Explains the nature of plural democracy in both traditional and contemporary Australian society5 p., typescriptaborigines, australia politics and government, democracy

The SS Grace Harwar was a Finnish full-rigged iron hull (Mariehamn is the capital of the Åland Islands, an autonomous territory under Finnish sovereignty located between halfway between Finland and Sweden). She was transporting timber to Melbourne and generally loaded wheat from Geelong.The Grace Harwar was one of the last working windjammers in the 1920s-1930s. Alan Villiers, Melbourne writer and adventurer, sailed on this ship. He wrote "By Way of Cape Horn" after his harrowing experiences on board the Grace Harwar in 1929. The voyage was filmed in both movie (6,000 feet) and still form, serving as a record of significant images of that period.Postcard depicting the SS Grace Harwar crew on boardIn white pen: SS Grace Harwar - Mariehamn July 1921crew, s.s.grace harwar, mariehamn, 1921, finland, full rigged barque, windjammer, grain race, alan villiers, timber trade, crews and ships

C.C. Thorold in the main classrooms with the Tasmanina blackwood honour board above the door. Lines written on the black board are from Richard II, Act IV, Scene 1: Mine eyes are full of tears, I cannot see: And yet salt water blinds them not so much But they can see a sort of traitors here. Nay, if I turn mine eyes upon myself, I find myself a traitor with the rest; For I have given here my soul's consent To undeck the pompous body of a king; Made glory base and sovereignty a slave, Proud majesty a subject, state a peasant.

A time for reconciliation / Bob Hawke -- Treaty is a recipe for separatism / John Howard -- A treaty for land justice and self-determination / Janine Haines -- Why a treaty? / Galarrwuy Yunupingu -- Aborigines are Australian, too / Bob Liddle -- Fallacies weaken the case for a treaty / Geoffrey Blainey -- Why whites also need an Aboriginal treaty / Roberta Sykes -- The quest for Aboriginal sovereignty / Hugh Morgan -- Legal and constitutional considerations / Mark Cooray -- Australia as terra nullius / Peter van Hattem -- Canada: towards Aboriginal self-government? / Jean Chretien -- American Indian treaties: historic relics / Peter Samuel -- The long aftermath of Waitangi / Antomy C. Turner -- Appendix 1: The Barunga statement -- Appendix 2: Preamble to the ATSIC Bill -- Appendix 3: Press attitudes to a treaty -- Appendix 4: Aboriginal population and landmaps, b&w photographsrace relations, racism, government relations, treaties

Working across installation, video and painting, Quandamooka artist Megan Cope investigates issues relating to colonial histories, the environment and mapping practices. Black Napoleon (Eulope) is part of a series of lithographs that highlights what Cope sees as ‘just one of the many stories of powerful and clever people defying Empire’ at the turn of the 19th century in Australia. The Black Napoleon series was produced as part of the Australian Print Workshop’s French Connections project. The project aimed to produce new work responding to the National Archive in Paris, with a focus on cultural materials relating to early exploration of Australia and the Pacific. It was important to Cope that she did not simply repeat the material of the archive, which was collected and conserved within a colonial framework. Instead, Cope’s work addresses Eulope’s sovereignty and role in resisting invasion. Eulope was a Quandamooka man named after Napoleon Buonaparte because of his leadership in battles against British forces, which invaded Stradbroke Island in the early 1800s.

The Hong Kong Police Force (香港警務處, HKPF; HKP), also known as the Hong Kong Police, is the largest disciplined service under the Security Bureau of Hong Kong. It is the world's second, and Asia's first, police agency to operate with a modern policing system. It was formed on 1 May 1844, with a strength of 32 officers. Queen Elizabeth II granted the Royal Charter to the Hong Kong Police Force in 1969 for their handling of the Hong Kong 1967 riots—renaming them: the Royal Hong Kong Police Force. Following the transfer of sovereignty, the Force is once again named the Hong Kong Police Force.[1] The current Commissioner of Police is Andy Tsang Wai-hung.[2] Including the Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Force and civil servants, the force consists of about 40,000 personnel; which gives Hong Kong the second largest citizen–police officer ratio in the world. In addition, the Marine Region with about 3,000 officers and a fleet of 143 vessels, is the largest of any civil police force.Wooden Plaque 15cm x x13cmRoyal Hong Kong Police

This commemorative framed print was a gift presented by Freemason, Worship Brother J. Wishart Junior, who also had the title of Worshipful Master of the Masonic Lodge from 1983-1954. This print was possibly presented by Wor. Bro. J. Wishart to the Masonic Lodge in Warrnambool the year following the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II, just after Wishart completed his term as the Worshipful Master of the Lodge. It is likely that the portrait was also part of the furnishings when one of Flagstaff Hill's village buildings was set up as a 19th century style Masonic Lodge, as shown in the map of the village in 1994 and was activated by a member of the Masonic Lodge. (Before this time the building was a Reference Library, and some time afterwards it was a Reading Library, and is now a Mechanics' Institute.) Australia is part of the British Commonwealth. Respect for the reigning monarchy of the colony of Australia has been shown here since colonisation and continued after Federation. Portraits of the reigning sovereignty have been displayed in public organisations, government departments and clubs over the years. Children in schools have been taught to 'Honour the flag, serve the Queen" (or King) etc. In February 1952 King George VI of England passed away. His daughter was proclaimed Queen, and crowned as H.M. Queen Elizabeth II on June 2nd, 1953, at Westminster Abbey, London. It is interesting to note that on 12th April, 1997, Warrnambool's Masonic Centre in Kepler Street held a 150 years celebration of the settlement of Warrnambool and District. A time capsule was inserted in the 'foundation stone' and one of the items inside it was a Flagstaff Hill Heritage Centre leaflet. The portrait of the coronation of H.M. Queen Elizabeth II and her continued reign of 70 years is significant, as it marks a very special occasion in the history of Britain and its Commonwealth. This portrait is similar to many other portraits of the Queen's coronation and is familiar to Australian citizens of the current generation and the ongoing link to Britain's colonasit6ion of Australia.Print, coloured, framed behind glass. Portrait of H.M. Queen Elizabeth II at her Coronation on June 2nd, 1953. The Queen is seated and wearing a white gown and white-trimmed blue cape. She is wearing a jewelled crown and holds the ceremonial Orb and Sceptre. In the background is Westminster Abbey. The decorative frame is cast composite or plaster. A card provided with the print advises that the print was presented by J. Wishart - it is attached to the reverse.Handwritten in ink on card "H.M.QUEEN ELIZABETH II / PRESENTED BY / WOR. BRO. J. WISHART JNR. / WOR. MASTER 1953-1954."flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime village, maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime museum & village, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, 2-06-1953, westminster abbey, scepter, orb, royal crown, coronation, queen elizabeth ii, hm queen elizabeth ii, royal portrait, h.m. queen elizabeth ii, worshipful brother, worshipful master, time capsule, 19th century style masonic lodge, warrnambool 150 years celebration, coronation of queen elizabeth ii, freemasons, j. wishart, flagstaff hill masonic lodge building, portrait

This model of the ship H.M.S. Lady Nelson was researched and built as the vessel Lady Nelson by David Lumsden, a professional ship model builder. His Majesty's Armed Survey Vessel Lady Nelson was commissioned in 1799 to survey the coast of Australia. This vessel was purpose-built before the British Admiralty requested plans for a Schooner for Port Jackson. At the time large parts of the Australian coast were unmapped and Britain had claimed only part of the continent. The British Government were concerned that, in the event of settlers of another European power becoming established in Australia, any future conflict in Europe would lead to a widening of the conflict into the southern hemisphere to the detriment of the trade that Britain sought to develop. Against this background, Lady Nelson was chosen to survey and establish sovereignty over strategic parts of the continent. Lady Nelson left Portsmouth on 18 March 1800 and arrived at Sydney on 16th December 1800 after having been the first vessel to reach the east coast of Australia via the Bass Strait. Before that date, all vessels had sailed around the southern tip of Tasmania to reach their destination. Lady Nelson's survey work commenced shortly after she arrived in Sydney, initially in the Bass Strait area. She was involved in the discovery of Port Phillip, on the coast of Victoria, in establishing settlements on the River Derwent and at Port Dalrymple in Tasmania. She also successfully chartered much of the Victorian coastline and was heavily involved with the exploration of the Queensland coast with Matthew Flinders; investigated the Hunter River; made numerous visits to New Zealand and Norfolk Island and was involved in the founding of numerous settlements. In comparison to most colonial vessels, the Lady Nelson was technically unique she was fitted with sliding keels, or centreboards, and water-tight trunks reaching to the deck. Captain Schank invented these sliding keels that, when raised, reduced her draught to less than six feet. Her life as an exploration vessel ended while accompanying HMS 'Tamar' to Melville Island in 1825, the 'Lady Nelson' was captured and later abandoned by pirates off the island of Babar (Indonesia). This brought the vessel's 25 years of coastal exploration and navigation to a close.The Lady Nelson made was the first British ship to survey of the southern or south-western coast of Australia and traverse the Bass Strait. The vessel holds a special place in Australia's history of exploration as the first to explore and establish settlements in the then-new British colony of Van Diemans Land. The model gives an insight into what life must have been like onboard sailing vessels of the time and Australia's early history of establishment and exploration. This model acts as an important legacy of the full-scale ship which no longer survives. Ship model of the 60 ton British brig HMS Lady Nelson. Timber model of a two-masted brig with rigging but no sails, displaying the British Union Jack flag. The ship is in a glass exhibition display case on metal stand. HMS Lady Nelsonflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, by captain john schanck, sliding keels or centreboards, lady nelson, british brig hms lady nelson, david lumsden ship model builder, lieutennant james grant, bass strait discovery, surveying king island and port phillip bay, philip gidley king

General Sir Charles Warren was an officer in the British Royal Engineers. He was one of the earliest European archaeologists ofthe Holy Land. Much of his military service was spene in British South Africa. Previously he was police chief, the Head of the London Metropolitan Police during the Jack the Ripper murders. In 1876, the Colonial Office appointed him special commissioner to survey the boundary between Griqualand West and the Orange Free State. For this work he was made a Companion of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1877. He was appointed special commissioner to investigate "native questions" in Bechuanaland and commanded the Northern Border Expedition troops in quelling the rebellion there. In 1879 he became Administrator of Griqualand West. The town Warranton in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa is named after him. In 1882 the Admiralty sent him to Sinai to discover what had happened to Professor Edward Palmer's archaeological expedition. He discovered the members had been robbed and murdered, located their remains and brought their killers to justice. For this he was created a Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1883 , also Knight of Justice of the Order of St John of Jerusalem and in 1884 elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. In 1884 Warren was sent as HM Special Commissioner to command a military expedition to Bechuanaland, to assert British sovereignty in the face of encroachments from Germany and the Transvaal and to suppress the Boer freebooter states of Stellaland and Goshen, which were backed by the Transvaal and were stealing land and cattle from the local Tswana tribes. This became known as the Warren Expedition and achieved its aims without bloodshed. Warren was recalled and in 1885 was made Knight Grand Cross ofthe Order of St Michael and St George. In 1885 Warren stood for election for Parliament but lost the vote. In 1886 he was appointed Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis following Sir Edmund Henderson's resignation. Criticised continually for his decisions and actions he resigned in November 1888. Prior to this time he was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath, January 1888. On the outbreak of the Boer War in 1899 he returned to service and commanded the 5th Division of the South African Field Force. In January 1990, Warren bungled the second attempted relief of Ladysmith at Tugela River. At the Battle of Spion Kop, January 1990 he had operational command and his failure of judgement, delay and indecision despite his superior forces culminated in the disaster. It has been said that Warren was "perhaps the worst" of the British generals in the Boer War and certainly the most "preposterous". Redvers Buller in a letter to his wife described him as "a duffer", responsible for him losing him "a great chance". Warren was recalled to Britain in August 1900 and never again commanded troops in the field. Individual image from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.holy land, sir charles warren, british royal engineers, archaeologist, british south africa, london metropolitan police, jack the ripper, colonial office, commissioner, griqualand west, orange free state, companion of the order of st michael and st george, bechuanaland, northern border expedition, warrenton, sinai, professor edward palmer, knight commander of the order of st michael and st george, knight of justice of the order of st johnof jerusalem, fellow of the royal society, knight grand cross of the order of st michael and st george, boer war, redvers buller, knight commander of the order of the bath

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

This hardcover book, The logbooks of the 'Lady Nelson' : with the journal of her first commander, Lieutenant James Grant, R.N., by Ida Lee (Mrs Charles Bruce Marriott) was published over 100 years after the Lady Nelson arrived in Australia to navigate and survey this ‘new colony’. Included in the book are sixteen charts and illustrations from the originals in the Admiralty Library, showing the surveyed land and water. The transcribed Contents, below, summarise the trips of the Lady Nelson during this time. Book’s Content PLUS text of the Chart of ‘Part of Bass Strait’ - Chapter 1: The Lady Nelson built with centreboards. Her voyage to Sydney under James Grant. The first ship to pass through Bass Strait. - Chapter 2: Returns to explore the Strait. Her visits to Jervis Bay and to Western Port in 1801 - Chapter 3: Colonel Paterson and Lieutenant Grant survey Hunter River - Chapter 4: Murray appointed commander of the Lady Nelson. His voyage to Norfolk Island. - Chapter 5: Murray’s exploration of Bass Strait. - Chapter 6: Discovery of Port Phillip. - Chapter 7: The Lady Nelson in company with HMS Investigator examines the North-Eastern shores of Australia. - Chapter 8: The French ships in Bass Strait. The founding of Hobart. - Chapter 9: Symons succeeds Curtoys as commander of the Lady Nelson. His voyages to Tasmania, Port Phillip and New Zealand. - Chapter 10: The Lady Nelson in Tasmania. The founding of Port Dalrymple. - Chapter 11: The Estramina is brought to Sydney. The Lady Nelson visits Norfolk Island and Port Dalrymple. - Chapter 12: Tippahee and his four sons are conveyed to New Zealand in the Lady Nelson. - Chapter 13: The Lady Nelson accompanies HMS Tamar to Melville Island. - Chapter 14: The loss of the Lady Nelson Text included with the ‘Chart of Bass Strait’ … “Part of Bass Strait, including the discoveries made by Acting Lieut. J. Murray, commander of His Majesty’s armed surveying vessel Lady Nelson, between November 1801 and March 1802. By command of His Excellency Governor King.” “This chart, which bears Murray’s autograph, shows his explorations of Western Port, Port Phillip and King Island. It should be noted that Flinders Island is named Grand Capuchin. This is one of the charts referred to as "unfortunately missing” in the Historical Records of N.S. Wales, vol. iv. P. 764” The story of the Lady Nelson In 1798 the British Admiralty ordered a cutter of 60 tons to be built along the design of the armed cutter Trial that was developed by Captain John Schanck, with three sliding keels or centreboards that could be individually raised and lowered, for use on the River Thames. The new cutter was to be named Lady Nelson. Philip Gidley King, prior to taking up his appointment as third Governor of the colony of New South Wales, was in England at the time of the Lady Nelson’s fit-out and was aware of the need for such a ship for survey work in the colony in New South Wales. He convinced Captain Schanck, the Commissioner of Transport in England, to construct and rig the Lady Nelson as a brig rather than a cutter, keeping the feature of the three sliding keels, which would be very useful for mapping in shallow waters. The new Lady Nelson was launched at Deptford, England on the River Thames in November 1798, with the official commission to discover and survey the unknown parts of the coast of New Holland (Australia) and establish British sovereignty over the continent. The Lady Nelson sailed from Portsmouth, England on March 1800 under the command of Lieutenant James Grant. She carried an armament of two original and four extra brass carronade carriage guns and set sail as part of a convoy heading to Port Jackson, in New South Wales, New Holland. After a while she continued to sail on her own. Her journey was troubled with problems at times; damaged and broken keels, troublesome crew and leaking topsides between the waterline and the deck due to poor seals. She arrived at the Cape of Good Hope in July and waited for the winter to pass to avoid the strong winds of the ‘Roaring Forties’. While at the Cape, Grant received a despatch to travel to Port Jackson via the newly discovered Bass Strait, rather than the usual route via the tip of Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania). This also gave him the opportunity to survey the strait on the way. He departed the Cape in October and in December he made his first sighting of New Holland near Mount Gambier in what is now South Australia. A report by Ecclestone in 2012, ‘The Early Charting of Victoria’s Coastline’, mentions that Grant charted and named Capes Banks and Northumberland, and sighted inland hills that he named Mt Gambier and Mt Schanck, the latter after the designer of his ship. Grant then reached the south-western shores of what is now Victoria on 3-4 December 1800, and from Cape Bridgewater he examined the coast eastward to Cape Patton. Although he had not continuously sighted the coast in the vicinity of Port Fairy and Warrnambool, the western part of Victoria became known as Grant’s Land. The Lady Nelson continued eastward and passed through Bass Strait, becoming the first vessel to reach the east coast of New Holland from the west, and arrived at her destination of Port Jackson later in December 1800. Grant, in the Lady Nelson, then left Port Jackson and began survey work. He discovered Port Phillip on Victoria’s coast and explored King Island, he helped establish the first European settlement in Tasmania on the Derwent River, and Port Dalrymple, Newcastle and Port Macquarie. He made several trips from Norfolk Island to Hobart Town. Governor Macquarie sailed on with him to Van Diemen’s Land for a tour of inspection in 1811. Grant helped establish the first settlement on Melville Island in Northern Australia. The Lady Nelson was used to transport cargo, civilians and convicts and to source pigs from Timor. In February 1825 the Lady Nelson sailed again for Timor and never returned. One report said that “Every soul on board, we regret to state, was cruelly massacred, and the hull of the vessel was seen some time after with the name painted on her stern.” The hull was sighted on the island of Babar, which is almost 200 kilometres east of Timor. This particular copy of the book ... This item is from the ‘Pattison Collection’, a collection of books and records that was originally owned by the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute, which was founded in Warrnambool in 1853. By 1886 the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute (WMI) had grown to have a Library, Museum and Fine Arts Gallery, with a collection of “… choice productions of art, and valuable specimens in almost every branch and many wonderful national curiosities are now to be seen there, including historic relics of the town and district.” It later included a School of Design. Although it was very well patronised, the lack of financial support led the WMI in 1911 to ask the City Council to take it over. In 1935 Ralph Pattison was appointed as City Librarian to establish and organise the Warrnambool Library as it was then called. When the WMI building was pulled down in 1963 a new civic building was erected on the site and the new Warrnambool Library, on behalf of the City Council, took over all the holdings of the WMI. At this time some of the items were separated and identified as the ‘Pattison Collection’, named after Ralph Pattison. Eventually the components of the WMI were distributed from the Warrnambool Library to various places, including the Art Gallery, Historical Society and Flagstaff Hill. Later some were even distributed to other regional branches of Corangamite Regional Library and passed to and fro. It is difficult now to trace just where all of the items have ended up. The books at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village generally display stamps and markings from Pattison as well as a variety of other institutions including the Mechanics’ Institute itself. RALPH ERIC PATTISON Ralph Eric Pattison was born in Rockhampton, Queensland, in 1891. He married Maude Swan from Warrnambool in 1920 and they set up home in Warrnambool. In 1935 Pattison accepted a position as City Librarian for the Warrnambool City Council. His huge challenge was to make a functional library within two rooms of the Mechanics’ Institute. He tirelessly cleaned, cleared and sorted a disarrayed collection of old books, jars of preserved specimens and other items reserved for exhibition in the city’s museum. He developed and updated the library with a wide variety of books for all tastes, including reference books for students; a difficult task to fulfil during the years following the Depression. He converted all of the lower area of the building into a library, reference room and reading room for members and the public. The books were sorted and stored using a cataloguing and card index system that he had developed himself. He also prepared the upper floor of the building and established the Art Gallery and later the Museum, a place to exhibit the many old relics that had been stored for years for this purpose. One of the treasures he found was a beautiful ancient clock, which he repaired, restored and enjoyed using in his office during the years of his service there. Ralph Pattison was described as “a meticulous gentleman whose punctuality, floorless courtesy and distinctive neat dress were hallmarks of his character, and ‘his’ clock controlled his daily routine, and his opening and closing of the library’s large heavy doors to the minute.” Pattison took leave during 1942 to 1945 to serve in the Royal Australian Navy, Volunteer Reserve as Lieutenant. A few years later he converted one of the Museum’s rooms into a Children’s Library, stocking it with suitable books for the younger generation. This was an instant success. In the 1950’s he had the honour of being appointed to the Victorian Library Board and received more inspiration from the monthly conferences in Melbourne. He was sadly retired in 1959 after over 23 years of service, due to the fact that he had gone over the working age of council officers. However he continued to take a very keen interest in the continual development of the Library until his death in 1969 This book about the logbooks of the Lady Nelson is locally significant for its association with the brig Lady Nelson, in which Lt. James Grant made the first documented European discovery of the area later known as Warrnambool in December 1800. This book is also nationally significant for its association with Grant in the Lady Nelson being the first to sail from west to east through Bass Strait, opening up a shorter, faster route to the colony of Port Jackson rather than going all the way south around Van Diemen’s Land. The book is nationally significant for its contents of the logbooks of the journeys of the Lady Nelson under various commanders and the copies of the charts created from the surveyed information and the new land of Australia was discovered. This book is also significant for its association with the full-size non-sailing replica of the Lady Nelson from Mount Gambier’s visitor centre, which was restored by Flagstaff Hill’s Master Boat Builder in Warrnambool in 2012, and with a ship mode of the Lady Nelson in our Collection The Pattison Collection, along with other items at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, was originally part of the Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s collection. The Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute Collection is primarily significant in its totality, rather than for the individual objects it contains. Its contents are highly representative of the development of Mechanics' Institute libraries across Australia, particularly Victoria. A diversity of publications and themes has been amassed, and these provide clues to our understanding of the nature of and changes in the reading habits of Victorians from the 1850s to the middle of the 20th century. The collection also highlights the Warrnambool community’s commitment to the Mechanics’ Institute, reading, literacy and learning in the regions, and proves that access to knowledge was not impeded by distance. These items help to provide a more complete picture of our community’s ideals and aspirations. The Warrnambool Mechanics Institute book collection has historical and social significance for its strong association with the Mechanics Institute movement and the important role it played in the intellectual, cultural and social development of people throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. The collection of books is a rare example of an early lending library and its significance is enhanced by the survival of an original collection of many volumes. The Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s publication collection is of both local and state significance. The Logbooks of The Lady Nelson Author: Ida Lee ( Mrs Charles Bruce Marriott) Publisher: Grafton & Co Date: 1915Label on spine with typed text RA 910.994 LEE Inside front cover has a sticker that reads Warrnambool Mechanics Institute and Free Library shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, warrnambool, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, shipwrecked-artefact, book, warrnambool library, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, warrnambool city librarian, mechanics’ institute library, victorian library board, warrnambool books and records, warrnambool children’s library, great ocean road, the logbooks of the lady nelson, ida lee, mrs charles bruce marriott, captain john schanck, sliding keels or centreboards, lady nelson, british brig hms lady nelson, lieutennant james grant, bass strait discovery, surveying king island and port phillip bay, philip gidley king, survey map

This medal commemorates the coronation of King George VI and Elizabeth as monarchs on the British throne, to be held on May 12th, 1937. The medal is one of over 300,000 distributed to school children as a memento of the occasion. The obverse shows the busts of King George VI and Elizabeth facing left. The reverse shows Victoria's Coat of Arms, the official heraldic symbol, with the Southern Cross on a shield, above it is a kangaroo facing left and holding a crown. The supporting figure on the left holds an olive branch of 'peace' and the supporter on the right holds a cornucopia horn of 'plenty', together representing the text on the ribbon between them 'Peace & Planty' symbol of 'prosperity'. On May 7th, 1937 each school child in Victoria, Australia, received a medal commemorating the upcoming coronation of King George VI and Elizabeth, to be held on May 12th, 1937. medals totalling 318,200 were distributed to scholars in 2,781 Victorian schools. Each school received a letter from the Governor, Lord Humingfield, detailing the significance of the occasion. Lessons on the day focused on the meaning behind the medal, and children recited their Allegiance to the King, saluted the flag bearing the Union Jack and Southern Cross, and sang Australila's then National Anthem "God Save the King", which today is sung as the Royal Anthem. The medal is significant for connecting Victoria, and Australia, to the British Commonwealth and the sovereignty of the British throne, in Australia's post-Federation years. It shows the importance placed by the Government of Australia in educating the generation of students in 1937 about Australia's place in the Commonwealth and the history of Australia. The history of the medal is socially and politically significant, reflecting the evolution of changes in Australian society.Medal or medallion, bgilt rass, with claw and ring on top. The obverse has the bust of a female and male, co-joined, and the reverse has the Coat of arms of the State of Victoria, which includes a kangaroo above a shield and a supporting figure on either side of the shield. Inscriptions are on both sides of the medal. The medal commemorates the coronation of their Majesties, King George VI and Queen Elizabeth, on May 12th 1937.Obverse, around the circle: "KING GEORGE VI & QUEEN ELIZABETH" Reverse, around the circle: "TO COMMEMORATE THEIR MAJESTIES' CORONATION / MAY 12TH 1937" Reverse, within the Coat of Arms: "VICTORIA" "PEACE & PROSPERITY" flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, medallion, medal, commemorative, king george vi and elizabeth, 1937, 12-05-1937, students in victoria, schools in victoria, 7-5-1937, victoria's coat of arms, peace & prosperity, british monarch, british throne, british commonwealth, numesmatics, coil, student, victorian student

New York : Franklin Watts, 1963 vii, 253 p. ; 25 cm. non-fictionGeneral history with very brief mention of Aborigines.settlement and contacts - colonisation., settlement and contacts - ancient and early historical., politics and government - sovereignty, economic sectors - agriculture and horticulture - pastoral industry., settlement and contacts - government settlements, history - political. | settlement and contacts - settlers., australia -- history.

merri-bek public art collection