Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Selley's is an Australian company which produces household 'do it yourself' and cleaning products. Martin Selley, who fled Germany in 1939, prior to the start of WWII, established the Selleys Chemical Company - selling wood putty.Selley's is an Australian company which produces household 'do it yourself' and cleaning products that were used by residents of City of Moorabbin in 20thC3 oz Glass bottle with screw on metal lid, painted blue - with a blue and white labelFRONT: Selley's Waterproof glue - (Clear) Manufactured by Selley's Chemical Manufacturing Co. Pty Ltd - SYDNEY - MELBOURNE 3 ozs. Net. BACK: Instructions for use. Selley's Waterproof Glue is a unique material which can be used for almost any type of joint. When used for wood to wood it gives excellent results, comparing favourably with all other types of wood glues, but in addition has the advantage that it is applied cold, and further, when set, is completely water-proof. It does not require any catalyst or hardening agent to set, but dries by evaporation of the solvent, leaving a tough, hard film. The glue contains thinners. Do not use near a naked flame, but after it has dried it is no more inflammable than dry timber. If glue too stiff, add acetone. glue, selley's, waterproof glue, bottle

Dross Drossou established a cordial factory in Orbost in the 1930s. He sold his cordial manufacturing business to Phillips and Stone, a Bairnsdale company, in 1948. Glass bottles were refillable until the 1960s, creating a demand for their collection and onsale back to beverage manufacturers via ‘bottle merchants’. A deposit on the bottles was added to all sales as they left the factory. The returned bottles were washed and the old label removed. The inside was cleaned by pushing the bottle onto a revolving brush. The reusing of the bottles went on until the bottle was broken or the top became chipped. Phillips & Stone operated in Orbost and Bairnsdale. This bottle is an example of a product manufacture by a local industry no longer existingA clear glass soda syphon bottle with a red pump on the top."Soda Water Phillips & Stone Bairnsdale P S ORBOST (trademark) 30 Fl OZ"phillips&stone syphon bottle

Dross Drossou established a cordial factory in Orbost in the 1930s. He sold his cordial manufacturing business to Phillips and Stone, a Bairnsdale company, in 1948. Glass bottles were refillable until the 1960s, creating a demand for their collection and onsale back to beverage manufacturers via ‘bottle merchants’. A deposit on the bottles was added to all sales as they left the factory. The returned bottles were washed and the old label removed. The inside was cleaned by pushing the bottle onto a revolving brush. The reusing of the bottles went on until the bottle was broken or the top became chipped. This bottle is an example of a product manufacture by a local industry no longer existing.A clear glass soda syphon bottle. It has a red syphon pump.D.DROSSOU, ORBOST Soda Watersyphon-bottle drosseau

Newspaper article: A sustainable award, Diamond Valley Leader, 1 November2006, Architect and building Llewellyn Pritchard won resource Efficiency Housing Award, finalist in HIA Greensmart Building of the Year Award. House – Environmental Leader (Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p186) In 2006 environmental awareness was mushrooming in the community, which is reflected in the award-winning house at Main Road near Wattletree Road, Eltham. At first sight, the building appears a mix of a classic Eltham mud-brick house and an avant-garde building style. The crown of solar panels stretching along the width of the curved roof, indicates that this is no ordinary house. In fact it signals a new building trend of minimal impact on the environment. Yet it utilises the environment with high technical expertise to achieve comfort and cut running and maintenance costs. In recognition of this, its designer/builder, Conscious Homes, won the 2006 National HIA Greensmart Resource Efficiency Award. For Conscious Homes director, Llewellyn Pritchard, this house reflects a philosophy, strengthened by his connection with Aboriginal culture, through his foster siblings. Pritchard believes the sustainable way indigenous Australians lived and their spiritual connection with land, demonstrates how humanity is part of the ecology. His interest in environmental design stemmed from growing up in bushy Eltham Shire, with its mud-brick tradition. This was followed by studying Architecture at RMIT in the early 1980s, and learning about passive solar design. Pritchard says this house demonstrates that environmental sustainability is not about sacrifice, but about exceptional levels of occupant comfort, savings in running costs and modern fittings and appliances.1 The solar panels on the north roofs are intentionally obvious to make a statement about what the building is doing. But inside the systems are hidden and interactive with conventional services, such as the underground water tank. The house is water and energy self-sufficient and at 12 squares is much smaller than conventional houses, to minimise resources. Yet it accommodates his family of four with three bedrooms, a living/dining and kitchen area and a bathroom/laundry. Importantly the building is designed to last hundreds of years, by being able to be modified as the need arises, such as for commercial use. In this way the structure minimises its environmental impact. The solid double mud-brick walls (which are insulated) include steel beams and supporting frame, allowing the future removal or alteration of any section. The materials are local, recycled and of low toxicity where possible.2 Inside and out, the mud-brick is rendered and sealed with a combination of cement and sand and a mud-based coating in a soft golden hue increases its life. Inside, the golden-brown timber is plantation Mountain Ash and the concrete floors throughout – of local stone aggregate with a clear seal – have a natural looking random stone appearance. The house sustains a stable temperature of around 20 degrees, assisted by the concrete slab floor. The many large double-glazed windows and highlights (windows set high on walls) provide cross-flow ventilation. The north-facing living area maximises heating from the lower winter sun and is cooler in summer, because the sun is higher. Heating comes from a solar hydronic slab system. All appliances and fittings are high efficiency energy or water rated. Appliances in the timber kitchen include a gas stove and a dishwasher, using the building’s own power and water. French doors open from the living area to a deck, concealing the treatment system for all waste water. This is pumped through sub-soil drippers to the indigenous garden beds and no-dig vegetable patch. Below the carport is the 80,000-litre rainwater tank and at the back, the boiler room houses the solar boiler, water tank access, domestic water supply pump, filter gear and hydronic slab heating controls. The solar system is backed up with gas, which is needed to heat water only in winter. Gas used is less than one quarter of that for an average home with ducted heating. Excess power is fed back to the grid and the building uses about one quarter of the mains electricity of an average home. Other local builders have followed Pritchard’s lead in resource efficiency for minimal environmental impact.main road, eltham, businesses, llewellyn pritchard, hia greensmart building of the year award., efficiency housing award, conscious homes australia pty ltd

The largest gold mine in the area originated from a find in 1862. The mine was closed January 20, 1915 when a fire destroyed nearly all the above ground plant. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p75 Beneath Mine Hill, as locals call it, runs a network of tunnels once of central importance to the fledgling township of Diamond Creek. These are relics of gold mines, which transformed early Diamond Creek.1 The tiny settlement of about 20 families soared to more than 200 because of gold. For around 50 years, from 1862, gold mining was Diamond Creek’s major source of employment. On September 7, 1854 The Argus newspaper reported a find of a four pound (1.8kg) gold nugget in Nillumbik (an early name for Diamond Creek). Exactly where, is not known.2 The largest mine in the district, the Diamond Creek Gold Mine, apparently originated from a find in 1862. It is said Joe and Dave Wilson were visiting former tailor then cook, Charles Orme, at the southern end of Fraser Street. Sitting on a stump outside the front gate on land belonging to Dr A. E. Phipps the Wilsons found a vein of gold-bearing quartz, which led to the discovery of four quartz reefs varying in width to eight inches (20cm), running north and south. A reef found at the foot of the hill opposite Challenger Street became the Union Mine. This reef was traced south to Allendale Road where a small mine began operations.3 Other smaller mines later operated as well. Dr Phipps immediately began to mine and also built the Diamond Reef Hotel as a boarding house for miners. But Charles Orme, who owned the land alongside, leased his mine to Dr Phipps probably because of insufficient funds and business skills. By mid 1865 the mine had produced 2530 ounces of gold – a 100% profit on the original outlay. Of course there were problems. When the local dam dried up a Blake pump was installed to draw water from the creek. The Union Mine operated under the Diamond Creek Gold Mine management except when disputes sometimes resulted in separate management. However disagreements had to be resolved as the Union Mine depended on Diamond Creek Gold Mine pumps to remove underground water from common reefs. In 1912 the main shaft of about 380 yards (350m) employed 200 men recovering an average of 5000 ounces (141.7kg) of gold a year. But not everyone did well out of gold. Records of failed mining companies in the Victorian Public Record Office, reveal that owner Dr Phipps leased his Right to others. Companies came and went over the next 40 years, most sponsored by Melbourne businessmen who sold shares to gullible locals and then became insolvent. Although there were some good profits, financial returns were haphazard until 1905. Some local residents, who were share holders in short- term companies, became well-known names in modern Diamond Creek such as Scott, Haley, Butler, Alder, Ryan, Wadeson, Reeves, Alston, Paul and Edwards. Gold mining was brought to a disastrous end on January 20, 1915 at 3 pm, when fire destroyed nearly all the above-ground plant. Fortunately no lives were lost. But reopening the mine was almost impossible because of the increasing depth of water in the main shaft. The closed mine destroyed the livelihood of 200 families and the debris took many years to clear.4 In 1946 the Diamond Creek Gold Mine was reopened by the Golden Hind Mining Company, but money ran out before the 600 feet (182.8m) or so of water could be removed. Gold remains in the mine but enormous capital would be needed to buy the land, equipment and to remove the water. Today 12 known sealed shafts along the ridge of the hills on private property extend west for around one kilometre from the corner of Fraser and Haley Streets, crossing Norma and Fyffe to Dering Streets. As recently as 1987, heavy rains revealed a former Union Mine shaft in the Georgiadis family Fyffe Street back yard.5 Allendale Mine, south of Allendale Road, is still open and one of the Union Mine’s main drives (horizontal excavation) remains unsealed, on the Creek Reserve.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, diamond creek, diamond creek mine, fraser street, gold mining, james cook drive, mine hill

Australasian (Melbourne, Vic. : 1864 - 1946), Saturday 2 May 1903, page 25 ________________________________________ ELTHAM A POPULAR HOLIDAY SPOT. By L.J.J. The village of Eltham, with its 377 in habitants, is prettily situated on Diamond Creek, a tributary of the Yarra, 16 miles from Melbourne. Yet, in spite of it being so easily accessible from town, few people are aware of the beauties of this early settlement. Prior to June last year one had to journey by coach from Heidelberg to Eltham, but now the railway conveys passengers through from Melbourne to Eltham, first-class return, for 1/9. The opening of this extension to Eltham was the last ceremony performed by Lord Hopetoun, on June 5, 1902, prior to his departure from Australia. Sauntering through the township one autumn morning recently I was constantly reminded of scenes characteristic of Surrey or Sussex villages. There is the village pond (so essentially English), reflecting in its clear water a quaint cottage, dwarfed by a huge gum tree, an old smithy, and a hostelry, built quite fifty years ago, the flooring-boards of which the landlord informed me with pride were of Singapore cedar, and quite fit for another fifty years' wear. Then there are the village school, the shoemaker's, the drapery store, and the butcher's shop, all seemingly as they were when first they were erected many years ago. Poplars grow to a great height at Eltham, and just now they are to be seen in rich autumnal tints. The already leafless fruit trees on the slopes of the creek denote the near approach of winter. Orchardists were taking advantage of the recent rains, and were busy ploughing and harrowing between the trees, while the magpies and other birds were picking up worms and grubs on the newly-turned soil. The busy time for Eltham is the holiday season, and then the inhabitants are put to their wits' ends to provide for the rush of picnic parties, cyclists, and other excursionists. Outside almost every cottage is a notice stating that "summer drinks and hot water" are obtainable. Sketches illustrating the article: VILLAGE POND. DRAPERY STORE, ELTHAM. ON DIAMOND CREEK. HOSTELRY, ELTHAM. AN ORCHADIST'S HOMESTEAD. ON THE HEIDELBERG-ROAD IN AND AROUND ELTHAM.This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image Print B&W 20 x 25 cmsepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, drapery store, hostelery, orchardist's homestead, village pond, eltham, dalton street, evelyn hotel, hostelry, jarrold cottage, john street, main road, maria street, white cloud cottage

Village Pond, near Main Road, Eltham, c.1908 Reproduced on p57 of 'Pioneers & Painters'. Looking up Dalton Street from across Maria Street (Main Road), near Whitecloud (Jarrold’s cottage) and the Bootmaker’s cottage, to the left (out of view) of the photographer. The residence of the Head Teacher, Eltham State School No. 209, can be seen on the right, the Grant house on the left (site of present day Eltham Clinic). The willow trees south of Jarrold’s Cottage today mark the site of the old pond, which the Eltham Shire Council evidently filled in to stop mosquitos breeding. The pond and its locality was described in an article about Eltham published in The Australasian, May 2, 1903 - “There is the village pond (so essentially English), reflecting in its clear water a quaint cottage, dwarfed by a huge gum tree, an old smithy, and a hostelry, built quite fifty years ago, the flooring-boards of which the landlord informed me with pride were of Singapore cedar, and quite fit for another fifty years' wear. Then there are the village school, the shoemaker's, the drapery store, and the butcher's shop, all seemingly as they were when first they were erected many years ago.”This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image 4 x 5 inch B&W Neg Print 16.5 x 25 cm (2) and 9 x 12.5 cm Postcard 9 x 14 cmOn one print "57 and 11 3/8' x 10' deep"shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, dalton street, duck pond, eltham, grant house, main road, maria street, village pond

Ground sheets such as this were typically used as rain protection by German troops. Two or more zeltbahn (ground sheets) could be attached together via the button holes to form a tent for two or more people. Some models of ground sheets, particularly those which are triangular in shape, could also be fashioned into personal raincoats worn by soldiers. Grounds sheets have also been known to have been used to wrap deceased bodies in prioir to burial.This groundsheet, despite a lack of clear provenance, is a representative example of the types of ground sheets used by the German forces during wartime. The zeltbahn (ground sheet) also has social significance in that they were known to have been used to wrap deceased bodies in prior to burial.Large square sheet constructed of biege/brown coloured water resistant material. 67mm hem folded over and sewn along all edges with brown stitching. Metal buttons are spaced at 200mm intervals along parallel edges, next to a button hole which can be used to attach to another ground sheet. Four corners bear a large round eyelet in silver-coloured metal in between three smaller eyelets; two of four corners have short lengths of brown cord attached to these eyelets. One corner has only two smaller eyelets surrounding the larger.Printed in black ink in the centre of the sheet is the incriptions "OVS 1298."ground sheet, zeltbahn, tent, raincoat, german

Common every day items food used by the ADF in combat situations. This shows the combat ration one man that has been used by the ADF since the Vietnam War era. The CR1M consists of two main meals, various light snacks, sundry and beverage items. The CR1M is designed to provide the daily nutritional value to sustain a soldier over a 24 hour period. Failure to consume all food items with this period will impact upon functional energy levels due to an unbalanced nutrition intake. Excluding tea and coffee aal food items are consumable either hot or cold. It is advised to fill one cup canteen with water, immerse one 250g main meal pouch and heat for 10 - 15 minutes. For heat source use use issued hexamine stove and tablets. residual boiled water is safe and may be used for hot beverage makingCombat Ration One Man (24 hour). Sealed in a clear plastic bag with the letter 'C' printed in blue on the front (indicating that contents are menu 'C'). This pack includes small packages of supplies in various shapes and sizes, including: M and M's chocolate, potato with onion powder, sweetened condensed milk, cream spread, tea bags, safety matches and toilet paper. Front - Blue text - C / NOT FOR PRIVATE RESALE TO PUBLIC ration pack, consumables, supplies

Emerging from the base of Wombat Creek Sutton Spring has two mineral water pumps. The spring is named after the Sutton brothers of Cornwell, who discovered it while looking for alluvial gold along Wombat Creek in the 1850s. By 1900, a trench had been dug to expose the spring, and a pipe had been driven through the spring eye. Sandstone rockwork encircled the trench. On 27 February 1907 the Sutton Mineral Spring Reserve was gazetted. By that time the trench had been enlarged and rendered, and a lean-to shelter had been built over the approach track. In 1927 Wombat Creek was rerouted allowing the land around the spring to be cleared and pipework repaired. Five bores were dug in 1929 and equipped with hand pumps. The bores were all shallower than 9.7 m. An attempt was made to replace one of these bores with a new bore, however it was not possible due to ground instability. These two bores are the oldest of all the mineral springs open to the public. Also in 1929 Council contemplated encouraging private enterprise to establish a ‘hydrobath’ similar to those in Europe, after mineral water had been discovered flowing from several other vents in sandstone and slate strata below the typical level of the creek. However, the option was not enacted although at the time to capture the flow another bore to a depth of 15m was sunk. In 1936 architect P. Scott Williams adopted a similar notion and examined the prospect of establishing a Hydropathic establishment above Sutton Springs, assuming a reliable mineral water supply could be found. That idea also lapsed. In October 1997 the Sutton Spring trench was restored to enable the public to again take mineral water at the spring. The restoration included clearing the sides of the creek and removing willow root growth. In 2002 a major overhaul of the trench and its underground works was undertaken and all plumbing replaced. This involved re-routing the creek through sandbagging, covering the spring eye with geofabric and then concrete. Unfortunately due to ongoing water quality issues, public access to take water from the trench was closed, however the trench can still be viewed.A mineral water spring at Daylesford is surrounded by a drystone wall. mineral water, sutton spring, daylesford, central springs, p. scott williams

Fire at the Cathedral Hotel! Southward view Firemen in their shiny brass Merryweather style helmets battle a fire in the roof of the Cathedral Hotel, Tuesday 3 March 1936. It was located on the corner of Swanston Street and Flinders Lane and so named for its proximity to St Paul’s Cathedral, just visible at top left. The fire broke out in between the roof space and wooden ceiling of the hotel at around 4.30 pm, causing disruption to afternoon commuters – hence the banked-up trams along St Kilda Road. The hoses snaking across the roof have been dragged up through the hotel’s front door. The scene of devastation on the roof appears to be a result of both the fire and firefighting efforts. The panoramic background is dominated by the dome of Flinders Street Station, the wide, treed boulevard of St Kilda Road, and a densely built-up industrial area south of the Yarra with its elevated signage and substantial buildings. Featured in "Newsworthy: Melbourne in photographs 1933-1936" exhibition at East Melbourne Library, October to December 2023. Exhibition caption by project volunteer, Louise McKenzie. Photographer notations on slide: "Fire at Cathedral Hotel Swanston St 1936 B104" Description: This photo, taken from an adjacent building, shows 12 firemen fighting a fire on the roof of the Cathedral Hotel, Melbourne. There is evidence of considerable damage to the roof of the building as a result of the fire and fire fighting efforts. The photo gives a feeling of elevation, as the firemen are in focus, with an out of focus panoramic background, showing the dome of Flinders Street Station, and St Kilda Road down to the Shrine. Research by project volunteer, Louise McKenzie: The Age reported on 4 March 1936 that the fire broke out in rubbish between the roof space and wooden ceiling of the Cathedral Hotel at 4.30 pm. “The Eastern Hill fire brigade was notified by telephone, and an almost simultaneous call was also received at fire brigade headquarters from a street alarm.” The firemen in their dark uniforms with brass buttons, gold epaulettes and shiny brass Merryweather helmets, stand out against the broken slate tiles and dislodged timber of the damaged roofing, all of which look blackened and in disarray. Two pale water hoses snake thickly across the roof. It is a scene of some devastation and chaos. Three chimney pots by contrast sit plump and strong against the damage. The Cathedral Hotel is located on the corner of Swanston Street and Flinders Lane, so named due to its proximity to St Pauls Cathedral (just visible at far left) on the corner of Flinders and Swanston streets. This intersection is a hub and focus of Melbourne activity. The backgrounded Melbourne skyline, while not in clear focus, is of interest. On the right is the impressive dome of Flinders Street Station, with the clock at 4.50 pm. Its grand frontage, and some of the façade along Flinders Street, are visible. To the left is the wide and grand-scaled St Kilda Road, leading down to the Shrine of Remembrance. There are many trams on Princes Bridge (mostly heading northward), together with some trucks and pedestrians. The pedestrian walkway along Princes Bridge is wide, and the Bridge balustrade lined with flag poles. The middle background shows a large number of trees. This was the site of Wirths Brothers Circus, an impressive complex including an octagonal circus Hippodrome (5000 seat auditorium), Pleasure Park, roller skating rink, and Dance Hall. Today it is the site of the Melbourne Arts Centre. Adjacent to the station is a large covered area, still extant today as part of the Station precinct. Floating above the horizon is sign advertising 'DUNLOP', located in the formerly industrial area which is today’s Southbank. Port Phillip Bay is faintly visible in the distance. The city seems sprawling, but uncrowded, and well punctuated by trees. Two photos were included an Age pictorial, one showing the firefighters at work, the other a crowd scene at street level (see References). These images are not part of the McKenzie Collection. References: No title (1936, March 4). The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), p. 13. Retrieved February 5, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article205256255 FIRE AT A CITY HOTEL. (1936, March 4). The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), p. 12. Retrieved February 5, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article205256231 FIRE IN ROOF OF CITY HOTEL (1936, March 4). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 8. Retrieved February 5, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11018696 Hotel Roof Fire Draws Crowd (1936, March 4). Examiner (Launceston, Tas. : 1900 - 1954), p. 8 (DAILY). Retrieved February 5, 2024, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article52000751 'Flinders Lane Melbourne 1966', Peter Andrew Barrett, Facebook, 12 June 2020, https://www.facebook.com/120943481324886/photos/a.512123662206864/3025002490918956/?type=3Photographer notations on slide: "Fire at Cathedral Hotel Swanston St 1936 B104".fires, 1930-1939, hotels