In the words of the Donor, Betty Stone, "This walking stick was made by William Dale from wood obtained from his property Bluestone Quarries situated at Wangoom, Warrnambool. William Dale, the son of William Booth and Hannah (nee Broadbent) Dale was born on 8 July 1828 in Saddleworth, Yorkshire, England. He emigrated to Australia in 1852 and seven years later purchased twenty acres of land in the shire of Wangoom, Warrnambool where he operated a quarry known as The Dale Bluestone Quarries. According to family legend, when William and his wife Elizabeth (nee Chamberlain) first moved into their bluestone cottage on the property, it was surrounded by dense bush that abounded with wildlife. William Dale used this walking stick in his later years. Although physically bent after years of toil, his grandchildren remembered him wheeling his barrow and walking with his stick around the quarries when aged well over eighty years. William Dale died at his residence on 14 December 1913 aged 85 years." (Note: For additional information please refer to Betty Stone’s book “Pioneers and Places - A History of three Warrnambool Pioneering Families” ie. Chamberlain, Dale and Lees Families) This item is associated with the families of Chamberlain, Dale and Lees. These families are listed in the "Pioneers' Register" for Warrnambool Township and Shire, 1835-1900, published by A.I.G.S. Warrnambool Branch. The handmade walking stick was made from local resources.Walking Stick, polished wood with grain and knots showing. Brass tip, 'J' shaped handle. Made by William Dale in the early 1900's of wood from his property, "Dale Bluestone Quarries", Wangoom, Warrnambool. From the 'Chamberlain Dale and Lees Collection'.flagstaff hill, warrnaflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, chamberlain, dale, lees, stone, betty stone, warrnambool pioneers, mbool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, dale bluestone quarries, william dale, walking aid, walking stick, mobility aid

ivory, cane, walking aid

Paddy Taffe's walking aid after he lost a leg in the 1940s.cane, walking aids, disability

See KVHS 1797. KVHS 1798 Walking sticks are used for support, stability and balance while walking. This one was used as a medical aid from the 1950s.Used by Kiewa Valley resident, Wilma Davies, who suffered from polio from the early 1950s.Metal hollow stick with rubber 'plug' at the bottom. At the top 2 short pieces come out at an angle. The lower one, a handle, has a rubber cover . The other is longer, comes out on the same side, and supports the elbow.walking stick, medical aid

Andrew walks along an external building verandah using a sonic guide and white cane.1 x B/W photograph of man walking with assistive devicesFile: Skills Training - O&M A white cane provides blind people with early warning of obstacles. (Andrew is also wearing a sonic guide in glasses.) Walking with the aid of sonic guide glasses. Technology for blind people at the Royal Blind Society. Credit: Rankin/1987royal blind society of new south wales, white cane day

This pocket First Aid kit is small and compact which became available to those venturing out in the outback and required an easily managed first aid kit. It was manufactured in the mid 1900s well before vinyl and or plastic pouches or bags where used. It was in an era where valuable items were stored in durable containers due to the harsh and rugged conditions of the Australian bush. Cheaper and less durable containers from Asian manufacturers had been kept out by the heavy Tariff imposed on their goods. This changed in the 1980's when the Tariff Board was dismantled by a then Labour Government. The Australian manufacturing industry was severely reduced by the Influx of cheaper goods. This item was made by an Australian company when the motto "true blue" was the catch cry for quality Australian made goods. This was in the period where the isolation of many rural communities required the basic first aid kits to be of a tougher quality than those offered in large cities and towns.This pocket first aid kit was very compact and would have been easy to carry without taking up too much space for bush walkers, camping scouts, drovers and independent miners and cattlemen. The Kiewa Valley and surrounding rural settlements did not have the medical backup that the larger cities and towns had up until the mid 1900s when the Hydro Electricity Schemes were built and the additional influx of workers made it feasible to have a hospital and better local health facilities. This influx of the construction workers associated with the Hydro Scheme. also brought European workers who where more inclined to go bush walking and climbing the Victorian alps than the average Australian rural worker. This item is a Sanax pocket first aid round tin, gold in colour with red and white print. It's contents are: one small tube of Sanax antiseptic cream, one small one inch x six yards of gauze bandages, rubber band type ligatures with a cast iron tightener., one small tweezers three safety pins, and one lancet.On the lid there are: are outlined white cross on a blue circular background. underneath is a whiite circle encased with a red line with the following printed "Sanax pocket first aid case" (in red print underneath this is a small curved blue background and in black print "No. 26"medicine, first aid tin, camping medical supplies, personal first aid, sanax

Walking calliper for use with a plaster of paris leg castThis item is an example of an early medical aid used at Orbost Hospital.Walking calliper - small metal frameBottom-underneath - Dunlop, Aust 1 7/8-1 7/8calliper medicine-nursing orbost-hospital

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

BHS CollectionDiggers & mining. The gold era. Market Square, Castlemaine, in 1855.Shows many businesses in the Market Square. Many nationalities on the street, most are walking, some with a hand cart, also ox pulling a wagon. Markings 51 994.031 GOL:5. Used as a teaching aid.hanimounteducation, tertiary, goldfields

Diggers & Mining. Diggers and miners. S.T.G. Iron Bark Gully, Bendigo, 1852. Businesses on the diggings, too, were conducted in huts and tents. Slide depicts the huts and tents at the diggings in which business was conducted. This view you can see there are still quiet a number of trees in the surrounding area, there is also a fence. Miners can be seen walking amongst the tents and huts as well as on the hillside. Markings: 36 994:LIF I. Used as a teaching aid.hanimounteducation, tertiary, goldfields

Diggers & Mining. Diggers and miners. Or this alluvial mine (i.e., deep lead mine) at Ballarat (1859). Slide shows men at work at the deep lead mine at Ballarat, mine flag flying. Horse walking in circles at the puddler, a man appears to be seated on what looks like a swing at the puddler. In the foreground a man sawing timber, several piles of timber are close by. A building in background.- - - Markings: 27 994:LIF I. Used as a teaching aid.hanimounteducation, tertiary, goldfields

Diggers & Mining. Getting the Gold. Slide: But labour - saving devices for raising the dirt were soon being used - the whip (some whips were worked by hand, others by a horse walking towards or away from the shaft. (Picture displays a whip.) Markings: 29 994.LIF:4. Used as a teaching aid.hanimounteducation, tertiary, goldfields

The story of Christopher Gabriel born on April 2, 1746, in Falmouth England is a tale of a poor boy who made good. Shortly before he turned thirteen years of age in 1759 he was apprenticed to a local master carpenter, recorded as a Mr Barnicot the master trained his apprentice well as we can assume by Christopher's later successes. The apprenticeship ended in 1766 after seven years when Christopher reached twenty. Then in 1768, he relocated to London walking the two hundred miles from Falmouth carrying his possessions in a sack. He no sooner arrived in London when he met Alice Trowell who became his wife in March 1769. They set up house on Albermarie Street Clerkenwell and by the first of 1770, Gabriel had begun his business of plane making. It has been speculated that Gabriel took over the shop of John Cogdell aided with an investment from his in-laws of 131 pounds. He went on to prosper as a plane-maker and lumber merchant over the next forty years. His business did well and in 1774 Gabriel moved to a house in Golden Lane, London and 1779 moved again to a home in Ould Street London. By now Gabriel was making a name for himself and his business at this time was located at 32 Banner Street Golden Lane, the following year he purchased another home in Banner Street and 1793 purchased the house next door. At the time of his death in 1808, he owned twenty-seven houses and commercial building. Christopher Gabriel s descendants became quite prominent in England and his grandson, Sir Thomas Gabriel became the Sheriff of London and Middlesex in 1859 and the Lord Mayor of London 1866 and 1867. Gabriel was an extremely prolific plane-maker with a lot of examples made in the 18th century can still be found today. He made good quality tools and was an innovator of several new plane designs. A vintage tool made by a well-known plane-maker, this item was made commercially for firms and individuals that worked in wood and needed a tool that could give a decorative finish to timber. These planes came in various shapes and sizes to achieve a finish to timber surfaces and came in many sizes. A significant Christopher Gabriel plane from the mid to late 18th century that after 200 years can still be used today. Planes made by Gabriel are eagerly sought after by collectors. The tool gives us a snapshot of how furniture and other finishes were created on timber by the use of cutting edged hand tools. Tools that were themselves hand made shows the craftsmanship used during this time not only to make a tool such as the subject item but also the craftsmanship needed to produce a decorative or even finish that was needed for the finishing of timber items. Moulding multi patterned plane has a "5" long bladeStamped Maker C Gabriel (owner JB).flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, side rabbet plane, gabriel m hobling

The story of Christopher Gabriel born on April 2, 1746, in Falmouth England is a tale of a poor boy who made good. Shortly before he turned thirteen years of age in 1759 he was apprenticed to a local master carpenter, recorded as a Mr Barnicot the master trained his apprentice well as we can assume by Christopher's later successes. The apprenticeship ended in 1766 after seven years when Christopher reached twenty. Then in 1768, he relocated to London walking the two hundred miles from Falmouth carrying his possessions in a sack. He no sooner arrived in London when he met Alice Trowell who became his wife in March 1769. They set up house on Albermarie Street Clerkenwell and by the first of 1770, Gabriel had begun his business of plane making. It has been speculated that Gabriel took over the shop of John Cogdell aided with an investment from his in-laws of 131 pounds. He went on to prosper as a plane maker and lumber merchant over the next forty years.   His business did well and in 1774 Gabriel moved to a house in Golden Lane, London and 1779 moved again to a home in Ould Street London.    By now Gabriel was making a name for himself and his business at this time was located at 32 Banner Street Golden Lane, the following year he purchased another home in Banner Street and 1793 purchased the house next door. At the time of his death in 1808, he owned twenty-seven houses and commercial building.   Christopher Gabriel s descendants became quite prominent in England and his grandson, Sir Thomas Gabriel became the Sheriff of London and Middlesex in 1859 and the Lord Mayor of London 1866 and 1867.  Gabriel was an extremely prolific plane maker with a lot of examples made in the 18th century can still be found today. He made good quality tools and was an innovator of several new plane designs.   A vintage tool made by a well-known plane maker, this item was made commercially for firms and individuals that worked in wood and needed a tool that could give a decorative finish to timber. These planes came in various shapes and sizes to achieve a finish to timber surfaces and came in many sizes.  A significant Christopher Gabriel plane from the mid to late 18th century that after 200 years can still be used today. Planes made by Gabriel are eagerly sought after by collectors. The tool gives us a snapshot of how furniture and other finishes were created on timber by the use of cutting edged hand tools. Tools that were themselves hand made shows the craftsmanship used during this time not only to make a tool such as the subject item but also the craftsmanship needed to produce a decorative or even finish that was needed for the finishing of timber items. Plane Moulding Reverse Ogee with two squares type Maker stamped Gabriel also stamped JB & No 9flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village

The story of Christopher Gabriel born on April 2, 1746, in Falmouth England is a tale of a poor boy who made good. Shortly before he turned thirteen years of age in 1759 he was apprenticed to a local master carpenter, recorded as a Mr Barnicot the master trained his apprentice well as we can assume by Christopher's later successes. The apprenticeship ended in 1766 after seven years when Christopher reached twenty. Then in 1768, he relocated to London walking the two hundred miles from Falmouth carrying his possessions in a sack. He no sooner arrived in London when he met Alice Trowell who became his wife in March 1769. They set up house on Albermarie Street Clerkenwell and by the first of 1770, Gabriel had begun his business of plane making. It has been speculated that Gabriel took over the shop of John Cogdell aided with an investment from his in-laws of 131 pounds. He went on to prosper as a plane-maker and lumber merchant over the next forty years. His business did well and in 1774 Gabriel moved to a house in Golden Lane, London and 1779 moved again to a home in Ould Street London. By now Gabriel was making a name for himself and his business at this time was located at 32 Banner Street Golden Lane, the following year he purchased another home in Banner Street and 1793 purchased the house next door. At the time of his death in 1808, he owned twenty-seven houses and commercial building. Christopher Gabriel s descendants became quite prominent in England and his grandson, Sir Thomas Gabriel became the Sheriff of London and Middlesex in 1859 and the Lord Mayor of London 1866 and 1867. Gabriel was an extremely prolific plane-maker with a lot of examples made in the 18th century can still be found today. He made good quality tools and was an innovator of several new plane designs. A vintage tool made by a well-known plane-maker, this item was made commercially for firms and individuals that worked in wood and needed a tool that could give a decorative finish to timber. These planes came in various shapes and sizes to achieve a finish to timber surfaces and came in many sizes. A significant Christopher Gabriel plane from the mid to late 18th century that after 200 years can still be used today. Planes made by Gabriel are eagerly sought after by collectors. The tool gives us a snapshot of how furniture and other finishes were created on timber by the use of cutting edged hand tools. Tools that were themselves hand made shows the craftsmanship used during this time not only to make a tool such as the subject item but also the craftsmanship needed to produce a decorative or even finish that was needed for the finishing of timber items. Side Rabbet Plane Stamped Maker Gabriel (owner M Hobling).flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, side rabbet plane, gabriel m hobling

To celebrate White Cane Day in 2008, a group of cane users met at the Travellers Aid office at Flinders Street station, before walking down the escalators, along the platform and along the Yarra River and St Kilda Road at Southbank.98 digital images of people participating in the 2008 White Cane Day eventvision australia, white cane day, cath caddis, tracy wright, kylie gerson, nicola misso, di seybold, flinders street station

Seven coloured photographs of Trieu Duong Tuong: Tuong playing with a pot and drum, a still from the Channel 9 news with Peter Hitchener and Feelix ambassador Sigrid Thornton, Tuong on a swing with an adult, Tuong with a ukele, a close up of Tuong's eyes, Tuong eating and Tuong in Vietname costume walking along St Kilda Road with the aid worker who helped bring him to Australia for the operation to relieve pressure caused by his undiagnosed glaucoma, Kim Thien Truong. Digital Image of framed collage of photographsThis plaque was presented to Vision Australia on October 2, 2011 by Kim's Foundation of Hope Inc. and its supporters for their outstanding dedication in improving the life of Trieu Duong Tuong. Many thanks. Kim's Foundation of Hope Inc. - Vong Tay Nhan Ai.vision australia foundation, children

Photograph shows Lintonians Mrs Hiscock, Carrie Murrell, Anne O'Beirne and Jennie Hiscock on a fundraising walk for Community Aid Abroad, November 20th 1968.Black and white photograph of four women walking along Clyde Street, Linton. Catholic Presbytery in background."Snap taken by Mr Frank O'Beirne Treasurer for "Community Aid Abroad" Nov. 20th 1968, Carrie Murrell, Anne O'Beirne and Jennie (Hiscock) Hocking walking for 'Walk want for C.A.A. (8 miles) 1968".carrie murrell, anne o'beirne, jennie hocking, jennie hiscock

Photo taken during Community Aid Abroad walk, 1968.Black and white photo of four women walking along street, one wearing skirt and blouse, three wearing dresses."Mrs Hiscock, Carrie Murrell, Ann O'Beirne, Jennie Hiscock 1968"mrs hiscock, jennie hiscock, carrie murrell, anne o'beirne

Edith Lunn was born in Bendigo in July, 1907, and had lived all of her life in the city and its immediate environs. Edith was awarded the Order of Australia medal in 2002 for her services to, and interest in, Bendigo's history. This text records to history of Bendigo, as recalled and researched by Edith. Bendigo, formerly known as Sandhurst, grew from Indigenous lands to a major gold rush boomtown and is now a vibrant regional city with rich cultural heritage. The Bendigo region is the traditional land of the Dja Dja Wurrung (Djaara) people, who have lived in the area for thousands of years. They managed the land sustainably, utilizing the rich hunting grounds and waterways, and their cultural stories and knowledge remain deeply woven into the landscape today. European exploration began with Major Thomas Mitchell in 1836, followed by squatters establishing sheep runs in 1837. The arrival of settlers led to the displacement of the Dja Dja Wurrung people, with waves of settlement from the south in 1837 and from the north in 1845. Gold was discovered on Bendigo Creek in 1851 by Mrs. Margaret Kennedy and Mrs. Julia Farrell, sparking one of Australia’s largest gold rushes. By 1852, around 20,000 people had arrived from across the world, including Europe and China, transforming Bendigo into a booming gold-mining economy. The city was officially named Sandhurst from 1853 to 1891. The wealth generated during this period is reflected in Bendigo’s Victorian architecture, including the Town Hall and historic buildings. Gold mining continued into the early 20th century, but by 1954, mining had largely ceased. The city then shifted focus to manufacturing and regional services, experiencing renewed growth from the 1930s onward. Modern Bendigo has become a fast-growing regional centre, aided by infrastructure like the Calder Freeway linking it to Melbourne. Today, Bendigo preserves its history through museums, walking tours, and heritage sites. Key attractions include the Bendigo Art Gallery, Bendigo Joss House Temple, Central Deborah Gold Mine, and the Goldfields Track, which highlight both the gold rush era and the city’s cultural diversity. "Snippets of Bendigo History" written by Edith Lunn. Forward by Daryl McClure. Printed by Bendigo Modern Press. Soft cover book. Front and back covers are sepia with Bendigo street scene, and front cover has three inset sepia toned Bendigo scenes inserted. Title and author's name are in black text on front cover. Author's name and book title written in black on spine. Printed in Bendigo, Australia. 65 pp. This edition was 500 copies. Contents page on iv. Details about author on iii. Contains both text and black and white images. edith lunn, bendigo