter 11: The Estramina is brought to Sydney. The Lady Nelson visits Norfolk Island and Port Dalrymple. - Chapter 12: Tippahee and his four sons are conveyed to New Zealand in the Lady Nelson. - Chapter 13: The Lady Nelson accompanies HMS Tamar to Melville Island. - Chapter 14: The loss of the Lady Nelson Text included with the ‘Chart of Bass Strait’ … “Part of Bass Strait, including the discoveries made by Acting Lieut. J. Murray, commander of His Majesty’s armed surveying vessel Lady Nelson, between November 1801 and March 1802. By command of His Excellency Governor King.” “This chart, which bears Murray’s autograph, shows his explorations of Western Port, Port Phillip and King Island. It should be noted that Flinders Island is named Grand Capuchin. This is one of the charts referred to as "unfortunately missing” in the Historical Records of N.S. Wales, vol. iv. P. 764” The story of the Lady Nelson In 1798 the British Admiralty ordered a cutter of 60 tons to be built along the design of the armed cutter Trial that was developed by Captain John Schanck, with three sliding keels or centreboards that could be individually raised and lowered, for use on the River Thames. The new cutter was to be named Lady Nelson. Philip Gidley King, prior to taking up his appointment as third Governor of the colony of New South Wales, was in England at the time of the Lady Nelson’s fit-out and was aware of the need for such a ship for survey work in the colony in New South Wales. He convinced Captain Schanck, the Commissioner of Transport in England, to construct and rig the Lady Nelson as a brig rather than a cutter, keeping the feature of the three sliding keels, which would be very useful for mapping in shallow waters. The new Lady Nelson was launched at Deptford, England on the River Thames in November 1798, with the official commission to discover and survey the unknown parts of the coast of New Holland (Australia) and establish British sovereignty over the continent. The Lady Nelson sailed from Portsmouth, England on March 1800 under the command of Lieutenant James Grant. She carried an armament of two original and four extra brass carronade carriage guns and set sail as part of a convoy heading to Port Jackson, in New South Wales, New Holland. After a while she continued to sail on her own. Her journey was troubled with problems at times; damaged and broken keels, troublesome crew and leaking topsides between the waterline and the deck due to poor seals. She arrived at the Cape of Good Hope in July and waited for the winter to pass to avoid the strong winds of the ‘Roaring Forties’. While at the Cape, Grant received a despatch to travel to Port Jackson via the newly discovered Bass Strait, rather than the usual route via the tip of Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania). This also gave him the opportunity to survey the strait on the way. He departed the Cape in October and in December he made his first sighting of New Holland near Mount Gambier in what is now South Australia. A report by Ecclestone in 2012, ‘The Early Charting of Victoria’s Coastline’, mentions that Grant charted and named Capes Banks and Northumberland, and sighted inland hills that he named Mt Gambier and Mt Schanck, the latter after the designer of his ship. Grant then reached the south-western shores of what is now Victoria on 3-4 December 1800, and from Cape Bridgewater he examined the coast eastward to Cape Patton. Although he had not continuously sighted the coast in the vicinity of Port Fairy and Warrnambool, the western part of Victoria became known as Grant’s Land. The Lady Nelson continued eastward and passed through Bass Strait, becoming the first vessel to reach the east coast of New Holland from the west, and arrived at her destination of Port Jackson later in December 1800. Grant, in the Lady Nelson, then left Port Jackson and began survey work. He discovered Port Phillip on Victoria’s coast and explored King Island, he helped establish the first European settlement in Tasmania on the Derwent River, and Port Dalrymple, Newcastle and Port Macquarie. He made several trips from Norfolk Island to Hobart Town. Governor Macquarie sailed on with him to Van Diemen’s Land for a tour of inspection in 1811. Grant helped establish the first settlement on Melville Island in Northern Australia. The Lady Nelson was used to transport cargo, civilians and convicts and to source pigs from Timor. In February 1825 the Lady Nelson sailed again for Timor and never returned. One report said that “Every soul on board, we regret to state, was cruelly massacred, and the hull of the vessel was seen some time after with the name painted on her stern.” The hull was sighted on the island of Babar, which is almost 200 kilometres east of Timor. This particular copy of the book ... This item is from the ‘Pattison Collection’, a collection of books and records that was originally owned by the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute, which was founded in Warrnambool in 1853. By 1886 the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute (WMI) had grown to have a Library, Museum and Fine Arts Gallery, with a collection of “… choice productions of art, and valuable specimens in almost every branch and many wonderful national curiosities are now to be seen there, including historic relics of the town and district.” It later included a School of Design. Although it was very well patronised, the lack of financial support led the WMI in 1911 to ask the City Council to take it over. In 1935 Ralph Pattison was appointed as City Librarian to establish and organise the Warrnambool Library as it was then called. When the WMI building was pulled down in 1963 a new civic building was erected on the site and the new Warrnambool Library, on behalf of the City Council, took over all the holdings of the WMI. At this time some of the items were separated and identified as the ‘Pattison Collection’, named after Ralph Pattison. Eventually the components of the WMI were distributed from the Warrnambool Library to various places, including the Art Gallery, Historical Society and Flagstaff Hill. Later some were even distributed to other regional branches of Corangamite Regional Library and passed to and fro. It is difficult now to trace just where all of the items have ended up. The books at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village generally display stamps and markings from Pattison as well as a variety of other institutions including the Mechanics’ Institute itself. RALPH ERIC PATTISON Ralph Eric Pattison was born in Rockhampton, Queensland, in 1891. He married Maude Swan from Warrnambool in 1920 and they set up home in Warrnambool. In 1935 Pattison accepted a position as City Librarian for the Warrnambool City Council. His huge challenge was to make a functional library within two rooms of the Mechanics’ Institute. He tirelessly cleaned, cleared and sorted a disarrayed collection of old books, jars of preserved specimens and other items reserved for exhibition in the city’s museum. He developed and updated the library with a wide variety of books for all tastes, including reference books for students; a difficult task to fulfil during the years following the Depression. He converted all of the lower area of the building into a library, reference room and reading room for members and the public. The books were sorted and stored using a cataloguing and card index system that he had developed himself. He also prepared the upper floor of the building and established the Art Gallery and later the Museum, a place to exhibit the many old relics that had been stored for years for this purpose. One of the treasures he found was a beautiful ancient clock, which he repaired, restored and enjoyed using in his office during the years of his service there. Ralph Pattison was described as “a meticulous gentleman whose punctuality, floorless courtesy and distinctive neat dress were hallmarks of his character, and ‘his’ clock controlled his daily routine, and his opening and closing of the library’s large heavy doors to the minute.” Pattison took leave during 1942 to 1945 to serve in the Royal Australian Navy, Volunteer Reserve as Lieutenant. A few years later he converted one of the Museum’s rooms into a Children’s Library, stocking it with suitable books for the younger generation. This was an instant success. In the 1950’s he had the honour of being appointed to the Victorian Library Board and received more inspiration from the monthly conferences in Melbourne. He was sadly retired in 1959 after over 23 years of service, due to the fact that he had gone over the working age of council officers. However he continued to take a very keen interest in the continual development of the Library until his death in 1969 This book about the logbooks of the Lady Nelson is locally significant for its association with the brig Lady Nelson, in which Lt. James Grant made the first documented European discovery of the area later known as Warrnambool in December 1800. This book is also nationally significant for its association with Grant in the Lady Nelson being the first to sail from west to east through Bass Strait, opening up a shorter, faster route to the colony of Port Jackson rather than going all the way south around Van Diemen’s Land. The book is nationally significant for its contents of the logbooks of the journeys of the Lady Nelson under various commanders and the copies of the charts created from the surveyed information and the new land of Australia was discovered. This book is also significant for its association with the full-size non-sailing replica of the Lady Nelson from Mount Gambier’s visitor centre, which was restored by Flagstaff Hill’s Master Boat Builder in Warrnambool in 2012, and with a ship mode of the Lady Nelson in our Collection The Pattison Collection, along with other items at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, was originally part of the Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s collection. The Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute Collection is primarily significant in its totality, rather than for the individual objects it contains. Its contents are highly representative of the development of Mechanics' Institute libraries across Australia, particularly Victoria. A diversity of publications and themes has been amassed, and these provide clues to our understanding of the nature of and changes in the reading habits of Victorians from the 1850s to the middle of the 20th century. The collection also highlights the Warrnambool community’s commitment to the Mechanics’ Institute, reading, literacy and learning in the regions, and proves that access to knowledge was not impeded by distance. These items help to provide a more complete picture of our community’s ideals and aspirations. The Warrnambool Mechanics Institute book collection has historical and social significance for its strong association with the Mechanics Institute movement and the important role it played in the intellectual, cultural and social development of people throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. The collection of books is a rare example of an early lending library and its significance is enhanced by the survival of an original collection of many volumes. The Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s publication collection is of both local and state significance. The Logbooks of The Lady Nelson Author: Ida Lee ( Mrs Charles Bruce Marriott) Publisher: Grafton & Co Date: 1915Label on spine with typed text RA 910.994 LEE Inside front cover has a sticker that reads Warrnambool Mechanics Institute and Free Library shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, warrnambool, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, shipwrecked-artefact, book, warrnambool library, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, warrnambool city librarian, mechanics’ institute library, victorian library board, warrnambool books and records, warrnambool children’s library, great ocean road, the logbooks of the lady nelson, ida lee, mrs charles bruce marriott, captain john schanck, sliding keels or centreboards, lady nelson, british brig hms lady nelson, lieutennant james grant, bass strait discovery, surveying king island and port phillip bay, philip gidley king, survey map

Published: The Age, Sat 14 October 1933 Published title: A Royal Portrait Published caption: "Seen at his studio, Alphington, Mr. W. B. Mclnnes's portrait of the Duke of York, which he painted recently on commission from the trustees of the Castlemaine Gallery, at St. John’s Wood, London, impresses as a vital record of one whose natural habitat is a palace, and whose place in life is one of near relationship to the throne of England. The Duke is painted in the uniform of the admiral of the fleet, a highly ornate vesture entailing much elaboration of gold and numerous medals, in dealing with which the artist has not failed to centre his attention on the head, and has succeeded in producing what is undoubtedly a soundly painted portrait and a good likeness. During the five fittings Mr. Mclnnes, apart from the ordinary social amenities, found his Royal sitter little inclined to talk, though he spoke feelingly of his trip to Australia and the pleasure it had given him: but with the Duchess the tendency to be sociable was much more clearly pronounced. She took, and expressed, a keen interest in the social and political matters of the day with a special concern for the supremacy of England and Australia in all questions relating to sport, such as cricket, tennis and golf. She spoke well of her portrait painted by Quinn, and regretted that she would not see the two hung side by side at the Castlemaine Gallery." Description: An unframed painting of a standing, middle-aged man dressed in the uniform of a Royal Navy admiral of the Fleet with medals, sash, ornate belt, cuffs and epaulettes. His left hand rests on the handle of a sword in its scabbard and his bicorn hat and white gloves are on a table beside him. To his right is a globe of the world showing Australia. Research by project volunteer, Fiona Collyer: In 1933, Castlemaine Art Gallery trustees commissioned artist W.B. McInnes (1889-1939) to paint a portrait of Prince Albert, Duke of York as a companion piece to the portrait of his wife, the Duchess of York, that the gallery had commissioned Australian official war artist James Quinn (1869-1951) to paint in 1930. During the First World War, the Duchess’s childhood home, Glamis Castle in Scotland was used as a makeshift military hospital and convalescence home for wounded soldiers. Many servicemen from the Castlemaine area recuperated there and had fond memories of the kindness of the teenage Lady Elizabeth Bowes-Lyon (1900-2002, later Duchess of York) who spent the war years running errands and aiding in the welfare and morale of the patients. In 1927, the Duke and Duchess of York (later King George VI and Queen Elizabeth) came to Australia to formally open the newly built Parliament House in Canberra and to tour the country. While visiting Victoria in April, they embarked on a whistle-stop train journey to Bendigo, stopping at Kyneton for ten minutes and Castlemaine for 15 minutes. At Kyneton, an excited crowd of 10,000 people welcomed the couple with “three cheers and three cheers for Baby Betty” before the Duchess was presented with a bouquet of locally grown roses and the Duke a bound album of photographs of noted beauty spots of the district. Next the Royal Couple stopped at Castlemaine to the cheers of 15,000 people. There the couple were presented with a basket of prime quality Harcourt apples and a pair of cot blankets, manufactured at Castlemaine Woollen Mills, a birthday gift for baby Princess Betty. The Duchess recognised Colonel W.E. James, of the Seventh Battalion, who had convalesced at Glamis Castle in 1917, and they chatted before the train departed, while the Duke shook hands with returned soldiers. Last stop was the town of Bendigo which was colourfully decorated with bunting and flags, arches and flowers. 3000 pigeons were released on their arrival and the liberated birds circled overhead for several minutes as if to welcome the Royal Couple. A crowd of 50,000 cheering people lined the streets in bright sunshine as the couple drove by. From an arch over Hargreaves Street, pretty girls showered the pair with rose petals. The Duke was presented with a gold nugget and an album, handsomely bound in morocco, of a history of the Bendigo mining industry, while the Duchess received a bouquet of prize winning white chrysanthemums. After 75 minutes in Bendigo they journeyed back to Melbourne for a State reception. While the couple were in Melbourne, the Duke often played lawn tennis at the Government House courts with three times Grand Slam champion Norman Brookes, who declared that while he considered the Duke a second class player whose serve lacked sting, he had a fine backhand and with time and practice he could become a first class player. The federal Parliament had previously been situated in Melbourne, but Canberra was chosen as the location for Australia’s capital as a compromise between fierce rival states, Victoria and NSW. It is written in the Constitution that the federal capital would be in “the State of NSW... distant not less than one hundred miles from Sydney.” The word Canberra is thought to derive from the local Ngunnawal word “Kanbarra” meaning “meeting place”. The Provisional Parliament House was a large, white, three storey building facetiously dubbed “The Wedding Cake”, plonked down in a bare, former sheep paddock. It was decorated for the event with Union Jacks and Australian red ensign flags. On 9 May, the day of the opening, the expectant crowd assembled in front of the building. Only two of the spectators were Aboriginal. One was Jimmy Clements (1847-1927, aka Nangar or Yangar, but popularly known as “King Billy”), accompanied by his three dogs. (The title “King” or “Queen” was often given by white settlers to Aborigines who were seen as allies and could maintain good relations between First Nations groups and the colonists. Some were given inscribed brass breastplates or gorgets to wear.) Jimmy was an excellent horse breaker and expert tracker for the police. He was also the nephew of “Queen” Nellie Hamilton (1842-1897) of the Canberra-Queanbeyan region, home of the Ngambri and Ngunnawal people. Nellie was the oldest surviving full-blooded Aboriginal woman in the district. The other was George John Noble (1840s-1928, aka Ooloogan, also “Marvellous” due to his regular use of the word). Both were initiated Wiradjuri walamira elders: “clever men” believed to have the ability to heal physical and spiritual ailments. They were also travelling showmen, skilled at boomerang and spear throwing and often performed at country agricultural shows and football matches. They had walked barefoot for three days from the Brungle Mission, near Gundagai. 11 May 1927, The Argus reported that “King Billy... claims sovereign rights to the Federal Territory” which the National Archives of Australia describes as “possibly the first recorded instance of Aboriginal protest at Parliament House in Canberra.” 10 May 1927, The Argus reported on Jimmy Clements: “During the wait great interest was taken in the appearance near the east stand of an aborigine, a member of the Gundagai tribe, and a well known character in the district. He was very old and grey and ruggedly picturesque. He was determined to go his own way in spite of the arguments of two inspectors and one sergeant of police. Immediately and instinctively the crowd in the stands rallied to his side. There were choruses of advice and encouragement for him to do as he pleased. A well-known clergyman stood up and called out that the aborigine had a better right than any man present to a place on the steps of the House of Parliament and in the Senate during the ceremony. The old man’s persistence and the sympathy of the crowd won him an excellent position and also a shower of small change that must have amounted to 30/ or 40/ [shillings].” At 10.30 am, Australia’s eighth Prime Minister, Mr Stanley Bruce (1923-1929) welcomed the Royal couple onto the crimson carpeted portico. Unfortunately, Dame Nellie Melba’s rendition of “God Save the King” and the greater part of the Duke’s reply was drowned out by the roar of squadrons of aeroplanes circling overhead. A brief religious service followed, conducted by leaders of the Methodist, Presbyterian and Anglican churches. Interestingly, there was no Roman Catholic representation at the ceremony even though around one quarter of Australians were Catholic at the time. The Duke unlocked the front doors with a golden key, then unveiled a statue of his father King George V by sculptor Sir Bertram Mackennal in the King’s Hall. Then the official party, Senators, members of the House of Representatives and invited guests entered the Senate chamber where the Duke read a message from the King, establishing Canberra as the seat of the Federal Government, watched on by Australia’s elite. The conclusion of the ceremony was announced by a gay fanfare of trumpets from the entrance of Parliament House and a 21 gun salute and answered by cheers from the crowd. The dignitaries then feasted on a luncheon of turtle soup, poached schnapper, fillets of beef, roast chicken and ham, straw potatoes, green peas, Canberra Pudding (a pudding made with dripping, dried fruit and jam), fruit, ices, coffee and cheese. They toasted the King with non-alcoholic fruit punch as the Federal Capital Territory (later ACT) was a “dry” area and no speeches were made. The diary entry that day of Ethel Baird, Lady Stonehaven, the wife of the Governor-General, is brief and to the point: “To P.H. & waited for Yorks. Ceremony went off without a hitch. Ghastly Banquet Lunch.” Later that day, the Duke mounted a coal black mare, police horse Number 303 which had been hastily re-named “Black Bess” for the occasion, to receive the final salute from the assembled troops and returned soldiers dressed in mufti. The RAAF squadron were flying overhead in “V” formations when suddenly, one of the planes, piloted by Flying Officer Francis Charles Ewen, left the formation, nose-diving 900 metres from Parliament House and landing behind the Y.W.C.A. refreshment marquee. Francis, aged only 28, tragically died of his wounds later that day. The Federal Capital Commission contracted Sargent’s Pies of Sydney to supply 5000 meals for the event. They supplied pies, sausage rolls, scones and sandwiches with the agreed price of 3 shillings a head. Only 1200 meals were served and the uneaten remainder dumped, with the Commission bearing the cost of the unsold food. An estimated crowd of 20,000 attended the opening, far fewer than the expected 100,000. Many visitors travelled long distances, bringing their own hampers of food and camping in tents as there was very limited accommodation available. Thousands of people around Australia listened to the ceremony broadcast on the wireless, with receiving sets installed in schools, public halls and workplaces and it was also filmed for posterity. The next morning, the Royal couple, along with Prime Minister Bruce and Mrs Bruce held an informal public reception on the steps of Parliament House where early settlers, residents and visitors to Canberra filed past them. The Press widely reported Jimmy Clements’ encounter with the Duke and Duchess. The Sun-Pictorial reported 11 May 1927: "MET THE DUKE. ABORIGINE KING HE APPROVED Sugarbag: Sports Suit. John Clements, otherwise King Billy, a full blooded aborigine king, aged 86, was among the 2000 who filed past the Duke and the Duchess at the public reception at Canberra to day. “How you likem Duke and Duchess Billy?” he was asked afterwards. “I think they are both very nice.” he replied in good English. King Billy was a very bedraggled figure, with tangled locks and a beard which almost hid his wrinkled and black face. He wore an old sports suit and carried a sugarbag. Passing the Duke and Duchess he turned full towards them. The crowd cheered, and the Duke and Duchess smiled. The Duke was particularly amused.” The Canberra Times reported 13 May 1927: "A REAL AUSTRALIAN. A quaint but pathetic figure stood in broad relief in the queue of ranks at the reception. Where his dusky forbears have gathered in native ceremonial for centuries past, a lone representative of a fast vanishing race saluted visiting Royalty. Despite the grotesque garb and untamed mane the aborigine comported himself not without dignity. With his three faithful dogs, he made an immediate target for a battery of cameras.” "The Argus reported 11 May 1927: "...an ancient aborigine who calls himself King Billy and who claims sovereign rights to the federal Territory walked slowly forward alone and saluted the Duke and Duchess. They cheerily acknowledged his greeting. The old aborigine, with his long, matted beard and nondescript clothing, is a popular identity of Canberra, and must be one of the most extraordinary figures who has received a Royal salute.” The Sun (Sydney) reported 10 May 1927: “Suddenly, in the midst of the forest of green and white colored hats of women, appeared a head with a shaggy leonine mane and a patriarchal beard. Jacky, the aboriginal, an identity of the district, who is also known as the King of Canberra, had arrived to testify to his loyalty. He saluted the Duke with an excellent dash, and shambled past with his faithful sheep dog aide-de-camp at his heels. The Duke and Duchess were highly amused at this quaint figure moving along with a sort of bodyguard of shrieking young boys and girls.” The Sydney Morning Herald 11 May 1927 mistook Jimmy for his friend “Marvellous”: “...the appearance of an aged aboriginal widely known in the district as “Marvellous, the uncrowned king of Queanbeyan." His beaming black countenance was almost hidden beneath a shock of hair and beard. Bare-footed and carrying a sugar bag in one hand and a tiny Australian flag in the other, he at first mistook a policeman at the foot of the steps for the Duke. To his great embarrassment and to the vast amusement of the onlookers, the policeman became the object of a hearty salutation. However, "Marvellous" was quickly shepherded back to a position in the procession and as he passed along brought his hand up to an approved military salute for the benefit of their Royal Highnesses. The Duke returned it with a special wave.” The Labor Daily 11 May 1927 irreverently reported on the scene: "People March Past. Some 400 people, old identities of Canberra marched past. They were mostly aged ladies with memories faithfully preserving the traditions of other days and curtsied reverently. The younger generations, who speedily joined the procession, behaved differently however. Surely it was the most motley collection that ever passed before Royalty. Men without collars jostled others well dressed. Fat women, young women, children of all heights and ages were there. The oldest inhabitants, in the persons of the abo, "Marbly", and his companion were present. The poor old fellows evidently were keen to get closer to the Duke than the procession dared go, but they were overawed by the stern glances of military men.” The Canberra Times reported 13 May 1927: "...and towards the end of the procession, a full-blooded aboriginal, bareheaded and barefooted, and carrying an old swag on his back, made a picturesque figure as he several times saluted the Royal couple, his old eyes beaming inexpressible delight.” The Register reported 11 May 1927: "PUBLIC MARCH PAST. Old “Jacky”, an aboriginal identity of the district, who has been following the proceedings of the various ceremonies with apparently great interest, appeared in the march past. He halted in front of the steps and raised his hand to his shaggy grey locks in an attempt at a salute. Smiling, the Duke returned the salute, and the Duchess bestowed a charming smile on the figure of mingled pathos and comedy.” Tweed Daily reported 12 May 1927: “King Billy” WAS THERE. Appropriately enough, the inevitable “King Billy” with his refreshing impression of possum and gum-leaves, was present at the dedication of the Federal capital at Canberra. Bare-footed, in a dingy old suit and battered felt hat, he wandered on to the empty stand after the illustrious assemblage had passed into Parliament House. A desolate figure in all that he stood for, he proved, an amiable representative of the dispossessed race. He cheerfully waved a Union Jack for the camera man, and grinned into the very eye of a movie man’s camera without flinching.” Footage of Jimmy filmed that day features in the film “The Birth Of White Australia” produced in 1928 and shows him enthusiastically waving a small Union Jack flag in front of Parliament House with his three dogs at his feet. The caption reads " "King Billy" calls for cheers for the son of the great white King across the seas. “Mine tinkit that pfellers father budgeree King liket me” supposedly says Jimmy." Jimmy told the Daily Telegraph, 13 May 1927 “I have opened your Parliament House on my own ground, now you can go and look at it." Jimmy died on 28 August 1927, aged 80. The Herald newspaper on 30 August 1927, published an illustration depicting Jimmy’s dog standing on his grave, his customary chimney pot hat leaning on his headstone. The caption reads: “The Dead King — His Only Mourner. Drawn by Will Dyson (King Billy, last of the Canberra aborigines, lived just long enough to see the Duke of York open Australia’s capital on the site where his tribe once roamed. He died in the Queanbeyan Hospital yesterday morning.)” A letter published in the Sydney Morning Herald, 19 September 1927 reported: "Old King Billy... Sir, ...I would like to mention... the passing away of one, if not the last remaining aboriginal chieftains. He may be called “Old King Billy,” and his death occurred here in Queanbeyan a few weeks ago. The removal of this well-known black has left another big gap in all that remains distinctively Australian in character. He was one of the last remaining tribe of the Monaro district, and one of the most predominant personalities throughout the Commonwealth. ...he had lived through 80 years all told. He was on many occasions sought by artists for his splendid physique and personality as a model, and many a journey he has had to make to Sydney on that account. A more striking and pronounced type could not be found. ...A very fine cast in lifelike form is to be seen in the Australian Museum, Sydney ...his last important appearance in public was at the Commonwealth celebrations at Canberra, to which territory he partly belonged. ...we have no aborigine statue chiselled to the memory of their race, a more fitting and lasting memorial could not be undertaken than to have one modelled from this fine figure and erected to the memory of his race at Canberra... It would be a fitting adornment if planted with the Australian gumtrees for any avenue or garden. [King Billy] ...a very intelligent fellow, responding readily to kindness and common sense. Hoping yet to see a befitting testimonial and a lasting memorial to a race that is rapidly and I may say, unfortunately, disappearing, I am etc., SYDNEY R.OAKLEY, Queanbeyan." The “lifelike form” referred to by the correspondent was a sculpture that Jimmy Clements had posed for: “The Wunderlich Aboriginal Group” for The Australian Museum in Sydney. In 1925, Mr Ernest Wunderlich, director of Wunderlich Limited, manufacturer of building materials and President of the Board of Trustees at The Australian Museum, commissioned renowned sculptor George Rayner Hoff (sculptor of the Anzac Memorial in Hyde Park, Sydney, National War Memorial in Adelaide, and “Lion” the original Holden Motor Company car emblem) to sculpt a life sized Aboriginal family group diorama as a gift to the Museum. There was much concern at this time that the Aboriginal population and especially the “full blooded” were fading into oblivion so fast that they may soon become extinct. Three “full blooded” Aborigines were chosen for models. An article in The Australian Museum magazine, July/September 1926 about The Wunderlich Aboriginal Group explained “...it will not be many years before the aborigine, in New South Wales and Victoria at least, will be an entity of the past. Every year sees a shrinkage in their number, and the coastal tribes that once roamed the Sydney district are, unfortunately, no longer with us. ...the man, who is hurling a boomerang, is Yangar, or “Jimmy Clements,” son of Gayan-Bleuet-Galoom, the late “King of Orange,” western New South Wales. “Jimmy” is an old man, but well preserved. He has a very retentive memory and recollects the various tribal customs and initiation ceremonies, but regarding these he is extremely reticent and will not communicate his “honoured secrets.” The female figure is “Nellie Walker,” a daughter of Geri-Bungel, and a native of Bombala, Monaro district, southern New South Wales. The boy is Harold Marsh, aged nine years, who was born at Kinchela, Macleay River, northern New South Wales. He is now living at the Brewarrina settlement... In the selection of aborigines great care had to be taken to ensure that the individuals were pure bloods, and to the Aborigines’ Protection Board and the Police Department of this State thanks are due for the valuable assistance rendered by them.” Ngarigo woman, Nellie Bungil Walker (1867-1932) had five children, two died as babies and her remaining children were taken from her. She worked as a domestic and was living at La Perouse Aboriginal Community, Sydney at the time of her sculpture’s creation. In the years after the sculpture was made, Nellie and Rayner remained friends. Yaegl boy Harold “Harry” Marsh was from the Kinchela Aboriginal Training Home for boys near Kempsey, (1924-1970), an agricultural training institution under the jurisdiction of the Aboriginal Protection Board to house Aboriginal boys forcibly removed from their families “in the interest of the moral or physical welfare” of the boys. The boys at Kinchela were aged 5-15 years old and referred to as numbers, not names and any connection to Aboriginal culture or language was forbidden. Brutal and cruel physical punishment and sexual assaults were rampant. Survivors recall being flogged and chained naked to a huge Morton Bay fig tree overnight or “sent down the line” where every boy was ordered to punch the “wrong doer” as hard as possible for fear that they would be next. The Kinchela children are acknowledged as part of the Stolen Generation. In 1925, Rayner Hoff created a terracotta bust “Harry Marsh” which is in the collection of the Art Gallery of New South Wales. The figures of the trio were modelled in clay before being cast in plaster and hand-coloured by Museum artist Miss Ethel A. King. The finished figures were completed with wigs and fur pelts and with Jimmy hurling a boomerang and Nellie holding a dilly-bag. They were placed in a glass cabinet in the Australian Ethnology Gallery. The subjects were not named. The Sydney Morning Herald 1 July 1926 critiqued the sculptures. "A GROUP OF STATUARY. MUSEUM’S ACQUISITION. Artistically the group is very fine, for the sculptor has caught his subjects in attitudes that reveal all the stalwart athletic lines of their bodies... The man, who is depicted as about 60 years of age, is bearded, immense, and savagely primitive-is throwing a boomerang, and beside him a boy, aged about 11 years is following beneath a shading hand, the flight of birds at which the hunter aims. Behind them, patient, obedient, stand(s) the woman waiting with her dilly bag to gather the spoils.” In 1996, Nellie’s daughter, Victoria Kempsey née Walker, happened to visit The Australian Museum and saw the sculpture of her mother, displayed semi-naked in a glass cabinet, alongside glass cabinets of taxidermied animals. She had last seen her mother 62 years previously when Nellie was dying from tuberculosis. Greatly distressed, Victoria wrote to the Museum requesting that they remove the sculpture, which they did. In 2023, a documentary was produced called “Her Name Is Nanny Nellie” which follows the journey of Nellie Walker’s great-granddaughter Auntie Irene Ridgeway discovering Nellie’s story, honouring her life and restoring her sculpture. Irene told Refinery29 Australia that “It was about reclaiming her life, reclaiming her history and who she really was as a real person. She was not a naked and unnamed lady standing in a museum. It's giving them back their families, they weren't just there to be looked at as flora and fauna or as 'natives'." The documentary was written and directed by Irene’s son Daniel King and premiered at the 2023 Adelaide Film Festival and broadcast on NITV. The restored sculpture of Nellie, dressed in 1920s style clothing was displayed at The Australian Museum, Sydney in The Bayala Nura Gallery in 2023. Irene wanted Nellie to be depicted in the way she actually was when she posed for the sculpture in 1925. The other two sculptures were not displayed due to ongoing conversations with family members and the fragility of the sculptures. It is anticipated that they may be displayed in the future. Melbourne born William Beckwith (Bill) McInnes (1889-1939) studied drawing at National Gallery School in Melbourne from the age of 14 under the tuition of artist Frederick McCubbin before succeeding his former teacher as Master of Drawing at the School from 1916-1934. He was acting Director of the NGV and Head of the National Gallery School from 1934. In 1927, Bill and official war artist H. Septimus Power were commissioned to paint the opening of the new federal Parliament House in Canberra. Septimus painted the general scene of the arrival of the Royal entourage in front of Parliament House, while Bill depicted the ceremony inside the Senate chamber. Bill was widely acclaimed for his landscapes and lauded as the heir to great Australian landscape artist Arthur Streeton. He won the Archibald Prize seven times (including the inaugural, a portrait of architect Desbrowe Annear) which made him a highly sought after portrait painter and he earned kudos for his commission to paint the Duke of York. During the breaks in painting the portrait, the pair chatted and Bill was surprised by the Duke’s wide knowledge of Australian affairs. The Duke was particularly interested to hear how the rabbit crisis was being handled. Bill’s work is held in major Australian galleries including the NGV, which has 12 of his paintings in their collection. Bill was married to fellow artist Violet McInnes and they lived at “The Poplars” in Alphington with their six children. Violet painted still life of flowers and portraits. In 1941, she entered her portrait of fellow artist Sybil Craig into the Archibald Prize and in 1945 Violet was appointed an official war artist. Defending his traditional style Bill said “...we in Australia have not been bitten by Cubism or Futurism or other of the “isms”...and I am glad of it”. References: THE DUCHESS OF YORK. (1931, December 7). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 8. Retrieved April 3, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4427568 WAR NURSE (1930, March 11). The Sun (Sydney, NSW : 1910 - 1954), p. 1. Retrieved April 3, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article223714728 The Royal Visit. (1927, April 29). The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), p. 9. Retrieved April 4, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article205813465 Canberra. (1927, April 30). Advocate (Burnie, Tas. : 1890 - 1954), p. 5. Retrieved January 10, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article68233606 Australian Dictionary of Biography, Nangar, https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/nangar-33736 Australian Dictionary of Biography, Jimmy Clements, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jimmy_Clements Wikipedia, George John Noble, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_John_Noble PARLIAMENT AT CANBERRA. (1927, May 14). The Australasian (Melbourne, Vic. : 1864 - 1946), p. 37 (METROPOLITAN EDITION). Retrieved December 25, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article140733921 CANBERRA CEREMONY (1927, May 10). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 19. Retrieved November 3, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3853643 CANBERRA. (1927, May 11). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 20. Retrieved November 24, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3853897 THE FINAL SCENES (1927, May 11). The Labor Daily (Sydney, NSW : 1924 - 1938), p. 5. Retrieved January 10, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article236614453 TWIN SONS (1927, May 10). The Sun (Sydney, NSW : 1910 - 1954), p. 11. Retrieved April 4, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article223616143 National Archives of Australia, Aboriginal [Jimmy Clements, a Wiradjuri elder] on steps of Parliament House (King Billy), https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=3050026 Sydney Morning Herald, The chant of Jimmy Clements: I’ll do the honours on my ground, thanks, https://www.smh.com.au/national/the-chant-of-jimmy-clements-i-ll-do-the-honours-on-my-ground-thanks-20241023-p5kkt5.html MET THE DUKE (1927, May 11). The Sun News-Pictorial (Melbourne, Vic. : 1922 - 1954; 1956), p. 14. Retrieved November 3, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article275177101 PUBLIC MARCH PAST. (1927, May 11). The Register (Adelaide, SA : 1901 - 1929), p. 11. Retrieved April 2, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article54271512 A REAL AUSTRALIAN (1927, May 13). The Canberra Times (ACT : 1926 - 1995), p. 12. Retrieved December 18, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article1213124 THE PEOPLE'S DAY (1927, May 13). The Canberra Times (ACT : 1926 - 1995), p. 3. Retrieved April 3, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article1213105 KING BILLY" WAS THERE. (1927, May 12). Tweed Daily (Murwillumbah, NSW : 1914 - 1949), p. 2. Retrieved November 27, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article190193273 A BUSY DAY. (1927, May 11). The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW : 1842 - 1954), p. 15. Retrieved November 3, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article16374845 Nothing Wrong With Canberra Opening, Says "King Billy" (1927, May 13). The Daily Telegraph (Sydney, NSW : 1883 - 1930), p. 2. Retrieved November 3, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article245750627 THIS IS MARVELLOUS! (1927, May 11). The Sun News-Pictorial (Melbourne, Vic. : 1922 - 1954; 1956), p. 16. Retrieved December 9, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article275177155 Mildenhall's Canberra, Royal Visit, May 1927. Canberra citizens passing the Royal Party on the front steps of Parliament House at the Civic Reception 1927 [photograph], https://mildenhall.moadoph.gov.au/rephoto/62 Australian Dictionary of Biography, 1927 - Jimmy Clements, John Noble, and the Opening of Parliament House, https://adb.anu.edu.au/the-quest-for-indigenous-recognition/jimmy-clements YouTube, The Birth of White Australia (1928), amateurish racism on the big screen [Jimmy Clements at 11.12 minutes in], https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OByX4iPsTgo YouTube, We Were Just Little Boys, https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=u4Hw9d91k2E WASTE AT CANBERRA. (1927, May 20). The South Eastern Times (Millicent, SA : 1906 - 1954), p. 1. Retrieved April 4, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article200058308 YouTube, Museum of Australian Democracy at Old Parliament House, Whispers in the Corridors-An Aboriginal Presence, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fwifXP61M5Y History Snoop, Air Fatality in Canberra Scars an Historic Day in Australia, https://www.historysnoop.com/air-fatality-in-canberra/ YouTube, NFSA Films, The Opening Of Canberra, Australia's Capital City, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pOA8llA0iE0 Pauline Conolly, Pudding & Pies at Parliament House, https://paulineconolly.com/2022/pudding-and-pies-at-parliament-house/ THE MENU (1927, May 5). The Sun (Sydney, NSW : 1910 - 1954), p. 13 (FINAL EXTRA). Retrieved April 2, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article223623278 PROMISING (1927, May 7). The Sun (Sydney, NSW : 1910 - 1954), p. 2. Retrieved December 15, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article223616208 The Dead King -- His Only Mourner (1927, August 30). The Herald (Melbourne, Vic. : 1861 - 1954), p. 6. Retrieved November 3, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article244196114 The VOICE of the CITY (1927, August 31). The Daily Telegraph (Sydney, NSW : 1883 - 1930), p. 4. Retrieved December 26, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article246406061 THE LAST OF HIS TRIBE. (1927, September 2). Bairnsdale Advertiser and Tambo and Omeo Chronicle (Vic. : 1882 - 1946), p. 6. Retrieved December 24, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article269318935 GONE WEST. (1927, September 17). The Irwin Index (Mingenew, WA : 1926 - 1956), p. 1. Retrieved December 23, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article251554113 King Billy Dead. (1927, September 10). The Port Macquarie News and Hastings River Advocate (NSW : 1882 - 1950), p. 5. Retrieved December 1, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article112534982 DEATH OF KING BILLY OF CANBERRA. (1927, September 16). Huon Times (Franklin, Tas. : 1910 - 1933), p. 5. Retrieved December 23, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article136428435 OLD KING BILLY. (1927, September 19). The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW : 1842 - 1954), p. 5. Retrieved November 19, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article16404722 "Marvellous" is Dead. (1928, March 30). The Gundagai Times and Tumut, Adelong and Murrumbidgee District Advertiser (NSW : 1868 - 1931), p. 2. Retrieved December 8, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article122748136 LAST OF LACHLAN RIVER TRIBE (1926, May 3). Evening News (Sydney, NSW : 1869 - 1931), p. 7. Retrieved December 18, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article117289515 Coal Strike Effects (1926, June 11). The Daily Telegraph (Sydney, NSW : 1883 - 1930), p. 14. Retrieved November 30, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article245759732 SBS On Demand, Her name is Nanny Nellie, https://www.sbs.com.au/ondemand/movie/her-name-is-nanny-nellie/2300137539512 The Australian Museum Magazine, Vol. 2, No. 11, July-Sept 1926, The Wunderlich Aboriginal Group, https://shorturl.at/uViTe ABC News, King Billy and Marvellous were not invited to the 1927 opening of Parliament House — but that didn't stop their fight for sovereignty, https://shorturl.at/HGpjC Museum of Australian Democracy at Old Parliament House, The thieving diva: behind the scenes of the opening ceremony at Parliament House, https://www.moadoph.gov.au/explore/stories/heritage/the-thieving-diva-behind-the-scenes-of-the-opening-ceremony-at-parliament Refinery29, Beyond a museum glass case: one First Nations woman's quest to reclaim her ancestors' story, https://www.refinery29.com/en-au/my-name-is-nelly-documentary-irene-ridgeway-interview Sydney Morning Herald, Why it took 100 years to restore the dignity of Nanny Nellie, https://www.smh.com.au/national/why-it-took-100-years-to-restore-the-dignity-of-nanny-nellie-20230719-p5dpjo.html Australian Museum, Meeting Nanny Nellie, https://australian.museum/publications/explore_summer2024/nanny-nellie/ ABORIGINES. (1926, July 1). The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW : 1842 - 1954), p. 14. Retrieved November 29, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article16302447 Wikipedia, Kinchela Aboriginal Boys Training Home, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kinchela_Aboriginal_Boys%27_Training_Home Art Gallery NSW, Harry Marsh by Rayner Hoff, https://www.artgallery.nsw.gov.au/collection/works/59.2000/ Art Gallery of South Australia, Lion (produced for the Holden Motor Company) by Rayner Hoff, https://www.agsa.sa.gov.au/collection-publications/collection/works/lion-produced-for-the-holden-motor-company/27253/ Wikipedia, William Beckwith McInnes, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Beckwith_McInnes DUKE OF YORK PORTRAIT UNIVEILED IN CASTLEMAINE GALLERY (1933, December 4). The Sun News-Pictorial (Melbourne, Vic. : 1922 - 1954; 1956), p. 18. Retrieved April 4, 2025, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article276125581 Castlemaine Art Museum, Portrait of His Royal Majesty the Duke of York, https://collection.castlemaineartmuseum.org.au/objects/181/portrait-of-his-royal-majesty-the-duke-of-yorkPhotographer notations on slide: "Portrait of Duke of York by W.B. McInnes 1933 B4".1930-1939, aboriginal culture, royal visits, openings (events), sculpture, land rights, museums, museum displays

This medal commemorates the coronation of King George VI and Elizabeth as monarchs on the British throne, to be held on May 12th, 1937. The medal is one of over 300,000 distributed to school children as a memento of the occasion. The obverse shows the busts of King George VI and Elizabeth facing left. The reverse shows Victoria's Coat of Arms, the official heraldic symbol, with the Southern Cross on a shield, above it is a kangaroo facing left and holding a crown. The supporting figure on the left holds an olive branch of 'peace' and the supporter on the right holds a cornucopia horn of 'plenty', together representing the text on the ribbon between them 'Peace & Planty' symbol of 'prosperity'. On May 7th, 1937 each school child in Victoria, Australia, received a medal commemorating the upcoming coronation of King George VI and Elizabeth, to be held on May 12th, 1937. medals totalling 318,200 were distributed to scholars in 2,781 Victorian schools. Each school received a letter from the Governor, Lord Humingfield, detailing the significance of the occasion. Lessons on the day focused on the meaning behind the medal, and children recited their Allegiance to the King, saluted the flag bearing the Union Jack and Southern Cross, and sang Australila's then National Anthem "God Save the King", which today is sung as the Royal Anthem. The medal is significant for connecting Victoria, and Australia, to the British Commonwealth and the sovereignty of the British throne, in Australia's post-Federation years. It shows the importance placed by the Government of Australia in educating the generation of students in 1937 about Australia's place in the Commonwealth and the history of Australia. The history of the medal is socially and politically significant, reflecting the evolution of changes in Australian society.Medal or medallion, bgilt rass, with claw and ring on top. The obverse has the bust of a female and male, co-joined, and the reverse has the Coat of arms of the State of Victoria, which includes a kangaroo above a shield and a supporting figure on either side of the shield. Inscriptions are on both sides of the medal. The medal commemorates the coronation of their Majesties, King George VI and Queen Elizabeth, on May 12th 1937.Obverse, around the circle: "KING GEORGE VI & QUEEN ELIZABETH" Reverse, around the circle: "TO COMMEMORATE THEIR MAJESTIES' CORONATION / MAY 12TH 1937" Reverse, within the Coat of Arms: "VICTORIA" "PEACE & PROSPERITY" flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, medallion, medal, commemorative, king george vi and elizabeth, 1937, 12-05-1937, students in victoria, schools in victoria, 7-5-1937, victoria's coat of arms, peace & prosperity, british monarch, british throne, british commonwealth, numesmatics, coil, student, victorian student

merri-bek public art collection