The incredible tale of ‘Z’ Special Unit – a group of mainly New Zealand and Australian commandos and saboteurs who parachuted into enemy-occupied territory to fight the war, sometimes single-handedly.The story begins in Greece, with the extraordinary sabotage feats of Don Stott and his friend Bob Morton. Stott’s success in blowing up the strategically crucial Asopos Viaduct was one of the greatest such exploits of World War II and changed the course of the war in Greece”.Soft cover 168 pagesww2, australian special operations, australian special forces, australian commandos, new zealand commandos

Drawing done on location by Francis John 'Curly' Papworth whilst serving in Katherine, Northern Territory during World War Two. This work of soldiers is significant as a work produced by a serving soldier on location during WWII and is a unique example of an artistic work showing the men and their surroundings at the time. Strong provenance as part of the family collection. Pencil sketch on white paper of three bare chested male figures, two left profile and one rear view. All attired in shorts and boots. Information relating to the figures and location are written on the work. Signature right hand corner: Papworth 42. Written in pencil at top of page: Some Independent Attitudes/Katherine N.T. 1942, June/July Working in the Q Store. Beneath each figure written in pencil and ink left to right: Figure 1: Maj Percy Black Adamsom Esq. (in blue ink below: Perc Adamson Dec) Figure 2: Reg Moggins, working on his Birthday too! (in blue ink below: ?) Figure 3: You can't mistake this one either! (in blue ink below: Con Nugent, Dec)soldiers, wwii, world war 2, second world war, artists, wartime, francis john papworth

E.L. Bruce, born in Ireland on July 1,1854, came to Australia in 1854 and joined the Lands Department. He spent most of his service in Gippsland. The journey to Sale then was made by ship to Port Albert and thence on horseback. He began his service in Gippsland as assistant district surveyor and for the last 12 years before retirement he was district surveyor and land officer. His territory extended from the boundary of Victoria in east Gippsland down to Wilson's Promontory with his headquarters at sale.This map is a useful reference tool.A survey map - Sheet No 3 SnowyRiver Survey. This is a copy of the original survey. It shows the properties of W.J.T. Clarke - two in Orbost and one in Newmeralla (sic),. it has a faded, undecipherable red stamp in the bottom right corner.Gipps Land Rivers No 32B E.L. Brucesurvey bruce-e.l snowy-river-c19th

This medal was awarded to the school children of Australia in 1951 to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the Federation of Australia. The design was chosen after a competition, with the valuable cash prize of two hundred guineas. It was won by John Wolfgang Elischer for his depiction of a man hand-sowing wheat. The wheat has grown to represent the seven States of Australia on the other side of the medal. Elischer was an Austrian sculptor and an Associate of the Royal Academy.Fifty Years of the Commonwealth of Australia 1901 - 1951.This medal was awarded to the school children of Australia in 1951 to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the Federation of Australia. The design was chosen after a competition, with the valuable cash prize of two hundred guineas. It was won by John Wolfgang Elischer for his depiction of a man hand-sowing wheat. The wheat has grown to represent the seven States of Australia on the other side of the medal. Elischer was an Austrian sculptor and an Associate of the Royal Academy. This is a round medal and is bronze in colour. On the front is a man throwing seed on the ground with the dates, 1901-1951, and on the back the words, "FIFTY YEARS COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA". along with a carving of the sun and seven ears of wheat representing the States and Territory.1901, 1951, commonweath australia medal

Many mining companies sought staff from the Ballarat School of Mines.Typed letter on Northern Hercules No Liability letterhead asking for a qualified assayer to work at the Pine Creek Gold Mine 160 miles south of Darwin. The letter was responded to by R.W. Richards, Principal of the Ballarat School of Minesballarat school of mines, northern hurcules no liability, northern territory, mining, letterhead, r.w. richards, dick richards, mining companies, assayer

Principal Frank Lord gave an ANZAC Day address called "Live Every Day as an Anzac Day". The address started with "Our opportunity is with the children. If we failed i nthe past, lest us begin again now. You are young, and let it be your resolve to live every day as an Anzac Day, and achieve some of the things for which the men of two wars have laid down their lives. Living your days with an air of kindness and decency, you will set an example to the children, and when a country's children are made happier and finer, it will follow that the county will be a happier and finer place." Mt Lord referred to theseven and a half months' occupation of Gallipoli, and the tenacious clinging by Anzac troops to their square mile of territory. Illness, disease and death came to the confined area, but there also came a spirit of self-sacrifice and charity, and a courage whoich scorrned death and won for the Australian troops world renown. Strong men broke under the conditions, but their comrades carried them on, and the prevailing spirit among men was that the had dedicated ther lives to ensuring a decent society at home, free of tyranny. For the achievement of this, they were prepared to die. It became characteristic that when things were at their worst, men were at their best. Discipline did not come from above on Gallipoli, for the men stuck their own standards of discipline, and stuck to them. ... After the 1914-18 war, it was surprising to find head teachers who did not know children of deceased and disabled soldiers in their schools. All teachers should acquaint themselves with this knowledge, and seek assistance from children who are eligible for help from the Repatriation Department. For those pupils who do not come withing the scope of Repatriation, teachers might secure the required help from the Teachers; R.S.L. sub-branch, the Carry-on Club, for from Government Scholarships. Blue soft covered magazine. Contents include: *Principal Frank Lord's Foreward * Rupert Brooke * Hostel Jottings * Looking Back * College photograph Images include: * Queenscliff Camp * Sport * ClubsCover 'File Copy' inside front cover (possibly by Monica Miller) 'With Compliments Ballarat Teachers' College. Xmas 1946'ballarat teachers college, monica miller, m fogarty, james parkinson, beatrix basterfield, patricia rea, nola stanway, valmai sprigg, valda sharp, queenscliffe, lonsdale, thea rowe, student hostel, student residence, wf lord, g kentish, don johnson, neville bunning, henry yeo, irene handley, betty smith, heather fraser, ron schneider, alma sunderland, pauline griffin, betty redford, robert eastcott, kathleen tobin, margaret mcintyre, jean somerville, ken andrews, frank lord

Ballarat Teachers' College lecturer, Alan Sonsee, was a collector of Aboriginal artefact and possibly this photograph. The tree is probably situated in Northern Territory.Black and white photograph of an Aboriginal Canoe Tree in the Northern Territory. It was probably taken during a Ballarat Teachers' College excursion, and is located in close proximity to a railway crossing.Native Canoe was cut from this treeaboriginal, scarred tree, canoe tree, ballarat teachers' college, alan sonsee

Ward Brothers (George and Samuel) registered a company (Australian Sewing Machines Limited Pty Ltd) with the head office address in Errol St, North Melbourne, and Prahan. The earliest newspaper advertisement for this company was in 1897. Around this time the Ward Brothers first imported sewing machines from England and Wertheim placed their decal on them and mounted them in their own Australian made cabinets. David Ward later imported machines from Beisolt & Locke in Germany and registered name  A.N.A. (All Native Australian), his shop was in Collingwood Melbourne. Some of these machines had Ward Brothers decals on them as well. The three brothers sold under the same name as Ward Brothers. The early Ward Brothers logo had a map of Australia with a picture of all three brothers on it. In 1911 all three of the Ward Brothers decided to share a stall in the yearly Melbourne exhibition. The A.N.A was the machine that got rave reviews. It was at this time that the Australian Sewing Machine Company Pty Ltd decided to add the A.N.A logo to their logo to cash in on the new found celebrity status that the A.N.A has gained. To cut a long story short. David Ward took his brothers to court to prevent this from happening. This was a long drawn out affair that took quite a few years. The settlement was decided out of court and nothing was disclosed of the deal that was made. David seemed to have left the scene, then the remaining Ward Brothers and A.N.A. combined and then became “Wardana”. There are many Ward Brothers sewing machines in displays, they originated from Japan, England, America, and Germany. It seems that where ever they got the best deal for sewing machines or parts is the direction they went. This is where the Bendigo sewing machine company came into the picture. All imported sewing machines into Australia drew a government tax. Bendigo Cording's Traction Company was given proposed two-pound tariff protection that gave the company a significant price advantage for its machines. As a result, the Ward Brothers purchased a huge number of Bendigo shares to get cheaper machines for their sewing machine cabinets. Ward Brothers then placed one of their company officials on the Board of “Bendigo Sewing Machines Limited” and the rest is history. Ward Brothers had shops Australian wide and in most of the major country towns. History for “Bendigo Sewing Machines Limited”     Cordings Traction Company owners (H. Keck MLC, W. Wallace, and W. Ewing) operated their business out of the former W. Webb & Co. building in Queen St. Bendigo. Around 1923-1924 they decided to switch from traction engines to manufacturing sewing machines. The actual date is not known but that year's financial report made note of both Cordings and Bendigo Sewing Machines Limited. The switch was made with the government of the day agreeing to a tariff of two pounds per head for every machine head made completely in Australia. The change from traction engines to sewing machines went well. Government representatives visited the factory in Bendigo to inspect and ensure that the sewing machines were Australian made as a result they agreed on granting the two-pound tariff to the company. After the first 12 months, they built 30, the following 12 months the company had produced 1500 machines probably due to the involvement of the Ward brothers. However, the government proposed a new condition to the tariff agreement which was that the company must produce 20% of Australia's requirements for sewing machines. In 1924 after having had produced 1500 machines resulting in reaching their financial limit for tariff support. According to the government, the requirement was 15,000 machines for the next year had to be produced to qualify for the tariff. The company had already reached its production limit and unfortunately folded. There were several attempts to regain government assistance to save this new industry but it was to no avail. Even a promise to open another factory in Sydney was offered but unfortunately wasn't accepted. An item fabricated in Australia from a majority of imported parts from either Germany, America or England giving a snapshot into the early manufacturing industries that were operating at the time of Federation. Sewing machine, treadle, in timber cabinet. Branded Ward Bros, A.N.A., Australian Sewing Machine Coy. Decorative carved timber cabinet, hinged, fold-out laminated timber top and five drawers; two small on each side with handles and one long, shallow, between side drawers without handle. Thread is on bobbin in a rocket shuttle (both in good condition) plus spare empty shuttle (rusty). Brass ‘Half Yard’ ruler inlaid across front, measuring scale in inches and centimetres. Two metal shuttle cover plates (or throat plate / slide plate); front one is impressed with a gauge for needle and thread. Gold trim and decals on flatbed and machine front and back, serial number under shuttle cover, brand on decals and on round metal plate on back of machine. Front right of machine has a bobbin winder. Treadle belt shows signs of wear and laminate on timber machine cover is peeling slightly.Decal coat of arms on right front of machine: kangaroo on left, man with broad-brim hat, holding pick-axe on right, in centre, top “SEWING MACHINE / THE / A. N. A.” then below it, the rising sun, then below that is state of Victoria shield with the Southern Cross constellation. Wheat sheaves around edge on left and flowering plant on right. Gold ribbon banner at bottom with script “WARD BROS.“ Decal of map of Australia on flatbed of machine. States and capital cities are marked and named (no northern territory), portrait of two men. In centre of map are interwoven letters “A. N. A.” and written in script “WARD BROS.” Decal across front of machine body has large, decorated gold lettering “A. N. A.” Decal across the top of machine “THE AUSTRALIAN SEWING MACHINE COY. PTY. Ltd.” Steel shuttle cover at front has an impressed gage listing cotton and needle sizes and number of stitches. Brass disc on back of machine “A. N. A.” in centre. Brass ruler across front of machine has carved or pressed words in the timber. In centre “INCHES” above ruler and “CENTIMETRES” below ruler, and on right above ruler is “HALF YARD” Decal across back of machine’s body “A.N. A. / MADE IN U.S.A.” Stamped into metal under shuttle cover is “219415” (2 and 5 are partially there, first 1 could instead be a 7) flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, ward bros., australian sewing machine co., a.n.a., treadle sewing machine, rocket shuttle sewing machine, home industry, clothing, wardana, australian sewing machine company, all native australian, dressmaking, clothing manufacturer

Cecil Rhodes was a British businessman, mining magnate and politician in South Africa. He was Prime Minister of the Cape Colony from 1890 to 1896. He believed in British Imperialism and he and his British South Africa Company formed the territory of Rhodesia in the early 1890s. He was forced to resign as Prime Minister in 1896 after the disastrous Jameson Raid, an unauthorised attack on Paul Kruger's South African Republic (Transvaal), which sent his brother to prison convicted of high treason and nearly sentenced to death. This event contributed to the outbreak of the Second Boer War. Rhodes went to Kimberley in a political move. During the war the military felt he was more of a liability than an asset and found him intolerable. The officer commanding the garrison of Kimberley, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Kekewich, experienced serious personal difficulties with Rhodes because of the latter's inability to co-operate. However, he still remained a leading figure in the politics of southern Africa. Rhodes was dogged by ill health his whole life. He died in 1902, aged 48, at his seaside cottage in Muizenberg. He was cared for by Leander Starr Jameson during his illness, becoming a trustee of his estate and residuary beneficiary of his will, which allowed him to continue living in Rhode's mansion after his death. His final will left a large area of land on the slopes of Table Mountain. Part of the estate became the upper campus of the University of Cape Town, another part became the Kirstenbosch National Botanical Garden. The rest was spared development and is now an important conservation area. His will also provided for the establishment of the Rhodes Scholarship. Individual image from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.cecil rhodes, mining magnate south africa, politician south africa, prime minister cape colony, british south africa company, rhodesia, jameson raid, paul kruger, south africa republic, transvaal, second boer war, kimberley, robert kekewich, leander starr jameson, muizenberg, table mountain, university of cape town, kirstenbosch national garden

Brief history of Qantas airlines4 page supplement to the Australian newspaperwe took a dream and made an airline qantas; queensland and northern territory aerial services; hudson fysh; p.j. mcginness; fergus mcmaster; winton

This Chancellor's academic gown was worn by Professor David Caro during his time as the University of Ballarat's Chancellor from 1998-2005. Among his many roles during his long career, he was Deputy Vice-Chancellor at the University of Melbourne, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Tasmania, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Melbourne & Interim Vice-Chancellor at Northern Territory University. The Chancellor's academic gown is of royal blue light weight woollen cloth trimmed with gold oak-leaf braid on the facings, yoke and bottom hem; and sleeves with one gold embroided frog at the shoulder and four chevrons of gold oak-leaf braid below the arm hole. A gold embroided button and gold tassel are centred on each chevron.Makers embroidered patch - R.W. Bredin & Son, Academic, Legal & Civic Robe Makers, Melbourne, Australia federation university, university of ballarat, chancellor's academic gown, emeritus robert h t smith

"Historical Records of Australia Series 3 Vol 5 Tasmania, December, 1825- March, 1827 Northern territory, 1823- 1827 Western port, Victoria, 1826 - 1827" Despatches and Papers relating to the Settlement of the States Publisher: Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament Date: 1922Inside front cover has a sticker that reads Warrnambool Mechanics Institute and Free Library warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, shipwrecked-artefact, book, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, mechanics’ institute, historical records of australia series 3 vol 5

"Historical Records of Australia Series 3 Vol 6 Tasmania, April - December, 1827 West Australia, March, 1826 - January, 1830 Northern territory, August, 1824 - December 1829" Despatches and Papers relating to the Settlement of the States Publisher: Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament Date: 1923 Inside front cover has a sticker that reads Warrnambool Mechanics Institute and Free Library warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, shipwrecked-artefact, book, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, mechanics’ institute, historical records of australia series 3 vol 6

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Pink foolscap report of 12 pages, includes geological map from Pine Creel to Sturt's Creek by H.Y. L. brown; geological map between Mucka and Gordon Downs Station and Tanami by W.R. Murray; geological map of Tanami and surrounding country by W.R. Murray, and Plan of Lawne's Gold Prospecting Claim at Tanami by W.R. Murray pine creek, sturt's creek, tanami, northern territory, tanami gold country

non-fictionThe detailed history of the No.8 Independent Commando Company during World War II. Plastic protective cover over the book. The 2/8th Independent Company was formed at Wilson’s Promontory, Victoria, in July 1942 and travelled to Yandina, in Queensland, in September. While the other seven independent companies saw action in the islands off Australian and in New Guinea, the 2/8th spent most of the next two years based at Adelaide River, in the Northern Territory. While it was in the Territory, the independent companies underwent a series of reorganisations and the name of the 2/8th was changed from the 2/8th Independent Company to the 2/8th Cavalry (Commando) Squadron. This name was later simplified to just commando squadron. In July 1944, after years of waiting, the squadron left the Territory and sailed from Townsville to Lae, via Milne Bay. While at Lae, the squadron received an intake of 70 men from the 2/8th from the 2/3rd, 2/5th and 2/6th Cavalry (Commando) Squadrons, many of whom were veterans of the earlier New Guinea campaigns. Their experience was no doubt a useful reserve that would have been called upon during the 2/8th’s subsequent campaign in Bougainville. Others though, were able to implement some of their commando training when a small group from the 2/8th they made a secret landing on New Britain. Towards the end of the 1944 the 5th Division was preparing to make a landing at Jacquinot Bay in New Britain. Part of these preparations included landing a small group of officers from the division at Jacquinot Bay to make a secret reconnaissance of the potential landing site. As Jacquinot Bay was still in Japanese controlled territory, ‘C’ Troop from the 2/8th provided the protection for the reconnaissance party by establishing a position on the beach and by patrolling the surrounding country. Everything went well and the 5th Division later landed at Jacquinot Bay in November. The squadron too was on the move, and in October it sailed to Torokina, the main Australian base on Bougainville, where it joined the II Australian Corps. The campaign on Bougainville was dived into three areas, the Central, Northern and Southern Sectors. The 2/8th served in the latter two areas. The 2/8th made the first move of the Australian campaign in the Northern Sector, by patrolling from Torokina to Kuraio Mission and Amun once a week. The squadron did this from the second week of November unit the second week of December. The 2/8th was then transferred to the Southern Sector. The main battle for Bougainville was fought in the Southern Sector, as the 3rd Division advanced towards Buin – the main Japanese base on the island. As the division’s infantry brigades advanced along the coast, the 2/8th’s task was to protect their flank by conducting forward reconnaissance patrols, harassing the Japanese with raids and ambushes and conducting a form of guerrilla warfare. The squadron had a long campaign. For nine months, from the end of December until August 1945, the troopers were in action the whole time. After securing the Jaba River, they moved inland, first to Sovele Mission, then the villages of Opai, Nihero and Morokaimoro. They had reached Kilipaijino by the end of the war. Each village taken became a patrol base. Patrols were usually limited to two sections, although up to six sections could be operating at a time. Patrols generally lasted four to six days, but nine-day patrols were not unknown. The squadron collected and collated track information, terrain reports and located the enemy. Once patrols had gathered information, they were free to make a ‘strike’ against the Japanese by setting an ambush or taking a prisoner. These raids were very effective, as they forced the Japanese to deploy troops to their rear areas, removing men from the front created by the infantry. Following Japan’s surrender and the end of the war, the ranks of the squadron thinned quickly as men were discharged or were transferred to other units. For those who were left, the squadron returned to Australia at the end of December. In mid January 1946, at Liverpool, the 2/8th Commando Squadron was disbanded.

non-fictionThe comprehensive history of the 6th Australian Division Cavalry Commandos – a (now out of print) reprint of one of the rarer Armoured unit history books. This is the story of one of Australia’s most famous fighting regiments during World War II. As an armoured cavalry unit it fought the Italians and Germans in the sands of the African desert and the Vichy French in the mountains of Syria. Later as a dismounted commando unit it fought the Japanese in the terrifying jungles of New Guinea. The heroism of the men in its ranks and the actions in which they engaged are portrayed in a way which makes battle deeds leap realistically from the pages. “To The Green Fields Beyond” is a documented and detailed book which is of value to everyone who is interested in Australia’s story. Seldom before has such a contribution been made to record of our national history. The book has been approved and sponsored by the Australian War Memorial. The 6th Division Cavalry Regiment was formed in November 1939 and, just two months later, was sent overseas to the Middle East in January 1940. Arriving in Egypt, the regiment immediately went to Palestine, where it joined the rest of the 6th Division and trained using machine-gun carriers and, from October, six old Vickers light tanks. At the end of the year the regiment moved into the Western Desert, where it joined British forces ready for the major offensive to commence on 9 December. Two days later the regiment became the first unit of the 2nd Australian Imperial Force (AIF) to go into action when one of its squadron fought a sharp action against the Italians holding Garn el Grein and Fort Maddalina on 11 and 12 December. By 21 December British forces had captured Sidi Barrrani and the desert was now open for the 6th Division’s advance along the Libyan coast. On 3 January 1941 the division attacked and captured the Italian fort of Bardia. The regiment’s A Squadron, under the command of Major Denzil Macarthur-Onslow, who went on to command the 4th Armoured Brigade, supported the attack. Tobruk was the next Italian fort to be captured, with the regiment again in support and covering the 19th Brigade’s advance. The regiment, though, was under-equipped and without its full compliment of vehicles, using only machine gun carriers. To compensate for this, A Squadron was parity re-equipped with captured Italian light tanks, which had large kangaroos painted on the hulls and turrets to distinguish them from enemy vehicles. After Tobruk, the regiment was used as part of the advance guard in the capture of Derna and then Benghazi. In April the unit moved to Helwan, where it was equipped with Vickers light tanks and machine-gun carriers, and operated with British troops in capturing Sollum. Towards the end of May the regiment moved to Palestine, where it came under the command of the 7th Division for the imminent invasion of Syria. The regiment experienced its heaviest fighting during the Syrian campaign, which began on 7 June. A Squadron was attached to the 21st Brigade and advanced along the coast, where the rugged hills made it difficult to manoeuvre the tanks and carriers. The squadron was relieved by one of the 9th Division Cavalry Regiment’s squadrons on 13 and 14 June. C Squadron, meanwhile, was with the 25th Brigade, and advanced along the Rosh Pinna road, engaging strong enemy defences at Fort Khirbe. C Squadron was relieved by B Squadron, which was later attacked by Vichy French tanks that were supported by heavy artillery and machine-gun fire, which forced the Australians to withdrawal. Always willing or needing to improvise during the campaign, A and B Squadrons both operated three captured French R35 Renault light tanks, while C Squadron provided personnel for a horse troop, quickly nicknamed the “Kelly Gang”, to patrol the high, rugged hills near the Mardjayoun–Banis Road. The regiment remained in Syria as part of the occupation force and returned to Australia in March 1942. It was sent to the Adelaide River, in the Northern Territory, and then later to Murgon, in Queensland. In 1943 and 1944 divisional cavalry regiments were reorganised into cavalry (commando) regiments. In January 1944 the 6th Division Cavalry Regiment became the 2/6th Cavalry (Commando) Regiment. The regiment lost its vehicles and became the administrative headquarters for the 2/7th, 2/9th, and 2/10th Commando Squadrons. The regiment remained with the 6th Division and participated in the Aitpae–Wewak campaign, in New Guinea, during 1945. Includes Nominal Rollww2, australian commandos, australian special forces, world war 2

non-fictionThe gripping story of a small force of Australian Special Forces commandos that launched relentless hit and run raids on far superior Japanese forces in East Timor for most of 1942. These Australians were the men of the 2/2nd Australian Independent Company – a special commando unit. Initially stranded without radio contact to Australia, the Japanese declared these beared warriors ‘outlaws’ and warned they would be executed immediately if captured. The Australians drawn mainly from the bush, were chosen for their ability to operate independently and survive in hostile territory. As film-maker Damien Parer said after visiting in Timor in late 1942, ‘these men are writing an epic of guerrilla warfare’. Expertly researched by Paul Cleary, who is fluent in Tetum, the main language of the indigenous group of East Timor, it contains black and white photos.ww2, independent company, timor, world war ii, australian commando