Doug ‘Pudden’ Wade Born: 16/10/1941 From: Horsham Height: 188cm Weight: 92kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 23 First senior match for Geelong: Round 1, 1961 v Collingwood at Kardinia Park Regarded by many as Geelong’s greatest ever full-forward, his greatest attributes were determination, fast leading, strong marking and prodigious kicking. Often he was able to score goals with 70-metre torpedo punts. Occasionally he scored from drop-kicks. When in top form he was a most inspiring player. If opponents tried to upset his game with niggling tactics he displayed a fiery aspect of his nature, which kept spectators ‘interested’. He played the forward role like an aggressive defender. Probably his most outstanding performance was a 13-goal effort at the Lake Oval in heavy conditions in 1967. A severe knee injury suffered in an interstate match in 1964 restricted his performances for about two seasons. In his time at Geelong he seemed to perform better as the seasons rolled on. He played in North Melb’s Premiership-winning team in 1975, twelve years after the same achievement with the Cats. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 34 Premiership team selection: 1963 Night/Pre-Season Premiership team selection: 1961 Captain: 22 matches (1971-72) Club Best & Fairest: 1969 Fifth in club B&F count: 1961 Sixth in club B&F count: 1962 (equal), 1967, 1971 Seventh in club B&F count: 1964, 1972 Tenth in club B&F count: 1966, 1968 Club leading goalscorer: 1961 (51 gls), 1962 (68 gls), 1963 (48 gls), 1964 (41 gls), 1966 (52 gls), 1967 (96 gls), 1968 (64 gls), 1969 (127 gls), 1970 (74 gls), 1971 (94 gls), 1972 (90 gls) Competition leading goalscorer: 1962, 1967, 1969 Instances of seven goals or more in a match for Geelong: 35 Australian Football Hall of Fame inductee (2000) GFC Team of the 20th Century selection (full forward) GFC Hall of Fame inductee (1996) GFC Hall of Fame Legend GFC Life Membership (1968) Career span for Geelong: 1961-72 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 208, Night/Pre-Season Series 4, Interstate 7 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 834, Night/Pre-Season Series 11, Interstate 31 Finals matches for Geelong: 12 Finals goals for Geelong: 46 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 22, 1972 v North Melb at Kardinia Park Transferred to North Melb in 1973 Wayne Closter Born: 26/02/1945 From: Darley Height: 180cm Weight: 81kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 1 First senior match: Round 1, 1964 v Melbourne at the MCG In his first season as a listed player, he was selected in the Reserve Grade 1963 Premiership team. A favorable impression of his ability was created in his debut. He was opposed by Melbourne's Frank 'Bluey' Adams on a wing and out-pointed him convincingly. Initially he played many fine matches as a wingman. Later he moved into the centre where his good form continued. Features of his play were strong marking, good control and excellent kicking. He became one of the greatest ever exponents of kicking ambidextrously, and it became difficult to judge which was his natural kicking foot. National Service training obligations during a number of seasons deprived him of the chance of playing 200 matches and to represent Victoria, however the AFL acknowledged his contribution by inducting him into the 200 club during 2007. From 1977 until 1979 he coached the Reserves before spending 10 seasons as a 3GL/K-Rock football commentator. Total Brownlow Medal votes: 29 Captain: 1 match (Round 9, 1974 v South Melb at Kardinia Park) Fourth in club B&F count: 1967, 1971 (equal) Fifth in club B&F count: 1966 Sixth in club B&F count: 1964, 1968, 1972 Eighth in club B&F count: 1970, 1974 Ninth in club B&F count: 1973 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1971) Career span: 1964-75 Total matches: Premiership 191, Night/Pre-Season Series 2 Total goals: Premiership 72, Night/Pre-Season Series 0 Finals matches: 8 Finals goals: 1 Last senior match: Round 22, 1975 v Fitzroy at Waverley Park Information provided by Col Hutchinson Geelong Cats HistorianRed, slightly deflated Ross Faulkner football. In black on one side of the white laces states - MATCH/Native Brand/ ROSS FAULKNER - with a symbol of figure, and is repeated on the other side states - the football is on a small wooden stand stained dark brown with the text engraved donated by Ross Faulkner - The Football a large player signature on one side in white texta it is believed to be Wayne Closter. There is a signature in pen above the text native on one side of the football by Doug Wade. The football has blue and white ribbons threaded through the laces.Signature Doug Wade and Wayne Closter doug wade, wayne closter, ross faulkner, football, gfc, geelong football club, vietnam war

Miners from Snake Valley lobbied the Victorian Government in 1855 to make land available for sale for farming purposes as an alternative occupation and income for people who wished to stay in the region but move away from gold mining. A secondary motivation was to increase the supply of fresh produce and decrease prices of items that otherwise needed to be transported from Melbourne or other regions. Forty-three country lots were initially offered in the Three Mile area, ranging in size from two to ninety acres and costing from £1 to £3 per acre. An additional eighty-five country lots were auctioned later in the year, in addition to many smaller suburban lots. More lots were offered than sold, initially, but this represented conditions of sale requiring the total purchase cost up front which many people interested in purchasing could not afford, especially as land purchased for farming would accrue substantial additional costs for clearing and labour before becoming productive. Further lobbying activities and the election of parliamentary members sympathetic to the cause took place through the 1850s. Ovens Parliamentary Member, Daniel Cameron, was re-elected in 1856 on a platform of surveying the land for public selection with deferred payment options. Land reform remained an issue in the area through the 1850s and early 1860s, impacting broader decisions in the new State of Victoria relating to voting rights, use of Crown land and the farming of land that wasn't always suitable for the purpose. This photograph depicts Beechworth in approximately 1900, after several waves of land sales resulted in increasingly levels of development. Lantern slides, sometimes called 'magic lantern' slides, are glass plates on which an image has been secured for the purpose of projection. Glass slides were etched or hand-painted for this purpose from the Eighteenth Century but the process became more popular and accessible to the public with the development of photographic-emulsion slides used with a 'Magic Lantern' device in the mid-Nineteenth Century. Photographic lantern slides comprise a double-negative emulsion layer (forming a positive image) between thin glass plates that are bound together. A number of processes existed to form and bind the emulsion layer to the base plate, including the albumen, wet plate collodion, gelatine dry plate and woodburytype techniques. Lantern slides and magic lantern technologies are seen as foundational precursors to the development of modern photography and film-making techniques.This glass slide is significant because it provides insight into Beechworth's built environment and infrastructure in the early Twentieth Century, around the time of Australia's Federation. It is also an example of an early photographic and film-making technology in use in regional Victoria in the time period.Thin translucent sheet of glass with a square-edged image printed on the front and framed in a black backing. It is held together by metal strips to secure the edges of the slide.burke museum, beechworth, lantern slide, slide, glass slide, plate, burke museum collection, photograph, monochrome, indigo shire, north-east victoria, farming, squatters, miners, agriculture, land-clearing, land reform, daniel cameron, land sales, three mile, snake valley, tarrawingee

A meeting was held on 18th August 1947 at the East Sunshine Community Hall with the aim of forming a motor cycle club. The name BRAYBROOK MOTOR CYCLE CLUB was decided upon "as it would cater for riders and non-riding members in all surrounding districts". The first President was Don Minahan with Bert Watson as Secretary. They had been members of the Auto Cycle Union whose members became dissatisfied with the prize money awarded, so the Victorian Motorcycle Association (VMCA) was formed. The President of the VMCA (Mr. A. Clarke) attended the meeting on 3rd September 1947 which was held in the Hall behind the Sunshine Theatre. This became the regular meeting place. The new Braybrook Club affiliated with the VMCA joining clubs from Altona, Coburg, Essendon, Newport and Preston. Membership mostly came from recreational motor bike riders looking for more structured competitive riding experience and enjoyment. The club conducted its events on Sunday afternoons and as sport at that time was not permitted on Sundays, they overcame that obstacle by seeking a silver coin donation (pointing out that "two bob" was expected). The events were mainly dirt scrambles over open land which today is known as "off road". The favourite sites were Sunshine's ample open spaces such as Glengala Road and McIntyre Road, as well as Arundell Road (Keilor) and Laverton. For track racing experience the club formed a very basic dirt track on the open land in Glengala Road west of the original Sunshine Golf Club, which was very popular on Sunday afternoons for both riders and spectators. In the early 1950's Motorbike and Sidecar races were also witnessed on some Sundays, on a track near the corner of McIntyre and Furlong Roads, North Sunshine. During 1950 the Braybrook members voted in favour of allowing the Sunshine Club to amalgamate with them and form the BRAYBROOK AND DISTRICT MOTORCYCLE CLUB. The merger took place at the meeting on 10th July 1950 when office bearers were elected. The club disbanded in the mid 1960's due to the massive residential development occurring in the Sunshine district, and so activities were merged with the Newport Club. The above information is mainly compiled from Sunshine Advocate articles published on 29/8/47, 12/9/47, and 30/6/50, and from written details supplied by Mr. J. N. Willaton. Further details or corrections from interested readers are welcome.The Braybrook and District Motorcycle Club has not existed in its own right for several decades. The sticker depicting the club crest serves as a historical reminder that the club was once part of the local recreational scene.Dark blue, silver, and clear plastic sticker on right hand top corner of glass plate that previously was a side window of a car. Sticker has been left on the glass in case removal may damage it. BRAYBROOK AND DISTRICT MOTORCYCLE CLUB.Braybrook and District Motorcycle Clubmotorcycle club, sticker, club sticker, braybrook and district motorcycle club, braybrook

Community information booklet issued by City of Ringwood for 1983 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. Cover photograph: Ringwood Lake Reserve.CONTENTS: (page no.) Aged — Centre for the Frail Aged 22 Building — General Information 28 By-Laws and Regulations 27 Circuit Bus — Ringwood City 33 Commissioners for taking Declarations and Affidavits 29 Committees of Council 6 Council Meeting Dates 6 Council Officers 8 Council Representation 7 Councillors 4 Cultural Centre 36 Disabled Persons - Facilities 21 Emergency Telephone Numbers 58 Elections for Council 10 Festival 23 Finance - Council 11 Garbage Collection 58 Golf Course 37 Health 18 Home Help 25 Immunisation Programme 20 Immunisation Schedule 19 Items of Interest 32 Justices of the Peace 29 Lake — Ringwood Lake Reserve 59 Leisure Areas 16 Library — General 12 Library - Service for our Senior Citizens 26 Major Works Programme 14 Map of Municipality 30 Mayor’s Message – Cr. Pat Gotlib, J.P. 2 Meals on Wheels 24 Members of Parliament 56 Nature Strip Maintenance 34 Pensioners — Rate Assistance 11 Rates 10 Recycling of Waste 57 Roll — Municipal 10 Shuttle Bus 33 Swimming Centre 37 Voting — Compulsory 10 Welfare and Community Services 38 rinx

This lantern slide shows the Ovens District Hospital (also called the Ovens Goldfields Hospital) in Beechworth in approximately 1900. The Hospital was built as part of a community push to develop the infrastructure needed for a permanent town in the 1850s. At the time there was no hospital located between Melbourne and the NSW town of Goulburn and it was recognised that the nature of mining and agricultural work predisposed people to serious injury. The community voted in 1853 to raise funds for a hospital and a voluntary committee elected from people who contributed £2 or more annually determined the organisation's management policies, which aimed to provide care for poor people at rates levied according to the person's means. Ongoing operations of the hospital were primarily supported by Government grants, however. The foundation stone was laid at a site in Church Street at a ceremony held 1st September 1856 which was attended by 2000 people using a locally crafted trowel with a tin ore handle and pure gold blade. The hospital, which was designed by J.H. Dobbyn, cost £2347. The hospital had two wards, a dispensary, apartments for a resident surgeon and the matron, an operating theatre and a board room. Further medical facilities including services to meet the cultural and health needs of the local Chinese community were later added, in addition to a Palladian-style cut-granite face built in 1862-63. It functioned as the region's primary hospital until surpassed by the Wangaratta Hospital in 1910. In the 1940s much of the building materials were salvaged and repurposed, with the exception of the facade which was restored in 1963 by the Beechworth Lions Club and still stands today. The facade featured on the covers of local history volume 'Beechworth: a Titan's Field' by Carole Woods and heritage-focused travel guide the 'Readers Digest Book of Historic Australian Towns'. Lantern slides, sometimes called 'magic lantern' slides, are glass plates on which an image has been secured for the purpose of projection. Glass slides were etched or hand-painted for this purpose from the Eighteenth Century but the process became more popular and accessible to the public with the development of photographic-emulsion slides used with a 'Magic Lantern' device in the mid-Nineteenth Century. Photographic lantern slides comprise a double-negative emulsion layer (forming a positive image) between thin glass plates that are bound together. A number of processes existed to form and bind the emulsion layer to the base plate, including the albumen, wet plate collodion, gelatine dry plate and woodburytype techniques. Lantern slides and magic lantern technologies are seen as foundational precursors to the development of modern photography and film-making techniques.This glass slide is significant because it provides insight into Beechworth's built environment and infrastructure in the early Twentieth Century, around the time of Australia's Federation. It is also an example of an early photographic and film-making technology in use in regional Victoria in the time period.Thin translucent sheet of glass with a round-edged square image printed on the front and framed in a black backing. It is held together by metal strips to secure the edges of the slide.Obverse: Y /burke museum, beechworth, lantern slide, slide, glass slide, plate, burke museum collection, photograph, monochrome, ovens district hospital, indigo shire, north-east victoria, hospital, palladian architecture, granite, community fundraising, community infrastructure, j.h. dobbyn, beechworth lions club, ovens goldfields hospital, chinese community

Graham ‘Polly’ Farmer Born: 10/03/1935 From: East Perth (WA) Height: 191cm Weight: 94kg Natural kicking foot: Left Guernsey number: 5 First senior match: Round 1, 1962 v Carlton at Princes Park Many people believe that he became the Cats’ greatest player in his relatively short six-season career. Arriving to play at Geelong in a blaze of publicity at the age of 27, his participation in the 1962 intra-club practice matches attracted unprecedented spectator interest. Despite suffering a severe knee injury in the opening minutes of his first League match, he immediately demonstrated his wide range of skills. He is regarded as the greatest handpassing exponent in the history of football and was one of the first players to use it as a method of attack. Frequently he achieved distances of 30 to 40 metres with hand passes to team-mates in better position. His ruck work was also quite revolutionary. He developed the technique of leaping for the ball slightly earlier than his opponents and gaining a 'ride' higher into the air. Often he would, in preference to a conventional tap-out, roll the ball down one arm and handpass to a team-mate running past He developed this technique with Bill Goggin in particular. Geelong was never out of the finals during his League career Total Brownlow Medal votes: 57 Premiership team selection: 1963 Captain: 57 matches (1965-67) Runner-up in Brownlow Medal count: 1963 (equal) Club Best & Fairest: 1963, 1964 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1966, 1967 Fourth in club B&F count: 1965 Ninth in club B&F count: 1962 (equal) Coach: 1973-75 Australian Football Hall of Fame Legend (1996) AFL Team of the Century selection (ruck) Indigenous Team of the Century selection (ruck: captain) GFC Team of the Century selection (ruck) GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Hall of Fame Legend GFC Life Membership (1974) Career span: 1962-67 Total matches: Premiership 101, Interstate 6 Total goals: Premiership 65, Interstate 6 Finals matches: 9 Finals goals: 2 Last senior match: Grand Final, 1967 v Richmond at the MCG Coach: 1973-75 Information provided by Geelong Football Club Historian Col HutchinsonBlack timber frame with gold inlay, white mounting card, text, black and white photo print, perspex. Black and gold text at the top of the display reads -Geelong Football Club-. More text at the bottom reads -Graham 'Polly' Farmer / Hand-balling through a car window-. The image depicts Farmer wearing a suit and hand passing a football towards the camera through a car window.

Produced by Contour Consultants Australia Pty Ltd on behalf of Dallas Price Homes Pty Ltd as part of the planning process for redevelopment of the former Eltham Shire Office site at 895 Main Road. In 1963 the Shire of Eltham purchased the Shillinglaw property of approximately 2 acres in Main Road, Eltham for the widening of Main Road and as a site for new Council offices. This land, which contained the Shillinglaw Cottage (c1878-80), was the remaining section of the Shillinglaw family holding that originally comprised 30 acres, being Lot 90 of Holloway's 1851 subdivision. Eltham Council intended to demolish this cottage, but through extensive community action it was saved, funds were raised, and it was relocated to the current site adjacent to the Eltham Library. The new Eltham Shire Offices opened in 1965 were designed to ensure retention of the three Italian Cypress trees that were located outside the Shillinglaw Cottage. In 1971 the building was extended at the southern end to provide additional space, including for the Eltham Library and Council's Engineering Department. Renovations were undertaken to the offices during 1987. The Victorian State Government commenced to restructure local government in 1994, which resulted in the establishment of the Shire of Nillumbik and the cessation of the Shire of Eltham. This new Nillumbik Shire Council was headed by government appointed commissioners, who decided in 1995 to put the former Eltham Shire offices on the market. Eventually in June 1996 the property was sold for $1.1 million and the building was subsequently demolished. A planning application for the site was then submitted to Nillumbik Shire Council in September 1996 for construction of a 24-hour service station, convenience store, cafe/takeaway food premises, a retail facility and community facility. There were many objections to this proposed development and in controversial circumstances a planning permit was granted by the Nillumbik Shire Council commissioners. After protracted actions involving a planning panel and a planning advisory committee, established by the Minister for Local Government, the proposal was eventually rejected as not satisfying the requirements of the planning scheme. In December 1997 the purchaser withdrew from the contract of sale, just prior to Council announcing a withdrawal from the contract. While there have been a number of possible development proposals considered by subsequent Nillumbik Shire Councils, this site has remained vacant since July 1996. TIMELINE (Prepared by Jim Connor, Eltham District Historical Society- March 2018- Based on press, council and personal records) June 1996 - Eltham Shire offices sold to Dallas Price Homes for $1.1 million. July 1996 - Shire office building demolished against community's wishes. Council claimed building riddled with asbestos. September 1996 - Planning application submitted to Nillumbik Shire Council to construct on the site a 24 hours Shell service station, convenience store, Hungry Jacks café/takeaway food premises, a retail facility and community facility. 213 objections and petition of over 1400 signatures received. Minister for Planning and Local Government orders an independent investigation into valuation and sale. 9 October 1996 - Permit granted by Nillumbik Shire Council commissioners, in controversial circumstances. A Planning Special Committee consisting of 3 commissioners and 3 community representatives considered 32 community objections. One commissioner declared a potential conflict of interest so only 2 commissioners were able to vote. After hearing all objections, the community representatives moved a foreshadowed motion to refuse a permit. The commissioners then closed the meeting, formerly opened a council meeting (for about a minute) and approved the application. October 1996 - Community members appealed planning decision to Administrative Appeals Tribunal. November 1996 -Minister for Planning and Local Government Robert McClelland calls appeal in and directs MT to refer this 'major policy issue' to the Governor in Council. February 1997 - Planning panel (Dimity Reed and Margaret Pitt) established to consider submissions. March 1997 - New council elected with five councillors. April 1997 - Three of the five new councillors vote to fight Commissioner's decision to grant a permit. April 1997 - Planning panel (Dimity Reed and Margaret Pitt) conducts hearings at Nillumbik Shire offices. June 1997 -Planning panel rejected Dallas Price Homes proposal as being 'totally inappropriate' for the site and recommends the site be rezoned for 'public purposes'. July 1997 - Dallas Price Homes threatened to sue Council and individual councillors. October 1997 - Report released of an Advisory Committee (Paul Jerome) established by the Minister for Planning and Local Government. Committee considered Dallas Price Homes proposal and an alternative concept plan proposal by Council for a gallery, workshop, offices and cinema community-based development. Advisory Committee recommended Dallas Price Homes proposal be rejected as not satisfying the requirements of the planning scheme and recommended further testing of the financial viability of Council's proposal. December 1997 - Dallas Price Homes withdrew from the contract of sale, just prior to Council announcing a withdrawal from the contract, which expired on 28th November and was not renewed by either side, after previously being extended twice pending a decision by the Minister. Council had to pay developer $58,000 for demolition costs. February 1998 - Dallas Price Homes application rejected by Planning and Local Government Minister. October 1998 - Nillumbik Councillors suspended and an Administrator appointed (until March 1999). The demolition of the former Shire of Eltham offices and proposed sale and development driven by the Commissioners for Nillumbik Shire Council brought the community together in substantial protest at the infrigement of ratepayers democratic say in local government and ciommunity assets combined with protests about inappropraite development of Eltham's Gateway. This issue led to the formation of the Eltham Community Action Group which still operates strongly today (2023) on behalf of the community to ensure appropriate development within the community.895 main road, commissioners, dallas price homes, development application, eltham hub, hungry jacks, nillumbik shire council, re-zoning, shell service station, town planning, eltham gateway, eltham gateway action group, eltham shire offices, shillinglaw cottage, shillinglaw farm, shillinglaw trees, jim connor collection

General Sir Charles Warren was an officer in the British Royal Engineers. He was one of the earliest European archaeologists ofthe Holy Land. Much of his military service was spene in British South Africa. Previously he was police chief, the Head of the London Metropolitan Police during the Jack the Ripper murders. In 1876, the Colonial Office appointed him special commissioner to survey the boundary between Griqualand West and the Orange Free State. For this work he was made a Companion of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1877. He was appointed special commissioner to investigate "native questions" in Bechuanaland and commanded the Northern Border Expedition troops in quelling the rebellion there. In 1879 he became Administrator of Griqualand West. The town Warranton in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa is named after him. In 1882 the Admiralty sent him to Sinai to discover what had happened to Professor Edward Palmer's archaeological expedition. He discovered the members had been robbed and murdered, located their remains and brought their killers to justice. For this he was created a Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1883 , also Knight of Justice of the Order of St John of Jerusalem and in 1884 elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. In 1884 Warren was sent as HM Special Commissioner to command a military expedition to Bechuanaland, to assert British sovereignty in the face of encroachments from Germany and the Transvaal and to suppress the Boer freebooter states of Stellaland and Goshen, which were backed by the Transvaal and were stealing land and cattle from the local Tswana tribes. This became known as the Warren Expedition and achieved its aims without bloodshed. Warren was recalled and in 1885 was made Knight Grand Cross ofthe Order of St Michael and St George. In 1885 Warren stood for election for Parliament but lost the vote. In 1886 he was appointed Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis following Sir Edmund Henderson's resignation. Criticised continually for his decisions and actions he resigned in November 1888. Prior to this time he was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath, January 1888. On the outbreak of the Boer War in 1899 he returned to service and commanded the 5th Division of the South African Field Force. In January 1990, Warren bungled the second attempted relief of Ladysmith at Tugela River. At the Battle of Spion Kop, January 1990 he had operational command and his failure of judgement, delay and indecision despite his superior forces culminated in the disaster. It has been said that Warren was "perhaps the worst" of the British generals in the Boer War and certainly the most "preposterous". Redvers Buller in a letter to his wife described him as "a duffer", responsible for him losing him "a great chance". Warren was recalled to Britain in August 1900 and never again commanded troops in the field. Individual image from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.holy land, sir charles warren, british royal engineers, archaeologist, british south africa, london metropolitan police, jack the ripper, colonial office, commissioner, griqualand west, orange free state, companion of the order of st michael and st george, bechuanaland, northern border expedition, warrenton, sinai, professor edward palmer, knight commander of the order of st michael and st george, knight of justice of the order of st johnof jerusalem, fellow of the royal society, knight grand cross of the order of st michael and st george, boer war, redvers buller, knight commander of the order of the bath

The Chinese School was attached/run by the Town Mission. "THE CHINESE SUNDAY SCHOOL . The opening services of the newly erected Chinese Sunday school building in connection with the Town Mission, were brought to a close on Monday night by a tea and public meeting, held in the Mission Hall. The now building, which presents a very nice appearance, and is an improvement to that part of the Main road, was erected at a cost of £95 ; Mr H. R. Caselli acting as honorary architect, kindly prepared plans, etc. A new front fence was erected at a cost of £l6, which, with all other expenses, amounted to £126 3s 6d. Previously to the present effort collections and subscriptions were obtained as follow; —Mr Burnett's service, £l8 11s 5d; Chinese Sunday school anniversary, £9 16s 10d; concert on Easter Monday, £8 15s; Phoenix Foundry, per Mr Pethard, £7; sub scriptions, £23 8s 6d, leaving a debtor balance of £57 7s 9d. The. collections on Sunday were good. Mr Lee Young, of the Chinese store, Main road, kindly gave the tea, whioh was a valuable donation. The proceeds of the tea meeting will be about £l0. The building was prettily decorated by Mr Chessell, Mrs King Hook, and the gir!s.connected with the sohool. Mr Moorshead, the caterer, gave all the school children tea gratis- Mrs Lee Young, Miss Emma Lee Young. Miss G. Kay, Miss J. Hong Gong, Mrs King Hook, Mrs Stoneman, and Mrs Pethard waited at tables. Mr M. D. Morgan presided at the public meeting in the Mission Hall, and was supported platform by the Mayor of Ballarat East, the Revs. J. White, J. J. Perrin, and E. Turner, who delivered excellent and suitable speeches; but previously, however, offers of donations - to clear off the debt were made by Mr D. Ham, £10; the chairman, £5; Mr and Mrs Whitrick, £2 17s; a number of donors of £1 each, and less sums, which, with the collec tions, amounted to £58 16s 7d. This sum, with the sale of the cottage.on the ground, clears the debt, and leaves the com mittee a few pounds in hand towards lining and seating the building. A pleas ing feature in the meeting was the hearty giving of several Chinese Christians, including Mr Le Young; also singing by the Chinese chil dren, led by Mr Pethard. When the result was made known tbe whole, meeting stood and sang —“ Praise God from whom all blessings flow," for the success in having the place opened free of debt. Votes of thanks were passed to Mr Caselli, and all who took part in the effort: and one of the happiest meetings ever hold by the mission was brought to a close by again singing the doxology and the benediction." Ballarat Star, 27 February 1885)Black and white image of a weather board school known as the Chinese School, Ballarat.chinese school, ballarat, ballarat town and city mission, chinese, education, school, chinese sunday school

Framed portrait of Tilly Aston who began the Association for the Advancement of the Blind, a forerunner to the Association for the Blind. It is part of a series of paintings commissioned by the AFB Board to commemorate the work of past presidents of the organisation. Tilly sits with one hand resting against a table, and the other in her lap. She is wearing a black collared dress with a white lace neck ruff held with an opal pin. Two medals (the Jubilee medal and Coronation medal) are pinned to the chest, each consisting of a red and white bowtie with a brass medallion. Tilly Aston was born in Carisbrook, Victoria, in 1873. When she was very young her parents noticed she was having problems with her vision. They took her to a doctor who diagnosed her with no sight in her right eye and the prognosis of loss of vision in the left eye. As a result of this she was totally blind by the age of 7. Despite this her parents endeavoured to give Tilly as many of life’s advantages that their limited means could supply. From an early age she was taught singing, music, poetry, arithmetic, encouraged to read and observe the natural world around her and be independent. At the age of 8 she was sent to the Asylum and School for the Blind (later called the Royal Victorian Institute for the Blind). She excelled in a wide range of subjects and matriculated in 1889. With the help of a public fund was able to attend Melbourne University, being the first blind Australian to do so. Unfortunately the lack of Braille text books made it impossible for Tilly to continue her studies and she left in second year. Tilly was determined that other blind people would not have the same negative experience she had had. In 1894 she organised a meeting to form the Victorian Association of Braille Writers with the aim of producing and supplying Braille to blind Victorians. Braille was produced by trained volunteers with ? recruited in the first six month. Other rights and services for blind people remained very limited. In 1895 Tilly organised a meeting, which formed the Association for the Advancement of the Blind (now Vision Australia). The Association was instrumental in obtaining many benefits for blind people including a blind pension, voting rights and transport concessions. It also established the first nursing homes for blind people, at a time when many blind people were homeless and destitute. Tilly went on to be Australia’s first blind teacher. She was also a very talented musician, author of seven books and was very gifted at arts and crafts. She knew Esperanto and corresponded with people all around the world including Helen Keller. Tilly passed away on November 1st 1947. Her legacy continues through the work Vision Australia which provides services for thousands of blind Australians. A memorial bell dedicated to her is also situated in the King Domain Gardens. 1 art original in gold frameThe plaque at the base of the painting reads 'Miss Matilda (Tilly) A. Aston / President 1904, 1910, 1943 to 1947/ Association for Advancement of the Blind'. association for the advancement of the blind, association for the blind, tilly aston

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The name Trireme comes from its distinct three rows of oars/oarsmen. The first tier of rowers were known as the Thranites, translating to Thrones. They were the most prestigious, and worked the hardest because their oars were furthest away from the water and therefore had to work harder. They were usually younger and they were paid one and a half drachma per day, half a drachma more than the other two tiers of rowers who were paid one drachma per day. After a few years working as Thranites, each was moved down into the second tier, the Zygites. Zygites derives from the word balance, as the second tier was balanced in the middle. After more years again, oarsmen were moved down into the third and final tier, known as the Thalamites. The Thalamites were consistently wet due to the proximity of their tier to the water. The water would leak through the gaps where the oars entered the ships despite the leather skins used to close the openings.This is a unique specimen made by D. Paraskevatos, in that it is the only one of its kind in the world that has been built to the exact specifications of the Athenian vessel. It was built in Melbourne and it also has historic and artistic valueWooden replica model ship that is an exact replica of the ancient Athenian trireme making it unique in the world since there's no other such replica made. Great care was exercised to ensure that it will include all functionality and detail of the ancient ship used to by the Athenians to fight in the Sea battle of Salamis and beyond. Mr Denis Paraskevatos constructed the Paralos Trireme over a period of eighteen months. Mr Paraskevatos relayed the history of his Trireme. The first Trireme was constructed in Greece by the shipbuilder Aminoklis in 704BC, originating from Corinth. The first four Triremes he constructed were ordered by a Poliykrates from Samos, thus the ships were known as Samines. Poliykrates realised he would be able to use the Triremes for his own benefit against invading pirates, as well as to engage in activities of piracy himself. The Athenians built 200 Triremes for the battle of Salamis, all constructed over a period of eighteen months. This was a huge feat, on average a new ship was build every second day. Triremes were primarily used in sea battles, however there were two unique Triremes, the Salaminia and the Paralos, which were considered Holy and only used for Ambassadors and Consulates on overseas trips. Mr Paraskevatos’ Trireme is the Paralos. The term Paralos derives from the Greek social class from the shores, or the merchant classes. Greece was divided into three basic social classes. The mountain region, the plateaus or fields bound to agriculture, and those from the shores. Paralia translates to from the shore. The Paralia were an important class in influencing the democracy. They were divergent group who would deliberately vote on the contrary to everyone else. This is how the Trireme was born. Every Trireme held between 20-50 soldiers, and either 170 or 174 oarsmen. Mr Paraskevatos’ Trireme is a 174 oarsmen ship. The role of the oarsmen was difficult and specialised. When engaged in sea battle and the wind was not enough, the navy would remove the masts and leave them on shore and solely use the oarsmen, leaving the deck clear. However when there were sufficient winds and both the sails and oars were in use the oarsmen had to show great skill in manoeuvrability. When the oarsmen were not needed to manoeuvre the ship they also engaged in battle. model, replica, paraskevatos, plutarch, ship, trireme, παρασκευάτος, πανομοιότυπο

A wide variety of items all in a damaged and incorrectly labelled tennis ball box. It is labelled 'Authors Book Reviews.' Some items are ephemeral others are of historical importance. (I) A black exercise book titled 'Correspondence Golden Square Patriotic League.' Lydia Pethard Hon. Sec. This book has pages labelled 'inwards' and 'outwards' and details correspondence between Aug. 2nd 1918 and C1921. (II) A Secondary Infantry Bendigo Brigade Comforts Fund cash book. 1919. (III) A black exercise book titled 'Golden Square Patriotic League.' Contains the minutes of meetings held between November 26th, 1917 and August 5th, 1918. Also includes the 'Annual Report p resented at Public Meeting held August 15th, 1918 and presented by President Lydia Pethard, Hon. Sec. (IV) A black exercise book labelled 'Wilsons' Reed Branch 2nd Infantry Comforts Fund. Mrs. Geo Goulden. It contains information relevant to the members and is dated 26/7/17 to 28/12/18 and 3/8/17 to 13/12/18. In the centre of the book is a list of donations. (V) A black exercise book titled 'Red Cross Golden Square.' Contains meetings held from June 30th, 1915 to October 29th., 1917. (VI) A small black notebook titled 'Carnival Returns July 21st 1917.' Appears to pertain to raffle tickets. (VII) 20 booklets titled 'Austral-American Souvenir. The Glorious Fourth.' Reprinted in connection with Bendigo-Eaglehawk Australian Comforts Fund Effort, 4th July, 1918. Written in connection with the visit of the American fleet August 1908 (VIII) A small cream sympathy card for a lost soldier Bendigo, Oct., 1918. (VX) A small blue and white election advertisement urging 'yes' for Reinforcements on Dec. 20th. (X) 2 copies of the Australian Comforts Fund Bendigo Appeal June-July 1916 Receipts. (XI) 2 copies of an application for authority to make an appeal, or to collect. Pertaining to Patriotic Funds. (XII) 2 copies of parcel slips 'for our Australian Troops From the Lady Mayoress's Patriotic League.' (ix) small card circ 1917 -A christmas flash from the boys in the trenches -on Dec 20th for Reinforcements Hold up the light -the front of the card shows a picture of three soldiers in a trench shining a searchlight on a map of Australia .The back shows a searchlight with the words -vote yes - Authorised by the Reinforcements Referendum Councilorganization, club / society, australian comforts fund, lydia chancellor, collection, ephemera, golden square patriotic league, bendigo brigade comforts fund, wilsons' reed branch 2nd infantry comforts fund, red cross golden square, bendigo-eaglehawk australian comforts fund, war, world war i, clubs, clubs and societies, organizations, finance, history, australian history, australian comforts fund

This is a set of 33 photographs taken at the combined Officer, Warrant Officer and Sergeant’s Mess Summer Ball held at the Army Survey Regiment (ASR), Fortuna Villa on the 25th of February, 1995. The Summer Ball was one of the last large scale formal functions held at Fortuna Villa before ASR’s closure the following year. Photos of personnel and their guests was taken on their arrival near the Pompeii Fountain in the gardens at the front of the main building. The Ball and Dinner was held at the rear of Fortuna Villa in temporary 20’ x 30’ Army tents set up on the roadway in front of the transport compound. SERCO contract staff provided the catering and the ASR’s Other Ranks performed stewarding and kitchen hand duties. Refer to item 6347 for information on the administrative file held in the collection and items 6370.23P, 6372.25P and 6373.36P for additional photographs taken at the Summer Ball.This is a set of 33 photographs taken at the Officer, Warrant Officer and Sergeant’s Summer Ball held at the Army Survey Regiment, Fortuna Villa on the 25th of February, 1995. The colour photographs are on 35mm negative film and are part of the Army Survey Regiment’s Collection. The photographs were scanned at 96 dpi. .1) - Photo, colour, 1995. Darren Radford and partner. .2) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Craig Hersant and partner, Mrs & Mr Foster. .3) - Photo, colour, 1995. Stan and Maureen Vote. .4) - Photo, colour, 1995. Gordon (Muddle) Muir and partner. .5) - Photo, colour, 1995. John South and partner. .6) - Photo, colour, 1995. Bill and Jan Griggs. .7) - Photo, colour, 1995. John Bath and partner. .8) - Photo, colour, 1995. John Bath and Tara Bucknall. .9) - Photo, colour, 1995. Roger Grose and partner. .10) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: John Bath and partner, Roger Grose and partner. .11) - Photo, colour, 1995. Peter Crabbe and Jodi Cuskelly. .12) - Photo, colour, 1995. Marianne and Colin Cuskelly. .13) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Peter Crabbe and Jodi Cuskelly, Marianne and Colin Cuskelly. .14) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Maria and Tony Harder with daughter. .15) - Photo, colour, 1995. Brenton and Marg McDonald. .16) - Photo, colour, 1995, L to R: unidentified guests, Brenton McDonald and partner. .17) - Photo, colour, 1995. Frank Franceschini and partner. .18) - Photo, colour, 1995. Mick and Cathy Banham. .19) - Photo, colour, 1995. Ross Jenkins and partner. .20) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Vik and Julia Sabaliauskas, Ross Jenkins and partner. .21) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Noel and Jenny Coulthard. .22) - Photo, colour, 1995. A. Carrol-Keys (RACT) and partner. .23) - Photo, colour, 1995. Peter Cates and partner. .24) - Photo, colour, 1995. Terry and Sharon Lord. .25) - Photo, colour, 1995. Dave and Sue Stephenson. .26) - Photo, colour, 1995. Unidentified member and partner. .27) - Photo, colour, 1995. Simon Lemon and partner. .28) - Photo, colour, 1995. Glen Swiney and Don Swiney MBE. .29) & .30) - Photo, colour, 1995. Sandra and Duncan Burns. .31) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Duncan and Sandra Burns, unidentified member and partner. .32) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Unidentified member and partner, Matt Jackson and partner. .33) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Glen Swiney, Simon Lemon, Dave Stephenson and partner, Simon Lemon’s partner, Andy Cordova (USA Exchange), Don Swiney MBE.1P to .33P There are no personnel or civilians identified.royal australian survey corps, rasvy, army survey regiment, army svy regt, fortuna, asr

THE WEEK REVIEWED (Article; Bush Fires: A pictorial survey of Victoria's most tragic week, January 8-15, 1939. Published in aid of the Bush Fire Relief Fund by the Sun News-Pictorial in co-operation with its newsagents, pp2-3) THE fiercest bush fires Australia has known since its discovery are quiescent at the moment, and Victoria, in the comparative coolness of the change which came with rain on Sunday night, has begun·to count its losses. In the fiery eight days, from Sunday to Sunday, at least sixty-six men, women and children have lost their lives in forest fires, or have succumbed to burns and shock; many others have died from heat; and several serious cases of burns are being treated in hospitals. Two babies in Narrandera district have died, and ten others are in hospital, because of milk soured by the record temperatures of those eight days. Forest damage totals at least a million pounds, and incalculable damage has been done to the seedlings which were to have been the forests of the future. Water conservation will be seriously affected by the silting-up of reservoirs and streams from which protective timber has been taken by the all-engulfing flames. More than a thousand houses have been destroyed, and these, with 40 mills, and schools, post-offices, churches, and other buildings, represent a loss of at least half a million. At least 1500 are homeless. For their aid, money raised in appeals has now passed the £50,000 mark, and the biggest relief organisation ever set up in peace time has swung into operation. The First Hint Victoria's first hint of what was to come appeared on Sunday, January 8, when most parts of the State awoke to find a blistering day awaiting. At 12.20 p.m., when the thermometer reached its highest for the day, 109.6 degrees, the first fire victims were at that moment going to their death on a bush track five feet wide off the main road to Narbethong. They were the forestry officers Charles Isaac Demby and John Hartley Barling, who went to warn Demby of his danger when he parted from his companions, and was himself surrounded by the treacherous fire. It was not until 8 o'clock next morning that the tragic news was flashed throughout the State. Searchers found the two charred bodies close together, one seeking protection in the nook of two logs. Barling's watch had stopped at 1.20. In the meantime, tragedy was spreading its cloak. By Monday, big fires were raging at Toolangi, Erica, Yallourn, Monbulk, Frankston, Dromana, Drouin South, Glenburn, and Blackwood, with smaller outbreaks at many other centres. In the ensuing week, while women and children were evacuated as fast as the flames would permit, Erica-scene of the 1926 fire disaster-thrice escaped doom by a change of wind. Indeed, those who have been in the fire country these past days say that the numbers of times a change of wind has saved towns from destruction is amazing. In the towns they speak of miracles. Monday's Miracles The escapes from Monett's Mill at Erica and from the Hardwood Company's Mill at Murrindindi, near where Demby and Barling went to their death, were Monday's miracles. Twenty came out alive from each mill. At the first a 60ft. dugout provided an oven-like refuge; at the second, 12 women and children survived in the smoke-filled gloom of a three-roomed cottage while their eight men, their clothes sometimes afire, poured water on the wooden walls. Three houses out of ten remained when the fire had passed. Record Temperatures Sunday had been the hottest Melbourne day for 33 years; Monday dropped to a 76.1 degree maximum; but Tuesday dawned hotter than ever, the mercury reaching 112.5. By now rumor was racing ahead of fact; whole towns were being reported lost; the alarm was raised for scores of missing persons. But fact soon overtook rumor, and within a few days the staggering toll began to mount to a figure beyond the wildest imaginings of the panic-stricken. Six died from heat on this torrid Tuesday, and the fires spread in a wide swathe from south-west to north-east across the State. Fish died in shallow streams. A curtain of smoke hid the sky from all Victoria, and hung far out to sea. It alarmed passengers on ships. On the Ormonde, on the voyage to Sydney from Burnie, women ran on deck, believing fire had broken out in the hold. Days later the smoke reached New Zealand. In Melbourne thousands of fire-volunteers were leaving in cars: vans, motor-buses-anything reliable on wheels-to aid the country in its grim fight. In the fires at Rubicon and. Narbethong, seventeen were facing death this day. But not till Wednesday, when Melbourne breathed again in a cool change, while the country still sweltered in temperatures up to 117 degrees, did the news come through the tree blocked roads. A woman and her little daughter, trapped on the road, were among those who died. Their bodies, and those of menfolk with them, were found strewn out at intervals along the road, where the furnace of the surrounding fire had dropped them in their tracks as they ran. Twelve died at a Rubicon mill, five on the road at Narbethong. At Alexandra, not far distant, a baby was born while the fires raged, and stretcher-bearers brought in the injured. On Thursday the State Government voted £5000 for the relief of fire victims. The Governor (Lord Huntingfield) and the Lord Mayor (Cr. Coles) visited some of the stricken areas, and dipped into their pockets personally. Later, the City Council, too, voted £5000. Friday, The 13th Friday, the Thirteenth, justified its evil name. A blistering northerly came early in the morning, presaging destruction, and forcing the mercury to a new record of 114 degrees. Racing fires killed at least ten in those terrible 12 hours. Four children were engulfed in the furnace at Colac. Panic drove them, uncontrollable, into the smoke-filled road when the fire raced down behind their home. They choked to death. In other parts fires were joining to make fronts of scores of miles. Kinglake was being menaced on two fronts, £60,000 worth of timber was going up in smoke in Ballarat district. Warburton was surrounded. Residents at Lorne, favoured resort, were being driven to the sea-front by a fire which destroyed at least 20 homes. Healewille. with flames visible from the town at one stage, was in a trough between two fires which burned four guest-houses, seven homes and left its surrounding beauty-spots wastes of bowed-over, blackened tree-fern fronds; with its famous Sanctuary, however, intact. Most of Omeo was destroyed this black day: Noojee. while 200 residents crouched in the river, was being reduced to a waste of buckled iron and smoking timber; Erica was once again saved by a change of wind. Beneath a pall of smoke, the Rubicon victims were buried at Alexandra. Friday night and the early hours of Saturday saw the streets of beleagured towns strewn with exhausted fire-fighters. Their flails beside them, ready for the next call, they lay where exhaustion overtook them-on footpaths, beside lamp-posts, in gutters, in cars, under trucks. Saturday's dawn brought clear skies and lower temperatures in many parts, and from the burnt-out areas came a great rush of tragic reports. The death-roll rushed past the fifty mark with incredible speed. Some had been trapped on roads, others at mills; some, after burying their treasures, had clung too long to the places they had made their homes for many years. Four men lost their lives because one went back for his dog. By Sunday, when the first of the saving rain came, nearly another score of names had been added to the list.Newspaper magazine, 48 pages (incl. covers). Fully digitised and searchable PDFPublished in aid of the Bush Fire Relief Fund by the Sun News-Pictorial in co-operation with its newsagents.bushfires, 1939 bushfires, black friday, warrandyte

Published: The opening of the railway line by His Excellency The Governor General, The Weekly Times, June 14, 1902, p10. Governor General was John Hope, Earl of Hopetoun THE HEIDELBERG TO ELTHAM RAILWAY. OPENING CEREMONY. The opening of the railway line from Heidelberg to Eltham took place on the 6th inst. The special train, containing a large number of members of Parliament, including Mr Trenwith, the Minister for Railways, left Prince's Bridge at half-past eleven, and arrived at Eltham at twenty minutes past twelve. The party was accompanied by Mr Fitzpatrick, Acting Commissioner for Railways; Mr Lockhead, the Traffic Manager; and Mr Norman, Engineer for Existing Lines. On arrival, the visitors were entertained at a banquet in the marquee, of which a photograph is given, erected close to the railway station. Mr E. H. Cameron, M.L.A., the member for the district, occupied the chair, and, seated on his right, was Mr Mason, the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, and on his left the Minister of Rail-ways. After the banquet His Excellency the Governor-General arrived, and was received and welcomed by Mr Cameron, the local State school children singing the National Anthem. The Governor-General, in declaring the line open, said that he felt highly honored at being asked to perform the opening ceremony, and he trusted that the railway would be a source of great convenience to the inhabitants of the district. He was sorry to say that this would be the last opportunity he would have of seeing them. It cost him a great deal to leave them. (Hear, hear.) He had a great many friends amongst all sections of the community, and he could hardly bear to trust himself to speak about leaving them. (Hear, hear.) He was sorry Lady Hopetoun was on the high seas, and unable to accompany him that day. Mr Cameron thanked his Excellency for performing the opening ceremony, and hoped the trip home would have the effect of restoring His Excellency to good health again. In replying. Lord Hopetoun thanked them sincerely for the cordial vote of thanks. He hoped Providence would shower her blessings over them, and that they would have a series of good seasons. He would always keep a warm corner in his heart for the people of Victoria. (Loud cheers.) THE COUNTRY. In our illustrations, views are given of a couple of sections of the new line, and glimpses of the surrounding country are shown. The line is eight miles in length, and cost £51,000 in construction. Eltham, which is the terminus, possesses many of the features that go to make a favorite holiday resort. It is a quiet picturesque little hamlet, snugly ensconced on the slope of one of many sombre-tinted hills by which it is sur-rounded. Even when viewed under ad-verse conditions one could not fail to be-impressed with the natural, rugged beauty of the place. It is situated about sixteen miles from Melbourne, and the line takes a circuitous course through a continuation of pretty undulating country. At intervals on the slopes of the surrounding green-mantled hills, patches of brown, freshly tilled soil indicate that for all its serene reposeful-ness Eltham possesses its phases of industrial life as well. Looking down into this valley from the main road which skirts the slope of a hill, distant something less than a quarter of a mile from the railway station is one of the prettiest pieces of scenery in the district. Verdure-clad hills ascend on all sides, whilst beneath stretches a broad expanse of carpet-like green sward, dotted here and there with picturesque homesteads, each with its patches of tilled soil. In the township itself the dwelling-houses are comparatively few, the larger portion of the inhabitants residing in the scattered homesteads. Eltham is as yet only in its youth, but energetic and un-tiring public men can effect wonders in a community's prosperity, and Eltham, whatever other real or imaginary advantages it may lay claim to, certainly possesses this one. The railway is the result of their endeavor. 1902 'THE HEIDELBERG TO ELTHAM RAILWAY.', Weekly Times (Melbourne, Vic. : 1869 - 1954), 14 June, p. 14. , viewed 26 Sep 2018, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article221230719This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image Negative black and white film 120 6x9 format 2 stripsAgfa APX 100sepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, eltham, heidelberg-eltham railway extension, earl of hopetoun, john hope, opening day, railway line construction

One of seven sites in Eltham and Greensborough where the butterfly survives. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p181 The rare Eltham Copper Butterfly, Paralucia pyro-discus, was saved from near extinction by a community campaign in the late 1980s. Thanks to that effort, the butterfly, a form of the Fiery Copper Butterfly, with a wing span of only 2.5cm, can be seen in parts of Eltham and Greensborough from late November to April. As late as 1987 the butterfly was thought to be near extinction. But that year, entomologist, Michael Braby, found several colonies, including two major ones in natural bushland on Diosma Road, Eltham. However these were threatened with destruction, as their habitat was to be destroyed by a development of 71 houses. The colonies were on a 14 hectare subdivision owned by Esanda Finance, an ANZ Bank subsidiary. It would cost around $5 million, to reimburse the bank for the land.1 The butterfly, which depends on woodland, a stunted form of the Sweet Bursaria bush, and the Notoncus ant, was considered too fragile to relocate. Braby’s discovery led to a sometimes fiery two-year campaign, which even became an election issue. It involved the local community, local and state governments and the developer, before a compromise was reached. The larvae have an intricate relationship with the small black ant, Notoncus. During the day, the larvae shelter in nests made by the ants around the base of the trunk and roots of the Sweet Bursaria (Bursaria spinosa). The ants are thought to protect the larvae from predators and parasites, as they attend them from the nests to feed on the Bursaria leaves at night. In return, the larvae excrete a sugar solution, which the ants love to eat. The butterfly was first recorded in Victoria in 1893, and first collected scientifically from Eltham in 1931. But it was only officially named in 1951, by Victoria’s then top butterfly expert, David Crosby.2 However, from 1970, rapid housing development in Eltham destroyed much of the butterfly’s habitat. The discovery of several major colonies in 1987 met with great excitement, and 250 people attended the first local public meeting. The State Government commissioned Crosby to investigate how to protect the butterfly, and the council froze development for three weeks. Then Esanda agreed to suspend development for several months, until a compromise was reached. Crosby recommended that 62 of the 71 lots be kept to ensure the butterflys’ survival. However this would cost $1 million to $1.5million in compensation to Esanda.3 Greensborough MP Pauline Toner, launched a $1million fundraising campaign and many artists donated their works to the appeal. Toner offered Clifton Pugh’s painting Eltham Copper Country to millionaire Alan Bond for $1 million, after having heard that he had offered $6 million for the Van Gough painting Sunflowers. However Bond did not accept. The butterfly was considered a ‘hot’ election issue during the by-election, following Pauline Toner’s resignation. Liberal party candidate, Margaret Brown, was accused of falsely saying she had been involved in the butterfly campaign so as to win votes. Sadly, the $1million appeal fell short at $426,000, so a compromise was reached. The State Government donated the Education Department site on Eucalyptus Road, but only nine lots of the Diosma site were bought, and the rest of the development went ahead. On March 3, 1989, Ms Toner died of cancer, and the Eucalyptus Road site was named in her honour. Around 2000 the butterfly was further threatened by proposed developments on Pitt Street, facing the Pauline Toner Reserve and between Diosma and Nyora Roads. Fortunately the Friends of the ECB, with the Shire of Nillumbik, ensured that more habitat was made available.4 The butterfly now survives in seven sites in Eltham and Greensborough, including the main sites at the Pauline Toner Reserve on Eucalyptus Road, the Western and Eastern colonies on Diosma Road, and the Yandell Reserve in Greensborough.5 The butterfly survives also in Castlemaine and in the Kiata and Salisbury areas. However, it remains endangered.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham copper butterfly, pauline toner butterfly reserve

Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p181 The rare Eltham Copper Butterfly, Paralucia pyro-discus, was saved from near extinction by a community campaign in the late 1980s. Thanks to that effort, the butterfly, a form of the Fiery Copper Butterfly, with a wing span of only 2.5cm, can be seen in parts of Eltham and Greensborough from late November to April. As late as 1987 the butterfly was thought to be near extinction. But that year, entomologist, Michael Braby, found several colonies, including two major ones in natural bushland on Diosma Road, Eltham. However these were threatened with destruction, as their habitat was to be destroyed by a development of 71 houses. The colonies were on a 14 hectare subdivision owned by Esanda Finance, an ANZ Bank subsidiary. It would cost around $5 million, to reimburse the bank for the land.1 The butterfly, which depends on woodland, a stunted form of the Sweet Bursaria bush, and the Notoncus ant, was considered too fragile to relocate. Braby’s discovery led to a sometimes fiery two-year campaign, which even became an election issue. It involved the local community, local and state governments and the developer, before a compromise was reached. The larvae have an intricate relationship with the small black ant, Notoncus. During the day, the larvae shelter in nests made by the ants around the base of the trunk and roots of the Sweet Bursaria (Bursaria spinosa). The ants are thought to protect the larvae from predators and parasites, as they attend them from the nests to feed on the Bursaria leaves at night. In return, the larvae excrete a sugar solution, which the ants love to eat. The butterfly was first recorded in Victoria in 1893, and first collected scientifically from Eltham in 1931. But it was only officially named in 1951, by Victoria’s then top butterfly expert, David Crosby.2 However, from 1970, rapid housing development in Eltham destroyed much of the butterfly’s habitat. The discovery of several major colonies in 1987 met with great excitement, and 250 people attended the first local public meeting. The State Government commissioned Crosby to investigate how to protect the butterfly, and the council froze development for three weeks. Then Esanda agreed to suspend development for several months, until a compromise was reached. Crosby recommended that 62 of the 71 lots be kept to ensure the butterflys’ survival. However this would cost $1 million to $1.5million in compensation to Esanda.3 Greensborough MP Pauline Toner, launched a $1million fundraising campaign and many artists donated their works to the appeal. Toner offered Clifton Pugh’s painting Eltham Copper Country to millionaire Alan Bond for $1 million, after having heard that he had offered $6 million for the Van Gough painting Sunflowers. However Bond did not accept. The butterfly was considered a ‘hot’ election issue during the by-election, following Pauline Toner’s resignation. Liberal party candidate, Margaret Brown, was accused of falsely saying she had been involved in the butterfly campaign so as to win votes. Sadly, the $1million appeal fell short at $426,000, so a compromise was reached. The State Government donated the Education Department site on Eucalyptus Road, but only nine lots of the Diosma site were bought, and the rest of the development went ahead. On March 3, 1989, Ms Toner died of cancer, and the Eucalyptus Road site was named in her honour. Around 2000 the butterfly was further threatened by proposed developments on Pitt Street, facing the Pauline Toner Reserve and between Diosma and Nyora Roads. Fortunately the Friends of the ECB, with the Shire of Nillumbik, ensured that more habitat was made available.4 The butterfly now survives in seven sites in Eltham and Greensborough, including the main sites at the Pauline Toner Reserve on Eucalyptus Road, the Western and Eastern colonies on Diosma Road, and the Yandell Reserve in Greensborough.5 The butterfly survives also in Castlemaine and in the Kiata and Salisbury areas. However, it remains endangered.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham copper butterfly, sweet bursaria

Queen Victoria was born at Kensington Palace, London, on 24 May 1819. She was the only daughter of Edward, Duke of Kent, the fourth son of George III. Her father died shortly after her birth and she became heir to the throne because the three uncles who were ahead of her in the succession - George IV, Frederick Duke of York, and William IV - had no legitimate children who survived. Warmhearted and lively, Victoria had a gift for drawing and painting; educated by a governess at home, she was a natural diarist and kept a regular journal throughout her life. On William IV's death in 1837, she became Queen at the age of 18. Queen Victoria is associated with Britain's great age of industrial expansion, economic progress and, especially, empire. At her death, it was said, Britain had a worldwide empire on which the sun never set. In the early part of her reign, she was influenced by two men: her first Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, and then her husband, Prince Albert, whom she married in 1840. Both men taught her much about how to be a ruler in a 'constitutional monarchy, in which the monarch had very few powers but could use much influence. Albert took an active interest in the arts, science, trade and industry; the project for which he is best remembered was the Great Exhibition of 1851, the profits from which helped to establish the South Kensington museums complex in London. Her marriage to Prince Albert produced nine children between 1840 and 1857. Most of her children married into other Royal families in Europe. Edward VII (born 1841), married Alexandra, daughter of Christian IX of Denmark. Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh and of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (born 1844) married Marie of Russia. Arthur, Duke of Connaught (born 1850) married Louise Margaret of Prussia. Leopold, Duke of Albany (born 1853) married Helen of Waldeck-Pyrmont. Victoria, Princess Royal (born 1840) married Friedrich III, German Emperor. Alice (born 1843) married Ludwig IV, Grand Duke of Hesse and by Rhine. Helena (born 1846) married Christian of Schleswig-Holstein. Louise (born 1848) married John Campbell, 9th Duke of Argyll. Beatrice (born 1857) married Henry of Battenberg. Victoria bought Osborne House (later presented to the nation by Edward VII) on the Isle of Wight as a family home in 1845, and Albert bought Balmoral in 1852. Victoria was deeply attached to her husband and she sank into depression after he died, aged 42, in 1861. She had lost a devoted husband and her principal trusted adviser in affairs of state. For the rest of her reign she wore black. Until the late 1860s she rarely appeared in public; although she never neglected her official Correspondence, and continued to give audiences to her ministers and official visitors, she was reluctant to resume a full public life. She was persuaded to open Parliament in person in 1866 and 1867, but she was widely criticised for living in seclusion and quite a strong republican movement developed. Seven attempts were made on Victoria's life, between 1840 and 1882 - her courageous attitude towards these attacks greatly strengthened her popularity. With time, the private urgings of her family and the flattering attention of Benjamin Disraeli, Prime Minister in 1868 and from 1874 to 1880, the Queen gradually resumed her public duties. In foreign policy, the Queen's influence during the middle years of her reign was generally used to support peace and reconciliation. In 1864, Victoria pressed her ministers not to intervene in the Prussia-Denmark war, and her letter to the German Emperor (whose son had married her daughter) in 1875 helped to avert a second Franco-German war. On the Eastern Question in the 1870s - the issue of Britain's policy towards the declining Turkish Empire in Europe - Victoria (unlike Gladstone) believed that Britain, while pressing for necessary reforms, ought to uphold Turkish hegemony as a bulwark of stability against Russia, and maintain bi-partisanship at a time when Britain could be involved in war. Victoria's popularity grew with the increasing imperial sentiment from the 1870s onwards. After the Indian Mutiny of 1857, the government of India was transferred from the East India Company to the Crown, with the position of Governor-General upgraded to Viceroy, and in 1877 Victoria became Empress of India under the Royal Titles Act passed by Disraeli's government. During Victoria's long reign, direct political power moved away from the sovereign. A series of Acts broadened the social and economic base of the electorate. These acts included the Second Reform Act of 1867; the introduction of the secret ballot in 1872, which made it impossible to pressurise voters by bribery or intimidation; and the Representation of the Peoples Act of 1884 - all householders and lodgers in accommodation worth at least £10 a year, and occupiers of land worth £10 a year, were entitled to vote. Despite this decline in the Sovereign's power, Victoria showed that a monarch who had a high level of prestige and who was prepared to master the details of political life could exert an important influence. This was demonstrated by her mediation between the Commons and the Lords, during the acrimonious passing of the Irish Church Disestablishment Act of 1869 and the 1884 Reform Act. It was during Victoria's reign that the modern idea of the constitutional monarch, whose role was to remain above political parties, began to evolve. But Victoria herself was not always non-partisan and she took the opportunity to give her opinions, sometimes very forcefully, in private. After the Second Reform Act of 1867, and the growth of the two-party (Liberal and Conservative) system, the Queen's room for manoeuvre decreased. Her freedom to choose which individual should occupy the premiership was increasingly restricted. In 1880, she tried, unsuccessfully, to stop William Gladstone - whom she disliked as much as she admired Disraeli and whose policies she distrusted - from becoming Prime Minister. She much preferred the Marquess of Hartington, another statesman from the Liberal party which had just won the general election. She did not get her way. She was a very strong supporter of the Empire, which brought her closer both to Disraeli and to the Marquess of Salisbury, her last Prime Minister. Although conservative in some respects - like many at the time she opposed giving women the vote - on social issues, she tended to favour measures to improve the lot of the poor, such as the Royal Commission on housing. She also supported many charities involved in education, hospitals and other areas. Victoria and her family travelled and were seen on an unprecedented scale, thanks to transport improvements and other technical changes such as the spread of newspapers and the invention of photography. Victoria was the first reigning monarch to use trains - she made her first train journey in 1842. In her later years, she became the symbol of the British Empire. Both the Golden (1887) and the Diamond (1897) Jubilees, held to celebrate the 50th and 60th anniversaries of the Queen's accession, were marked with great displays and public ceremonies. On both occasions, Colonial Conferences attended by the Prime Ministers of the self-governing colonies were held. Despite her advanced age, Victoria continued her duties to the end - including an official visit to Dublin in 1900. The Boer War in South Africa overshadowed the end of her reign. As in the Crimean War nearly half a century earlier, Victoria reviewed her troops and visited hospitals; she remained undaunted by British reverses during the campaign: 'We are not interested in the possibilities of defeat; they do not exist.' Victoria died at Osborne House on the Isle of Wight, on 22 January 1901 after a reign which lasted almost 64 years, then the longest in British history. Her son, Edward VII succeeded her. She was buried at Windsor beside Prince Albert, in the Frogmore Royal Mausoleum, which she had built for their final resting place. Above the Mausoleum door are inscribed Victoria's words: "Farewell best beloved, here, at last, I shall rest with thee, with thee in Christ I shall rise again." Source: https://www.royal.uk/queen-victoria This picture captures Queen Victoria in her later years. It may well have been painted to commemorate her Golden Anniversary in 1887, or her Diamond Anniversary in 1897.Picture, print, reproduction of a drawing or photograph of Queen Victoria. She is wearing a dark-coloured dress, white headdress and a diamond necklace and earrings. On her left shoulder is the Royal Order of Victoria and Albert, awarded to female members of the British Royal Family and female courtiers. There are four grades or classes of this Royal Order as well as the Sovereign's Badge, which is exclusive to her. Also across her left shoulder, is a blue riband representing the Order of the Garter. The picture is in a medium-coloured timber frame with a white string across the width at the rear. The label says it was framed by Hoy Art, Warrnambool. The signature of the Queen is on the picture but is not obvious since the picture has been re-framed."HOY ART / PICTURE FRAMING / 48 Kepler St, Warrnambool 3280 / Phone (055) 62 8022" Signature (hidden by new framing) "Victoria H.R.S."flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, picture of queen victoria, queen victoria, the royal order of victoria and albert, the order of the garter, hoy art

Reproduced from "The Weekly Times", 14th June 1902, page 10. 06 Jun 1902 Cross Reference Photo No.(s): 602, 604 Source: La Trobe Library and National Library, Canberra THE HEIDELBERG TO ELTHAM RAILWAY. OPENING CEREMONY. The opening of the railway line from Heidelberg to Eltham took place on the 6th inst. The special train, containing a large number of members of Parliament, including Mr Trenwith, the Minister for Railways, left Prince's Bridge at half-past eleven, and arrived at Eltham at twenty minutes past twelve. The party was accompanied by Mr Fitzpatrick, Acting Commissioner for Railways; Mr Lockhead, the Traffic Manager; and Mr Norman, Engineer for Existing Lines. On arrival, the visitors were entertained at a banquet in the marquee, of which a photograph is given, erected close to the railway station. Mr E. H. Cameron, M.L.A., the member for the district, occupied the chair, and, seated on his right, was Mr Mason, the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, and on his left the Minister of Rail-ways. After the banquet His Excellency the Governor-General arrived, and was received and welcomed by Mr Cameron, the local State school children singing the National Anthem. The Governor-General, in declaring the line open, said that he felt highly honored at being asked to perform the opening ceremony, and he trusted that the railway would be a source of great convenience to the inhabitants of the district. He was sorry to say that this would be the last opportunity he would have of seeing them. It cost him a great deal to leave them. (Hear, hear.) He had a great many friends amongst all sections of the community, and he could hardly bear to trust himself to speak about leaving them. (Hear, hear.) He was sorry Lady Hopetoun was on the high seas, and unable to accompany him that day. Mr Cameron thanked his Excellency for performing the opening ceremony, and hoped the trip home would have the effect of restoring His Excellency to good health again. In replying. Lord Hopetoun thanked them sincerely for the cordial vote of thanks. He hoped Providence would shower her blessings over them, and that they would have a series of good seasons. He would always keep a warm corner in his heart for the people of Victoria. (Loud cheers.) THE COUNTRY. In our illustrations, views are given of a couple of sections of the new line, and glimpses of the surrounding country are shown. The line is eight miles in length, and cost £51,000 in construction. Eltham, which is the terminus, possesses many of the features that go to make a favorite holiday resort. It is a quiet picturesque little hamlet, snugly ensconced on the slope of one of many sombre-tinted hills by which it is sur-rounded. Even when viewed under ad-verse conditions one could not fail to be-impressed with the natural, rugged beauty of the place. It is situated about sixteen miles from Melbourne, and the line takes a circuitous course through a continuation of pretty undulating country. At intervals on the slopes of the surrounding green-mantled hills, patches of brown, freshly tilled soil indicate that for all its serene reposeful-ness Eltham possesses its phases of industrial life as well. Looking down into this valley from the main road which skirts the slope of a hill, distant something less than a quarter of a mile from the railway station is one of the prettiest pieces of scenery in the district. Verdure-clad hills ascend on all sides, whilst beneath stretches a broad expanse of carpet-like green sward, dotted here and there with picturesque homesteads, each with its patches of tilled soil. In the township itself the dwelling-houses are comparatively few, the larger portion of the inhabitants residing in the scattered homesteads. Eltham is as yet only in its youth, but energetic and un-tiring public men can effect wonders in a community's prosperity, and Eltham, whatever other real or imaginary advantages it may lay claim to, certainly possesses this one. The railway is the result of their endeavor. 1902 'THE HEIDELBERG TO ELTHAM RAILWAY.', Weekly Times (Melbourne, Vic. : 1869 - 1954), 14 June, p. 14. , viewed 26 Sep 2018, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article221230719This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image 35mm B&W negativesepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, eltham, heidelberg-eltham railway extension

The name on the letterhead, “Canning Pierhead North” is the name of the Liverpool Pilot Authority, which was situated in 1883 at Cannon Pier on the River Mersey where ships entered to travel to Liverpool. The logo on the letterhead belongs to the Liverpool Shipwreck and Humane Society. The letter is addressed to “Mr Peter Carmody, Port Campbell, south coast of Australia”, and reads as follows: “January 21st 1893, Dear Sir, I have the pleasure to forward to you by post herewith a Silver Medal and a Certificate of Thanks, voted to you by the Committee of the Liverpool Shipwreck and Humane Society for your courage and humanity in going out into the surf to rescue the survivors of the crew of the barque “Newfield” which vessel was wrecked near Port Campbell on the 29th of August last. Be kind enough to send a few lines acknowledging receipt of the testimonials. I am Dear Sir, Yours Faithfully, Robert P. J. Simpson, Secretary.” The medal accompanying the letter is the Liverpool Shipwreck and Humane Society’s “Bramley-Moore medal for saving life at sea 1872”. The Society was formed in 1839. In 1872 Mr John Bramley-Moore donated £500 on condition that the medal have the specific inscription above on its reverse. The Bramley Morre medal was first awarded in 1874 and records show that since that time only one gold medal has been awarded, twenty-two silver medals and seventeen bronze medals, the last being in 1945. This Bromley-Moore medal was awarded to Peter Carmody for his bravery in saving lives on the Newfield shipwreck. The Newfield was a three-masted iron and steel barque, built in Dundee, Scotland, in 1889 by Alexander Stephen and Sons. It was owned by the Newfield Ship Company in 1890 and later that year It was registered in Liverpool to owners Brownells and Co. The Newfield left Sharpness, Scotland, on 28th May 1892 with a crew of 25 under the command of Captain George Scott and on 1st June left Liverpool. She was bound for Brisbane, Australia, with a cargo of 1850 tons of fine rock salt, the main export product of Sharpness. At about 9pm on 28th August 1892, in heavy weather, Captain Scott sighted, between heavy squalls, the Cape Otway light on the mainland of Victoria but, due to a navigational error (the ship’s chronometers were wrong), he assumed it to be the Cape Wickham light on King Island, some 40 miles south. He altered his course to the north, expecting to enter Bass Strait. The ship was now heading straight for the south west Victorian coast. At about 1:30am the Newfield ran aground on a reef about 100 yards from shore and one mile east of Curdie’s Inlet, Peterborough. The ship struck heavily three times before grounding on an inner shoal with 6 feet of water in the holds. Rough sea made the job of launching lifeboats very difficult. The first two lifeboats launched by the crew were smashed against the side of the ship and some men were crushed or swept away. The third lifeboat brought eight men to shore. It capsized when the crew tried to return it to the ship for further rescue The rescue was a difficult operation. The Port Campbell Rocket Crew arrived and fired four rocket lines, none of which connected with the ship. Peter Carmody, a local man, volunteered to swim about one mile off shore to the ship with a line to guide the fourth and final lifeboat safely to shore. He was assisted by James McKenzie and Gerard Irvine. Seventeen men survived the shipwreck but the captain and eight of his crew perished. The Newfield remained upright on the reef with sails set for a considerable time as the wind slowly ripped the canvas to shreds and the sea battered the hull to pieces. The Marine Board inquiry found the wreck was caused by a "one man style of navigation" and that the Captain had not heeded the advice of his crew. According to Jack Loney ‘… when the drama was over . . the Newfield was deserted except for the Captain’s dog and two pigs.’ Peter Carmody was awarded the Bramley-Moore medal by the Liverpool Shipwreck and Humane Society for Saving Life at Ssea, which he received by mail on January 21st 1893. The medal and letter of congratulations were donated to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum by Peter Carmody’s grand-daughter Norma Bracken and her son Stuart Bracken on 25th May 2006. The Medal and Letter of Congratulations join other items in the Newfield collectionlFlagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the Newfield is significant for its association with the shipwreck Newfield, which is listed on the Victorian Heritage Registry. The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects. The Newfield collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international cargo ship. The Newfield collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its association with the shipwreck. The Letter accompanying the Medal for Bravery awarded to Peter Carmody is significant because the attempt to save lives is associated with the shipwreck Newfield.A copy of a letter from the Liverpool Shipwreck and Humane Society to Peter Carmody in reference to the bravery of Peter Carmody over the wreck of the "Newfield". The letter is divided into 2 columns and is written in longhand using black ink on both columns. There is a letterhead in the centre of the left hand page and a round logo printed or stamped on the top of left of the left hand page. The centre of the logo shows a design of a man kneeling on a floating part of a wreck. He is rescuing a child from the sea. On the top of the circle of the logo a design shows a long-legged hen cormorant with extended wings holding an olive branch in its beak. There is also the name of a city printed onto the page under the letterhead. The letter has been folded into half along its long side, then in half again along its long side then into thirds. The letter is dated January 21st 1893. “CANNING, PIERHEAD, NORTH” and “LIVERPOOL” are printed on the top left hand page. The logo “LIVERPOOL SHIPWRECK AND HUMANE SOCIETY” is printed or embossed on the paper.28 august 1892, bramley moore, carmody, certificate of thanks, curdie's river, flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum, gerard irvine, james mckenzie, liverpool shipwreck and humane society, maritime museum, medal, newfield, nineteenth century, norma bracken, peter carmody, port campbell, rescue, robert simpson,, shipwreck, ship wreck, stuart bracken, victorian shipwrecks

This photograph is a copy displayed in the Australian Dictionary of Biography. The original photograph is in the La Trobe Collection in the State Library of Victoria. William Henry Gaunt (1830-1905), judge, was born on 27 July 1830 at Leek, Staffordshire, England, son of John Gaunt, banker, and his wife Mary, née Bakewell. Educated at Leek Grammar School and Whitchurch, Salop, he migrated to Melbourne, and entered the Victorian public service and was rapidly promoted. By March 1854 he was chief clerk at Beechworth, the administrative centre of the Ovens goldfield. In July 1855 the resident warden commended Gaunt as 'a highly valuable public servant' with an intimate knowledge of the district and the 'temper and disposition of the miners'. Appointed sub-warden in the Beechworth district in January 1856 and a Chinese protector in August, he was given control of the extensive Woolshed district. When European miners attacked a party of Chinese at the Buckland River diggings in May 1857 Gaunt was sent to restore order. One of his proclamations, issued in Chinese characters, concluded 'W. H. Gaunt, your protector—tremble and obey!' In June he was appointed a police magistrate and next month was sent to take charge at the Buckland where the Chinese had been expelled from the diggings; the police force assisting him was led by Robert O'Hara Burke. In January 1858 Gaunt was appointed a warden, in November was transferred to Chiltern, north of Beechworth, and in August 1859 was made a commissioner of crown lands. In February 1860 Gaunt was appointed a coroner of Victoria, acting at Indigo, near Chiltern. In April 1865 he was transferred to Beechworth, became visiting justice of the gaol and later moved to Sandhurst. In January 1869 he was appointed returning officer for the mining district of Ballarat and visiting justice of the gaol. He was associated with this area for the rest of his life and won high repute for his integrity. In 1874 he chaired the inaugural meeting of the first Australian competitive swimming club. For years he studied law and was called to the Bar in December 1873. He was one of the many public servants dismissed by Graham Berry on 9 January 1878 (Black Wednesday). After petitioning the Queen in vain over his dismissal he began practice in Ballarat as a barrister. He soon became a leading authority on mining laws; one of the cases in which he was involved was the lengthy inquest on the bodies of the twenty-two miners drowned in the New Australasian mine disaster at Creswick in 1882. He was appointed a temporary judge of the Insolvency Court in 1889 and a County Court judge in 1891. In 1900 he was chairman of the royal commission which considered Metropolitan Board of Works matters, and in 1902 was president of the inquiry into the unification of municipalities in Victoria. In 1860 Gaunt married Elizabeth Mary, the youngest daughter of Frederick Palmer; they had nine children. Of the surviving five sons and two daughters, Ernest Frederick Augustus and Guy Reginald Archer both became admirals and were knighted; Cecil Robert became a lieutenant-colonel, Clive Herbert a government advocate in Rangoon and Mary (Mrs H. L. Miller) one of the first women students to enrol at the University of Melbourne (1881), although she did not complete her degree; she became a successful novelist. Gaunt died on 5 October 1905. An anonymous colleague said: 'I don't think he was ever excelled as a police magistrate, and during the many years he was on the County Court bench he earned the highest regard. His capacities were as unquestioned as his integrity, and more could not be said of any judge'. Select Bibliography Votes and Proceedings (Legislative Assembly, Victoria), 1878, 3, (58) Government Gazette (Victoria), 22 Feb, 15 Aug 1856, 30 June 1857, 5 Jan 1858, 16 Aug 1859, 3 Feb 1860, 7 Mar, 11 Oct 1862, 28 Mar, 4 Apr 1865, 17 May 1867, 9 June 1868, 22, 29 Jan 1869 Ovens and Murray Advertiser, 21 May 1857, 11 Mar 1865 Colonial Secretary's in-letters, goldfields, 25 Mar 1854, 21 July, 18 Nov 1855, 22 Aug 1857 (Public Record Office Victoria) scrapbook and newsclippings (privately held). Related Entries in NCB Sitesview family tree Gaunt, Mary Eliza (daughter)go to ADB entryPhotograph of Judge W. H. Gaunt standing beside chair holding top hat and cane, under glass, in cream frame with cream matte.Printed name underneath: JUDGE W. H. GAUNT

Gold was discovered on One Tree Hill in 1854. The site has been worked intermittently until fairly recent times. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p53 Though still a working mine, One Tree Hill Mine at Smiths Gully, now stands in a tranquil reserve surrounded by bush and native animals - in contrast to its heyday. In the mid 19th century, when the mine was part of the Caledonia Goldfields, hundreds of men in search of their fortune worked the alluvial gold in the Yarra River, its tributaries and the reefs that made up the goldfields. Miner Stan Bone, assisted by Wilfred Haywood, is the last of the independent gold miners in the area and still uses the quartz crushing battery as miners did when gold was first discovered in the area in 1851.1 Stan, who is the last of six generations of miners in his family, was aged 17 when he began mining on his father Alex’ mine, The Golden Crown in Yarrambat. These days, after blasting the gold-bearing rock in Mystery Reef, one of the four reefs at One Tree Hill, Stan transports it around five kilometres by tip truck to the Black Cameron Mine for crushing. There he uses water from the waterlogged mine, (which still contains gold), as the Happy Valley Creek at One Tree Hill is usually dry.2 The One Tree Hill Mine has been worked for close to a century since it opened around the late 1850s.3 The Swedish Reef was its most productive reef and one of the largest in the area. Around 1859, extractions included 204 ounces (5.8kg) of gold, won from 57 pounds (26kg) of stone.4 Then during World War Two, Stan’s uncle, Bill Wallace, and Alex Bone, closed the mine. In 1973, Stan, with his Uncle Bill, reopened the Black Cameron Mine and worked there until 1988. Stan resumed mining One Tree Hill in 1998. As late as the 1920s gold was picked up by chance! When crossing a gully on his way to vote at the St Andrews Primary School, Bill Joyce picked up some quartz containing gold. This site was to become the Black Cameron Mine. The Caledonia Diggings, named after Scotland’s ancient name by local Scots, began around Market Square (now Smiths Gully) and included Queenstown (St Andrews), Kingstown (Panton Hill) and Diamond Creek. There were also poorer bearing fields in Kangaroo Ground and Swipers Gully (now Research). * None of these compared in riches to the Ballarat and Bendigo fields5, but the Caledonia Diggings continued intermittently for close to 100 years. Gold was discovered in Victoria following a bid to stem the disappearance of much needed workmen to the New South Wales diggings. Several businessmen offered a reward of £200, for the discovery of gold within 200 miles (322 km) of Melbourne. Late in June 1851, gold was first discovered at Andersons Creek, Warrandyte. Then in 1854, George Boston and two other men discovered gold at Smiths Gully. Gold transformed the quiet districts, with a constant flow of families and vehicles on the dirt tracks en route to the Caledonia Diggings. Three thousand people worked the gullies in Market Square, including about 1000 Chinese miners. The square established its own police, mining warden, gold battery, school, shops and cemetery and grog flowed. Market Square flourished until the middle 1860s. Bullocks transported quartz from the Caledonia Goldfields to the crushing machinery at the Queenstown/St Andrews Battery, near Smiths Gully Cemetery. It was destroyed by bushfire in 1962. By the late 1850s, most early alluvial fields were in decline, but minor rushes continued until around 1900 and some until the early 1940s. Some miners did well, although most earned little from their hard labour in the harsh and primitive conditions.6 But according to historian, Mick Woiwod, the gold fields helped to democratise society, as individuals from all walks of life were forced to share experiences, and the ability to succeed, depended less on inherited wealth or social rank.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, gold mining, one tree hill mine, smiths gully