Brian Leslie Howe, AO (born 23 January 1936), is an Australian former politician who served as the Deputy Prime Minister of Australia in the Labor government under prime ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating from 1991 to 1995. Howe was born in Melbourne. He spent his early childhood in the suburb of Malvern and was educated at Melbourne High School and the University of Melbourne. He later studied theology in Chicago (1967–69) and then returned to Australia. He served as a minister with the Methodist Church and the Uniting Church in various parts of Victoria – Morwell, Eltham and Fitzroy. Howe was elected to the House of Representatives in 1977 representing the northern Melbourne metropolitan electoral Division of Batman. He defeated the incumbent Horrie Garrick for Labor preselection in a hard-fought contest.[1] A member of the Socialist Left faction of the Labor Party, he was Minister for Defence Support in the government of Bob Hawke from 1983. In 1984 he became Minister for Social Security and carried out various radical reforms to Australia's welfare system.[2] Howe appeared to face significant opposition within his electorate in 1988, when up to 60 members of the Greek Westgarth branch of the ALP defected to join the Australian Democrats. One of the defectors, tram-conductor George Gogas, contested Batman as a Democrat candidate in 1990, but polled only 12.9 per cent of the vote.[3] After the 1990 election Howe was appointed to the post of Minister for Community Services and Health. When Paul Keating resigned from Cabinet in 1991, Howe succeeded him as Deputy Prime Minister. He became Minister for Health, Housing and Community Services in the Keating government in December 1991, dropping the health part of the portfolio in 1993. In June 1995 he resigned as Deputy Prime Minister and was succeeded by Kim Beazley. He did not stand for re-election at the 1996 election. Following his parliamentary career, Howe has been appointed as an Associate Professor for Melbourne University and continues to work with social policy and related fields. He is a member of the Church of All Nations in Carlton, and active in the Uniting Church. A full biography in his own words can be found in the Proceedings of the Uniting Church Historical Society, Synod of Victoria and Tasmania, Vol. 21, No. 1 for June 2014.Howe standing by a window in his office 1986.Identification of Howe.

Brian Leslie Howe, AO (born 23 January 1936), is an Australian former politician who served as the Deputy Prime Minister of Australia in the Labor government under prime ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating from 1991 to 1995. Howe was born in Melbourne. He spent his early childhood in the suburb of Malvern and was educated at Melbourne High School and the University of Melbourne. He later studied theology in Chicago (1967–69) and then returned to Australia. He served as a minister with the Methodist Church and the Uniting Church in various parts of Victoria – Morwell, Eltham and Fitzroy. Howe was elected to the House of Representatives in 1977 representing the northern Melbourne metropolitan electoral Division of Batman. He defeated the incumbent Horrie Garrick for Labor preselection in a hard-fought contest.[1] A member of the Socialist Left faction of the Labor Party, he was Minister for Defence Support in the government of Bob Hawke from 1983. In 1984 he became Minister for Social Security and carried out various radical reforms to Australia's welfare system.[2] Howe appeared to face significant opposition within his electorate in 1988, when up to 60 members of the Greek Westgarth branch of the ALP defected to join the Australian Democrats. One of the defectors, tram-conductor George Gogas, contested Batman as a Democrat candidate in 1990, but polled only 12.9 per cent of the vote.[3] After the 1990 election Howe was appointed to the post of Minister for Community Services and Health. When Paul Keating resigned from Cabinet in 1991, Howe succeeded him as Deputy Prime Minister. He became Minister for Health, Housing and Community Services in the Keating government in December 1991, dropping the health part of the portfolio in 1993. In June 1995 he resigned as Deputy Prime Minister and was succeeded by Kim Beazley. He did not stand for re-election at the 1996 election. Following his parliamentary career, Howe has been appointed as an Associate Professor for Melbourne University and continues to work with social policy and related fields. He is a member of the Church of All Nations in Carlton, and active in the Uniting Church. A full biography in his own words can be found in the Proceedings of the Uniting Church Historical Society, Synod of Victoria and Tasmania, Vol. 21, No. 1 for June 2014.Full-face, looking into the camera 1984 - part of an advertisement for Wesley Church's 126th anniversary 9/9/1984.Identification of Howe

Brian Leslie Howe, AO (born 23 January 1936), is an Australian former politician who served as the Deputy Prime Minister of Australia in the Labor government under prime ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating from 1991 to 1995. Howe was born in Melbourne. He spent his early childhood in the suburb of Malvern and was educated at Melbourne High School and the University of Melbourne. He later studied theology in Chicago (1967–69) and then returned to Australia. He served as a minister with the Methodist Church and the Uniting Church in various parts of Victoria – Morwell, Eltham and Fitzroy. Howe was elected to the House of Representatives in 1977 representing the northern Melbourne metropolitan electoral Division of Batman. He defeated the incumbent Horrie Garrick for Labor preselection in a hard-fought contest.[1] A member of the Socialist Left faction of the Labor Party, he was Minister for Defence Support in the government of Bob Hawke from 1983. In 1984 he became Minister for Social Security and carried out various radical reforms to Australia's welfare system.[2] Howe appeared to face significant opposition within his electorate in 1988, when up to 60 members of the Greek Westgarth branch of the ALP defected to join the Australian Democrats. One of the defectors, tram-conductor George Gogas, contested Batman as a Democrat candidate in 1990, but polled only 12.9 per cent of the vote.[3] After the 1990 election Howe was appointed to the post of Minister for Community Services and Health. When Paul Keating resigned from Cabinet in 1991, Howe succeeded him as Deputy Prime Minister. He became Minister for Health, Housing and Community Services in the Keating government in December 1991, dropping the health part of the portfolio in 1993. In June 1995 he resigned as Deputy Prime Minister and was succeeded by Kim Beazley. He did not stand for re-election at the 1996 election. Following his parliamentary career, Howe has been appointed as an Associate Professor for Melbourne University and continues to work with social policy and related fields. He is a member of the Church of All Nations in Carlton, and active in the Uniting Church. A full biography in his own words can be found in the Proceedings of the Uniting Church Historical Society, Synod of Victoria and Tasmania, Vol. 21, No. 1 for June 2014.Howe alighting from a car at Williamstown dockyards March 1985.Identification of Howe.

Brian Leslie Howe, AO (born 23 January 1936), is an Australian former politician who served as the Deputy Prime Minister of Australia in the Labor government under prime ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating from 1991 to 1995. Howe was born in Melbourne. He spent his early childhood in the suburb of Malvern and was educated at Melbourne High School and the University of Melbourne. He later studied theology in Chicago (1967–69) and then returned to Australia. He served as a minister with the Methodist Church and the Uniting Church in various parts of Victoria – Morwell, Eltham and Fitzroy. Howe was elected to the House of Representatives in 1977 representing the northern Melbourne metropolitan electoral Division of Batman. He defeated the incumbent Horrie Garrick for Labor preselection in a hard-fought contest.[1] A member of the Socialist Left faction of the Labor Party, he was Minister for Defence Support in the government of Bob Hawke from 1983. In 1984 he became Minister for Social Security and carried out various radical reforms to Australia's welfare system.[2] Howe appeared to face significant opposition within his electorate in 1988, when up to 60 members of the Greek Westgarth branch of the ALP defected to join the Australian Democrats. One of the defectors, tram-conductor George Gogas, contested Batman as a Democrat candidate in 1990, but polled only 12.9 per cent of the vote.[3] After the 1990 election Howe was appointed to the post of Minister for Community Services and Health. When Paul Keating resigned from Cabinet in 1991, Howe succeeded him as Deputy Prime Minister. He became Minister for Health, Housing and Community Services in the Keating government in December 1991, dropping the health part of the portfolio in 1993. In June 1995 he resigned as Deputy Prime Minister and was succeeded by Kim Beazley. He did not stand for re-election at the 1996 election. Following his parliamentary career, Howe has been appointed as an Associate Professor for Melbourne University and continues to work with social policy and related fields. He is a member of the Church of All Nations in Carlton, and active in the Uniting Church. A full biography in his own words can be found in the Proceedings of the Uniting Church Historical Society, Synod of Victoria and Tasmania, Vol. 21, No. 1 for June 2014.Howe at Williamstown dockyard with an exploded view of a frigate September 1984.Identification of Howe.rev brian leslie howe, deputy prime minister of australia

These seven photographs were taken at Bones Day, an annual sports competition between the Army Survey Regiment and the RAAF School of Radio at Laverton in 1967. The two units took turns each year to host the event. The day competition usually comprised basketball, cricket, cross country, golf, sailing, squash, softball, tennis, touch football, rifle shooting, tug-of-war and volleyball. The “big bone” trophy comprising a large bone from a beast housed inside a wooden framed glass case, was awarded to the winner of the day competition. The evening competition often included darts, carpet bowls, hookey, quoits and billiards/snooker. The “little bone” (a mounted chicken bone) was the consolation trophy awarded to the winner of the evening competition. The 3-hour bus trip for the visiting unit on their return was typically very raucous. The history of the Bones Day competition is best described in the booklet titled - Bones of Contention Souvenir Program. 1965. Refer to Item 6267.These seven photographs were taken at Bones Day, an annual sports competition between the Army Survey Regiment and the RAAF School of Radio at Laverton in 1967. The photographs were printed on photographic paper and are part of the Army Survey Regiment’s Collection. The black and white photographs were scanned at 300 dpi. .1) - Photo, black & white, 1967, Golf. ASR Team Back row L to R: Graeme Jeffers, CO LTCOL John Nolan, unidentified, Ace Evans. Front row L to R: unidentified (x2), Stan Vote. .2) - Photo, black & white, 1967, ASR Rifle Shooting Team Back row L to R: Ian ‘Lofty’ Turner, unidentified, Daryl Hockings CSM, Geoff Haynes, unidentified (x2). Front row L to R: unidentified (x2), unidentified UK exchange officer. .3) - Photo, black & white, 1967, ASR Tennis Team L to R: unidentified, Kalen Sargeant, unidentified, Marj Knight. .4) - Photo, black & white, 1967, ASR Squash Team – Back row L to R: unidentified (x2), Bob Williams, unidentified. Front row L to R: L.D. Clayden, Loretta Hall. .5) - Photo, black & white, 1967, ASR Cricket Team: Unidentified personnel. .6) - Photo, black & white, 1967, ASR Basketball Team Back row L to R: unidentified (x2), Gordon Lowery. Front row L to R: unidentified, John McCulloch, Ken ‘Sluggo’ Slater. .7) - Photo, black & white, 1967, ASR Tug-of-War Team Back row unidentified (x4), Tom Pattison, unidentified (x2). Front row L to R: unidentified, Ken ‘Sluggo’ Slater, unidentified (x3)..1P to .7P –No personnel are identified.royal australian survey corps, rasvy, army survey regiment, army svy regt, fortuna

Doug ‘Pudden’ Wade Born: 16/10/1941 From: Horsham Height: 188cm Weight: 92kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 23 First senior match for Geelong: Round 1, 1961 v Collingwood at Kardinia Park Regarded by many as Geelong’s greatest ever full-forward, his greatest attributes were determination, fast leading, strong marking and prodigious kicking. Often he was able to score goals with 70-metre torpedo punts. Occasionally he scored from drop-kicks. When in top form he was a most inspiring player. If opponents tried to upset his game with niggling tactics he displayed a fiery aspect of his nature, which kept spectators ‘interested’. He played the forward role like an aggressive defender. Probably his most outstanding performance was a 13-goal effort at the Lake Oval in heavy conditions in 1967. A severe knee injury suffered in an interstate match in 1964 restricted his performances for about two seasons. In his time at Geelong he seemed to perform better as the seasons rolled on. He played in North Melb’s Premiership-winning team in 1975, twelve years after the same achievement with the Cats. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 34 Premiership team selection: 1963 Night/Pre-Season Premiership team selection: 1961 Captain: 22 matches (1971-72) Club Best & Fairest: 1969 Fifth in club B&F count: 1961 Sixth in club B&F count: 1962 (equal), 1967, 1971 Seventh in club B&F count: 1964, 1972 Tenth in club B&F count: 1966, 1968 Club leading goalscorer: 1961 (51 gls), 1962 (68 gls), 1963 (48 gls), 1964 (41 gls), 1966 (52 gls), 1967 (96 gls), 1968 (64 gls), 1969 (127 gls), 1970 (74 gls), 1971 (94 gls), 1972 (90 gls) Competition leading goalscorer: 1962, 1967, 1969 Instances of seven goals or more in a match for Geelong: 35 Australian Football Hall of Fame inductee (2000) GFC Team of the 20th Century selection (full forward) GFC Hall of Fame inductee (1996) GFC Hall of Fame Legend GFC Life Membership (1968) Career span for Geelong: 1961-72 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 208, Night/Pre-Season Series 4, Interstate 7 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 834, Night/Pre-Season Series 11, Interstate 31 Finals matches for Geelong: 12 Finals goals for Geelong: 46 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 22, 1972 v North Melb at Kardinia Park Transferred to North Melb in 1973 Wayne Closter Born: 26/02/1945 From: Darley Height: 180cm Weight: 81kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 1 First senior match: Round 1, 1964 v Melbourne at the MCG In his first season as a listed player, he was selected in the Reserve Grade 1963 Premiership team. A favorable impression of his ability was created in his debut. He was opposed by Melbourne's Frank 'Bluey' Adams on a wing and out-pointed him convincingly. Initially he played many fine matches as a wingman. Later he moved into the centre where his good form continued. Features of his play were strong marking, good control and excellent kicking. He became one of the greatest ever exponents of kicking ambidextrously, and it became difficult to judge which was his natural kicking foot. National Service training obligations during a number of seasons deprived him of the chance of playing 200 matches and to represent Victoria, however the AFL acknowledged his contribution by inducting him into the 200 club during 2007. From 1977 until 1979 he coached the Reserves before spending 10 seasons as a 3GL/K-Rock football commentator. Total Brownlow Medal votes: 29 Captain: 1 match (Round 9, 1974 v South Melb at Kardinia Park) Fourth in club B&F count: 1967, 1971 (equal) Fifth in club B&F count: 1966 Sixth in club B&F count: 1964, 1968, 1972 Eighth in club B&F count: 1970, 1974 Ninth in club B&F count: 1973 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1971) Career span: 1964-75 Total matches: Premiership 191, Night/Pre-Season Series 2 Total goals: Premiership 72, Night/Pre-Season Series 0 Finals matches: 8 Finals goals: 1 Last senior match: Round 22, 1975 v Fitzroy at Waverley Park Information provided by Col Hutchinson Geelong Cats HistorianRed, slightly deflated Ross Faulkner football. In black on one side of the white laces states - MATCH/Native Brand/ ROSS FAULKNER - with a symbol of figure, and is repeated on the other side states - the football is on a small wooden stand stained dark brown with the text engraved donated by Ross Faulkner - The Football a large player signature on one side in white texta it is believed to be Wayne Closter. There is a signature in pen above the text native on one side of the football by Doug Wade. The football has blue and white ribbons threaded through the laces.Signature Doug Wade and Wayne Closter doug wade, wayne closter, ross faulkner, football, gfc, geelong football club, vietnam war

Community information booklet issued by City of Ringwood for 1983 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. Cover photograph: Ringwood Lake Reserve.CONTENTS: (page no.) Aged — Centre for the Frail Aged 22 Building — General Information 28 By-Laws and Regulations 27 Circuit Bus — Ringwood City 33 Commissioners for taking Declarations and Affidavits 29 Committees of Council 6 Council Meeting Dates 6 Council Officers 8 Council Representation 7 Councillors 4 Cultural Centre 36 Disabled Persons - Facilities 21 Emergency Telephone Numbers 58 Elections for Council 10 Festival 23 Finance - Council 11 Garbage Collection 58 Golf Course 37 Health 18 Home Help 25 Immunisation Programme 20 Immunisation Schedule 19 Items of Interest 32 Justices of the Peace 29 Lake — Ringwood Lake Reserve 59 Leisure Areas 16 Library — General 12 Library - Service for our Senior Citizens 26 Major Works Programme 14 Map of Municipality 30 Mayor’s Message – Cr. Pat Gotlib, J.P. 2 Meals on Wheels 24 Members of Parliament 56 Nature Strip Maintenance 34 Pensioners — Rate Assistance 11 Rates 10 Recycling of Waste 57 Roll — Municipal 10 Shuttle Bus 33 Swimming Centre 37 Voting — Compulsory 10 Welfare and Community Services 38 rinx

Miners from Snake Valley lobbied the Victorian Government in 1855 to make land available for sale for farming purposes as an alternative occupation and income for people who wished to stay in the region but move away from gold mining. A secondary motivation was to increase the supply of fresh produce and decrease prices of items that otherwise needed to be transported from Melbourne or other regions. Forty-three country lots were initially offered in the Three Mile area, ranging in size from two to ninety acres and costing from £1 to £3 per acre. An additional eighty-five country lots were auctioned later in the year, in addition to many smaller suburban lots. More lots were offered than sold, initially, but this represented conditions of sale requiring the total purchase cost up front which many people interested in purchasing could not afford, especially as land purchased for farming would accrue substantial additional costs for clearing and labour before becoming productive. Further lobbying activities and the election of parliamentary members sympathetic to the cause took place through the 1850s. Ovens Parliamentary Member, Daniel Cameron, was re-elected in 1856 on a platform of surveying the land for public selection with deferred payment options. Land reform remained an issue in the area through the 1850s and early 1860s, impacting broader decisions in the new State of Victoria relating to voting rights, use of Crown land and the farming of land that wasn't always suitable for the purpose. This photograph depicts Beechworth in approximately 1900, after several waves of land sales resulted in increasingly levels of development. Lantern slides, sometimes called 'magic lantern' slides, are glass plates on which an image has been secured for the purpose of projection. Glass slides were etched or hand-painted for this purpose from the Eighteenth Century but the process became more popular and accessible to the public with the development of photographic-emulsion slides used with a 'Magic Lantern' device in the mid-Nineteenth Century. Photographic lantern slides comprise a double-negative emulsion layer (forming a positive image) between thin glass plates that are bound together. A number of processes existed to form and bind the emulsion layer to the base plate, including the albumen, wet plate collodion, gelatine dry plate and woodburytype techniques. Lantern slides and magic lantern technologies are seen as foundational precursors to the development of modern photography and film-making techniques.This glass slide is significant because it provides insight into Beechworth's built environment and infrastructure in the early Twentieth Century, around the time of Australia's Federation. It is also an example of an early photographic and film-making technology in use in regional Victoria in the time period.Thin translucent sheet of glass with a square-edged image printed on the front and framed in a black backing. It is held together by metal strips to secure the edges of the slide.burke museum, beechworth, lantern slide, slide, glass slide, plate, burke museum collection, photograph, monochrome, indigo shire, north-east victoria, farming, squatters, miners, agriculture, land-clearing, land reform, daniel cameron, land sales, three mile, snake valley, tarrawingee

A meeting was held on 18th August 1947 at the East Sunshine Community Hall with the aim of forming a motor cycle club. The name BRAYBROOK MOTOR CYCLE CLUB was decided upon "as it would cater for riders and non-riding members in all surrounding districts". The first President was Don Minahan with Bert Watson as Secretary. They had been members of the Auto Cycle Union whose members became dissatisfied with the prize money awarded, so the Victorian Motorcycle Association (VMCA) was formed. The President of the VMCA (Mr. A. Clarke) attended the meeting on 3rd September 1947 which was held in the Hall behind the Sunshine Theatre. This became the regular meeting place. The new Braybrook Club affiliated with the VMCA joining clubs from Altona, Coburg, Essendon, Newport and Preston. Membership mostly came from recreational motor bike riders looking for more structured competitive riding experience and enjoyment. The club conducted its events on Sunday afternoons and as sport at that time was not permitted on Sundays, they overcame that obstacle by seeking a silver coin donation (pointing out that "two bob" was expected). The events were mainly dirt scrambles over open land which today is known as "off road". The favourite sites were Sunshine's ample open spaces such as Glengala Road and McIntyre Road, as well as Arundell Road (Keilor) and Laverton. For track racing experience the club formed a very basic dirt track on the open land in Glengala Road west of the original Sunshine Golf Club, which was very popular on Sunday afternoons for both riders and spectators. In the early 1950's Motorbike and Sidecar races were also witnessed on some Sundays, on a track near the corner of McIntyre and Furlong Roads, North Sunshine. During 1950 the Braybrook members voted in favour of allowing the Sunshine Club to amalgamate with them and form the BRAYBROOK AND DISTRICT MOTORCYCLE CLUB. The merger took place at the meeting on 10th July 1950 when office bearers were elected. The club disbanded in the mid 1960's due to the massive residential development occurring in the Sunshine district, and so activities were merged with the Newport Club. The above information is mainly compiled from Sunshine Advocate articles published on 29/8/47, 12/9/47, and 30/6/50, and from written details supplied by Mr. J. N. Willaton. Further details or corrections from interested readers are welcome.The Braybrook and District Motorcycle Club has not existed in its own right for several decades. The sticker depicting the club crest serves as a historical reminder that the club was once part of the local recreational scene.Dark blue, silver, and clear plastic sticker on right hand top corner of glass plate that previously was a side window of a car. Sticker has been left on the glass in case removal may damage it. BRAYBROOK AND DISTRICT MOTORCYCLE CLUB.Braybrook and District Motorcycle Clubmotorcycle club, sticker, club sticker, braybrook and district motorcycle club, braybrook

This lantern slide shows the Ovens District Hospital (also called the Ovens Goldfields Hospital) in Beechworth in approximately 1900. The Hospital was built as part of a community push to develop the infrastructure needed for a permanent town in the 1850s. At the time there was no hospital located between Melbourne and the NSW town of Goulburn and it was recognised that the nature of mining and agricultural work predisposed people to serious injury. The community voted in 1853 to raise funds for a hospital and a voluntary committee elected from people who contributed £2 or more annually determined the organisation's management policies, which aimed to provide care for poor people at rates levied according to the person's means. Ongoing operations of the hospital were primarily supported by Government grants, however. The foundation stone was laid at a site in Church Street at a ceremony held 1st September 1856 which was attended by 2000 people using a locally crafted trowel with a tin ore handle and pure gold blade. The hospital, which was designed by J.H. Dobbyn, cost £2347. The hospital had two wards, a dispensary, apartments for a resident surgeon and the matron, an operating theatre and a board room. Further medical facilities including services to meet the cultural and health needs of the local Chinese community were later added, in addition to a Palladian-style cut-granite face built in 1862-63. It functioned as the region's primary hospital until surpassed by the Wangaratta Hospital in 1910. In the 1940s much of the building materials were salvaged and repurposed, with the exception of the facade which was restored in 1963 by the Beechworth Lions Club and still stands today. The facade featured on the covers of local history volume 'Beechworth: a Titan's Field' by Carole Woods and heritage-focused travel guide the 'Readers Digest Book of Historic Australian Towns'. Lantern slides, sometimes called 'magic lantern' slides, are glass plates on which an image has been secured for the purpose of projection. Glass slides were etched or hand-painted for this purpose from the Eighteenth Century but the process became more popular and accessible to the public with the development of photographic-emulsion slides used with a 'Magic Lantern' device in the mid-Nineteenth Century. Photographic lantern slides comprise a double-negative emulsion layer (forming a positive image) between thin glass plates that are bound together. A number of processes existed to form and bind the emulsion layer to the base plate, including the albumen, wet plate collodion, gelatine dry plate and woodburytype techniques. Lantern slides and magic lantern technologies are seen as foundational precursors to the development of modern photography and film-making techniques.This glass slide is significant because it provides insight into Beechworth's built environment and infrastructure in the early Twentieth Century, around the time of Australia's Federation. It is also an example of an early photographic and film-making technology in use in regional Victoria in the time period.Thin translucent sheet of glass with a round-edged square image printed on the front and framed in a black backing. It is held together by metal strips to secure the edges of the slide.Obverse: Y /burke museum, beechworth, lantern slide, slide, glass slide, plate, burke museum collection, photograph, monochrome, ovens district hospital, indigo shire, north-east victoria, hospital, palladian architecture, granite, community fundraising, community infrastructure, j.h. dobbyn, beechworth lions club, ovens goldfields hospital, chinese community

Graham ‘Polly’ Farmer Born: 10/03/1935 From: East Perth (WA) Height: 191cm Weight: 94kg Natural kicking foot: Left Guernsey number: 5 First senior match: Round 1, 1962 v Carlton at Princes Park Many people believe that he became the Cats’ greatest player in his relatively short six-season career. Arriving to play at Geelong in a blaze of publicity at the age of 27, his participation in the 1962 intra-club practice matches attracted unprecedented spectator interest. Despite suffering a severe knee injury in the opening minutes of his first League match, he immediately demonstrated his wide range of skills. He is regarded as the greatest handpassing exponent in the history of football and was one of the first players to use it as a method of attack. Frequently he achieved distances of 30 to 40 metres with hand passes to team-mates in better position. His ruck work was also quite revolutionary. He developed the technique of leaping for the ball slightly earlier than his opponents and gaining a 'ride' higher into the air. Often he would, in preference to a conventional tap-out, roll the ball down one arm and handpass to a team-mate running past He developed this technique with Bill Goggin in particular. Geelong was never out of the finals during his League career Total Brownlow Medal votes: 57 Premiership team selection: 1963 Captain: 57 matches (1965-67) Runner-up in Brownlow Medal count: 1963 (equal) Club Best & Fairest: 1963, 1964 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1966, 1967 Fourth in club B&F count: 1965 Ninth in club B&F count: 1962 (equal) Coach: 1973-75 Australian Football Hall of Fame Legend (1996) AFL Team of the Century selection (ruck) Indigenous Team of the Century selection (ruck: captain) GFC Team of the Century selection (ruck) GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Hall of Fame Legend GFC Life Membership (1974) Career span: 1962-67 Total matches: Premiership 101, Interstate 6 Total goals: Premiership 65, Interstate 6 Finals matches: 9 Finals goals: 2 Last senior match: Grand Final, 1967 v Richmond at the MCG Coach: 1973-75 Information provided by Geelong Football Club Historian Col HutchinsonBlack timber frame with gold inlay, white mounting card, text, black and white photo print, perspex. Black and gold text at the top of the display reads -Geelong Football Club-. More text at the bottom reads -Graham 'Polly' Farmer / Hand-balling through a car window-. The image depicts Farmer wearing a suit and hand passing a football towards the camera through a car window.

Produced by Contour Consultants Australia Pty Ltd on behalf of Dallas Price Homes Pty Ltd as part of the planning process for redevelopment of the former Eltham Shire Office site at 895 Main Road. In 1963 the Shire of Eltham purchased the Shillinglaw property of approximately 2 acres in Main Road, Eltham for the widening of Main Road and as a site for new Council offices. This land, which contained the Shillinglaw Cottage (c1878-80), was the remaining section of the Shillinglaw family holding that originally comprised 30 acres, being Lot 90 of Holloway's 1851 subdivision. Eltham Council intended to demolish this cottage, but through extensive community action it was saved, funds were raised, and it was relocated to the current site adjacent to the Eltham Library. The new Eltham Shire Offices opened in 1965 were designed to ensure retention of the three Italian Cypress trees that were located outside the Shillinglaw Cottage. In 1971 the building was extended at the southern end to provide additional space, including for the Eltham Library and Council's Engineering Department. Renovations were undertaken to the offices during 1987. The Victorian State Government commenced to restructure local government in 1994, which resulted in the establishment of the Shire of Nillumbik and the cessation of the Shire of Eltham. This new Nillumbik Shire Council was headed by government appointed commissioners, who decided in 1995 to put the former Eltham Shire offices on the market. Eventually in June 1996 the property was sold for $1.1 million and the building was subsequently demolished. A planning application for the site was then submitted to Nillumbik Shire Council in September 1996 for construction of a 24-hour service station, convenience store, cafe/takeaway food premises, a retail facility and community facility. There were many objections to this proposed development and in controversial circumstances a planning permit was granted by the Nillumbik Shire Council commissioners. After protracted actions involving a planning panel and a planning advisory committee, established by the Minister for Local Government, the proposal was eventually rejected as not satisfying the requirements of the planning scheme. In December 1997 the purchaser withdrew from the contract of sale, just prior to Council announcing a withdrawal from the contract. While there have been a number of possible development proposals considered by subsequent Nillumbik Shire Councils, this site has remained vacant since July 1996. TIMELINE (Prepared by Jim Connor, Eltham District Historical Society- March 2018- Based on press, council and personal records) June 1996 - Eltham Shire offices sold to Dallas Price Homes for $1.1 million. July 1996 - Shire office building demolished against community's wishes. Council claimed building riddled with asbestos. September 1996 - Planning application submitted to Nillumbik Shire Council to construct on the site a 24 hours Shell service station, convenience store, Hungry Jacks café/takeaway food premises, a retail facility and community facility. 213 objections and petition of over 1400 signatures received. Minister for Planning and Local Government orders an independent investigation into valuation and sale. 9 October 1996 - Permit granted by Nillumbik Shire Council commissioners, in controversial circumstances. A Planning Special Committee consisting of 3 commissioners and 3 community representatives considered 32 community objections. One commissioner declared a potential conflict of interest so only 2 commissioners were able to vote. After hearing all objections, the community representatives moved a foreshadowed motion to refuse a permit. The commissioners then closed the meeting, formerly opened a council meeting (for about a minute) and approved the application. October 1996 - Community members appealed planning decision to Administrative Appeals Tribunal. November 1996 -Minister for Planning and Local Government Robert McClelland calls appeal in and directs MT to refer this 'major policy issue' to the Governor in Council. February 1997 - Planning panel (Dimity Reed and Margaret Pitt) established to consider submissions. March 1997 - New council elected with five councillors. April 1997 - Three of the five new councillors vote to fight Commissioner's decision to grant a permit. April 1997 - Planning panel (Dimity Reed and Margaret Pitt) conducts hearings at Nillumbik Shire offices. June 1997 -Planning panel rejected Dallas Price Homes proposal as being 'totally inappropriate' for the site and recommends the site be rezoned for 'public purposes'. July 1997 - Dallas Price Homes threatened to sue Council and individual councillors. October 1997 - Report released of an Advisory Committee (Paul Jerome) established by the Minister for Planning and Local Government. Committee considered Dallas Price Homes proposal and an alternative concept plan proposal by Council for a gallery, workshop, offices and cinema community-based development. Advisory Committee recommended Dallas Price Homes proposal be rejected as not satisfying the requirements of the planning scheme and recommended further testing of the financial viability of Council's proposal. December 1997 - Dallas Price Homes withdrew from the contract of sale, just prior to Council announcing a withdrawal from the contract, which expired on 28th November and was not renewed by either side, after previously being extended twice pending a decision by the Minister. Council had to pay developer $58,000 for demolition costs. February 1998 - Dallas Price Homes application rejected by Planning and Local Government Minister. October 1998 - Nillumbik Councillors suspended and an Administrator appointed (until March 1999). The demolition of the former Shire of Eltham offices and proposed sale and development driven by the Commissioners for Nillumbik Shire Council brought the community together in substantial protest at the infrigement of ratepayers democratic say in local government and ciommunity assets combined with protests about inappropraite development of Eltham's Gateway. This issue led to the formation of the Eltham Community Action Group which still operates strongly today (2023) on behalf of the community to ensure appropriate development within the community.895 main road, commissioners, dallas price homes, development application, eltham hub, hungry jacks, nillumbik shire council, re-zoning, shell service station, town planning, eltham gateway, eltham gateway action group, eltham shire offices, shillinglaw cottage, shillinglaw farm, shillinglaw trees, jim connor collection

General Sir Charles Warren was an officer in the British Royal Engineers. He was one of the earliest European archaeologists ofthe Holy Land. Much of his military service was spene in British South Africa. Previously he was police chief, the Head of the London Metropolitan Police during the Jack the Ripper murders. In 1876, the Colonial Office appointed him special commissioner to survey the boundary between Griqualand West and the Orange Free State. For this work he was made a Companion of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1877. He was appointed special commissioner to investigate "native questions" in Bechuanaland and commanded the Northern Border Expedition troops in quelling the rebellion there. In 1879 he became Administrator of Griqualand West. The town Warranton in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa is named after him. In 1882 the Admiralty sent him to Sinai to discover what had happened to Professor Edward Palmer's archaeological expedition. He discovered the members had been robbed and murdered, located their remains and brought their killers to justice. For this he was created a Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1883 , also Knight of Justice of the Order of St John of Jerusalem and in 1884 elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. In 1884 Warren was sent as HM Special Commissioner to command a military expedition to Bechuanaland, to assert British sovereignty in the face of encroachments from Germany and the Transvaal and to suppress the Boer freebooter states of Stellaland and Goshen, which were backed by the Transvaal and were stealing land and cattle from the local Tswana tribes. This became known as the Warren Expedition and achieved its aims without bloodshed. Warren was recalled and in 1885 was made Knight Grand Cross ofthe Order of St Michael and St George. In 1885 Warren stood for election for Parliament but lost the vote. In 1886 he was appointed Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis following Sir Edmund Henderson's resignation. Criticised continually for his decisions and actions he resigned in November 1888. Prior to this time he was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath, January 1888. On the outbreak of the Boer War in 1899 he returned to service and commanded the 5th Division of the South African Field Force. In January 1990, Warren bungled the second attempted relief of Ladysmith at Tugela River. At the Battle of Spion Kop, January 1990 he had operational command and his failure of judgement, delay and indecision despite his superior forces culminated in the disaster. It has been said that Warren was "perhaps the worst" of the British generals in the Boer War and certainly the most "preposterous". Redvers Buller in a letter to his wife described him as "a duffer", responsible for him losing him "a great chance". Warren was recalled to Britain in August 1900 and never again commanded troops in the field. Individual image from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.holy land, sir charles warren, british royal engineers, archaeologist, british south africa, london metropolitan police, jack the ripper, colonial office, commissioner, griqualand west, orange free state, companion of the order of st michael and st george, bechuanaland, northern border expedition, warrenton, sinai, professor edward palmer, knight commander of the order of st michael and st george, knight of justice of the order of st johnof jerusalem, fellow of the royal society, knight grand cross of the order of st michael and st george, boer war, redvers buller, knight commander of the order of the bath

The Chinese School was attached/run by the Town Mission. "THE CHINESE SUNDAY SCHOOL . The opening services of the newly erected Chinese Sunday school building in connection with the Town Mission, were brought to a close on Monday night by a tea and public meeting, held in the Mission Hall. The now building, which presents a very nice appearance, and is an improvement to that part of the Main road, was erected at a cost of £95 ; Mr H. R. Caselli acting as honorary architect, kindly prepared plans, etc. A new front fence was erected at a cost of £l6, which, with all other expenses, amounted to £126 3s 6d. Previously to the present effort collections and subscriptions were obtained as follow; —Mr Burnett's service, £l8 11s 5d; Chinese Sunday school anniversary, £9 16s 10d; concert on Easter Monday, £8 15s; Phoenix Foundry, per Mr Pethard, £7; sub scriptions, £23 8s 6d, leaving a debtor balance of £57 7s 9d. The. collections on Sunday were good. Mr Lee Young, of the Chinese store, Main road, kindly gave the tea, whioh was a valuable donation. The proceeds of the tea meeting will be about £l0. The building was prettily decorated by Mr Chessell, Mrs King Hook, and the gir!s.connected with the sohool. Mr Moorshead, the caterer, gave all the school children tea gratis- Mrs Lee Young, Miss Emma Lee Young. Miss G. Kay, Miss J. Hong Gong, Mrs King Hook, Mrs Stoneman, and Mrs Pethard waited at tables. Mr M. D. Morgan presided at the public meeting in the Mission Hall, and was supported platform by the Mayor of Ballarat East, the Revs. J. White, J. J. Perrin, and E. Turner, who delivered excellent and suitable speeches; but previously, however, offers of donations - to clear off the debt were made by Mr D. Ham, £10; the chairman, £5; Mr and Mrs Whitrick, £2 17s; a number of donors of £1 each, and less sums, which, with the collec tions, amounted to £58 16s 7d. This sum, with the sale of the cottage.on the ground, clears the debt, and leaves the com mittee a few pounds in hand towards lining and seating the building. A pleas ing feature in the meeting was the hearty giving of several Chinese Christians, including Mr Le Young; also singing by the Chinese chil dren, led by Mr Pethard. When the result was made known tbe whole, meeting stood and sang —“ Praise God from whom all blessings flow," for the success in having the place opened free of debt. Votes of thanks were passed to Mr Caselli, and all who took part in the effort: and one of the happiest meetings ever hold by the mission was brought to a close by again singing the doxology and the benediction." Ballarat Star, 27 February 1885)Black and white image of a weather board school known as the Chinese School, Ballarat.chinese school, ballarat, ballarat town and city mission, chinese, education, school, chinese sunday school

Framed portrait of Tilly Aston who began the Association for the Advancement of the Blind, a forerunner to the Association for the Blind. It is part of a series of paintings commissioned by the AFB Board to commemorate the work of past presidents of the organisation. Tilly sits with one hand resting against a table, and the other in her lap. She is wearing a black collared dress with a white lace neck ruff held with an opal pin. Two medals (the Jubilee medal and Coronation medal) are pinned to the chest, each consisting of a red and white bowtie with a brass medallion. Tilly Aston was born in Carisbrook, Victoria, in 1873. When she was very young her parents noticed she was having problems with her vision. They took her to a doctor who diagnosed her with no sight in her right eye and the prognosis of loss of vision in the left eye. As a result of this she was totally blind by the age of 7. Despite this her parents endeavoured to give Tilly as many of life’s advantages that their limited means could supply. From an early age she was taught singing, music, poetry, arithmetic, encouraged to read and observe the natural world around her and be independent. At the age of 8 she was sent to the Asylum and School for the Blind (later called the Royal Victorian Institute for the Blind). She excelled in a wide range of subjects and matriculated in 1889. With the help of a public fund was able to attend Melbourne University, being the first blind Australian to do so. Unfortunately the lack of Braille text books made it impossible for Tilly to continue her studies and she left in second year. Tilly was determined that other blind people would not have the same negative experience she had had. In 1894 she organised a meeting to form the Victorian Association of Braille Writers with the aim of producing and supplying Braille to blind Victorians. Braille was produced by trained volunteers with ? recruited in the first six month. Other rights and services for blind people remained very limited. In 1895 Tilly organised a meeting, which formed the Association for the Advancement of the Blind (now Vision Australia). The Association was instrumental in obtaining many benefits for blind people including a blind pension, voting rights and transport concessions. It also established the first nursing homes for blind people, at a time when many blind people were homeless and destitute. Tilly went on to be Australia’s first blind teacher. She was also a very talented musician, author of seven books and was very gifted at arts and crafts. She knew Esperanto and corresponded with people all around the world including Helen Keller. Tilly passed away on November 1st 1947. Her legacy continues through the work Vision Australia which provides services for thousands of blind Australians. A memorial bell dedicated to her is also situated in the King Domain Gardens. 1 art original in gold frameThe plaque at the base of the painting reads 'Miss Matilda (Tilly) A. Aston / President 1904, 1910, 1943 to 1947/ Association for Advancement of the Blind'. association for the advancement of the blind, association for the blind, tilly aston

The name Trireme comes from its distinct three rows of oars/oarsmen. The first tier of rowers were known as the Thranites, translating to Thrones. They were the most prestigious, and worked the hardest because their oars were furthest away from the water and therefore had to work harder. They were usually younger and they were paid one and a half drachma per day, half a drachma more than the other two tiers of rowers who were paid one drachma per day. After a few years working as Thranites, each was moved down into the second tier, the Zygites. Zygites derives from the word balance, as the second tier was balanced in the middle. After more years again, oarsmen were moved down into the third and final tier, known as the Thalamites. The Thalamites were consistently wet due to the proximity of their tier to the water. The water would leak through the gaps where the oars entered the ships despite the leather skins used to close the openings.This is a unique specimen made by D. Paraskevatos, in that it is the only one of its kind in the world that has been built to the exact specifications of the Athenian vessel. It was built in Melbourne and it also has historic and artistic valueWooden replica model ship that is an exact replica of the ancient Athenian trireme making it unique in the world since there's no other such replica made. Great care was exercised to ensure that it will include all functionality and detail of the ancient ship used to by the Athenians to fight in the Sea battle of Salamis and beyond. Mr Denis Paraskevatos constructed the Paralos Trireme over a period of eighteen months. Mr Paraskevatos relayed the history of his Trireme. The first Trireme was constructed in Greece by the shipbuilder Aminoklis in 704BC, originating from Corinth. The first four Triremes he constructed were ordered by a Poliykrates from Samos, thus the ships were known as Samines. Poliykrates realised he would be able to use the Triremes for his own benefit against invading pirates, as well as to engage in activities of piracy himself. The Athenians built 200 Triremes for the battle of Salamis, all constructed over a period of eighteen months. This was a huge feat, on average a new ship was build every second day. Triremes were primarily used in sea battles, however there were two unique Triremes, the Salaminia and the Paralos, which were considered Holy and only used for Ambassadors and Consulates on overseas trips. Mr Paraskevatos’ Trireme is the Paralos. The term Paralos derives from the Greek social class from the shores, or the merchant classes. Greece was divided into three basic social classes. The mountain region, the plateaus or fields bound to agriculture, and those from the shores. Paralia translates to from the shore. The Paralia were an important class in influencing the democracy. They were divergent group who would deliberately vote on the contrary to everyone else. This is how the Trireme was born. Every Trireme held between 20-50 soldiers, and either 170 or 174 oarsmen. Mr Paraskevatos’ Trireme is a 174 oarsmen ship. The role of the oarsmen was difficult and specialised. When engaged in sea battle and the wind was not enough, the navy would remove the masts and leave them on shore and solely use the oarsmen, leaving the deck clear. However when there were sufficient winds and both the sails and oars were in use the oarsmen had to show great skill in manoeuvrability. When the oarsmen were not needed to manoeuvre the ship they also engaged in battle. model, replica, paraskevatos, plutarch, ship, trireme, παρασκευάτος, πανομοιότυπο

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

A wide variety of items all in a damaged and incorrectly labelled tennis ball box. It is labelled 'Authors Book Reviews.' Some items are ephemeral others are of historical importance. (I) A black exercise book titled 'Correspondence Golden Square Patriotic League.' Lydia Pethard Hon. Sec. This book has pages labelled 'inwards' and 'outwards' and details correspondence between Aug. 2nd 1918 and C1921. (II) A Secondary Infantry Bendigo Brigade Comforts Fund cash book. 1919. (III) A black exercise book titled 'Golden Square Patriotic League.' Contains the minutes of meetings held between November 26th, 1917 and August 5th, 1918. Also includes the 'Annual Report p resented at Public Meeting held August 15th, 1918 and presented by President Lydia Pethard, Hon. Sec. (IV) A black exercise book labelled 'Wilsons' Reed Branch 2nd Infantry Comforts Fund. Mrs. Geo Goulden. It contains information relevant to the members and is dated 26/7/17 to 28/12/18 and 3/8/17 to 13/12/18. In the centre of the book is a list of donations. (V) A black exercise book titled 'Red Cross Golden Square.' Contains meetings held from June 30th, 1915 to October 29th., 1917. (VI) A small black notebook titled 'Carnival Returns July 21st 1917.' Appears to pertain to raffle tickets. (VII) 20 booklets titled 'Austral-American Souvenir. The Glorious Fourth.' Reprinted in connection with Bendigo-Eaglehawk Australian Comforts Fund Effort, 4th July, 1918. Written in connection with the visit of the American fleet August 1908 (VIII) A small cream sympathy card for a lost soldier Bendigo, Oct., 1918. (VX) A small blue and white election advertisement urging 'yes' for Reinforcements on Dec. 20th. (X) 2 copies of the Australian Comforts Fund Bendigo Appeal June-July 1916 Receipts. (XI) 2 copies of an application for authority to make an appeal, or to collect. Pertaining to Patriotic Funds. (XII) 2 copies of parcel slips 'for our Australian Troops From the Lady Mayoress's Patriotic League.' (ix) small card circ 1917 -A christmas flash from the boys in the trenches -on Dec 20th for Reinforcements Hold up the light -the front of the card shows a picture of three soldiers in a trench shining a searchlight on a map of Australia .The back shows a searchlight with the words -vote yes - Authorised by the Reinforcements Referendum Councilorganization, club / society, australian comforts fund, lydia chancellor, collection, ephemera, golden square patriotic league, bendigo brigade comforts fund, wilsons' reed branch 2nd infantry comforts fund, red cross golden square, bendigo-eaglehawk australian comforts fund, war, world war i, clubs, clubs and societies, organizations, finance, history, australian history, australian comforts fund

Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p181 The rare Eltham Copper Butterfly, Paralucia pyro-discus, was saved from near extinction by a community campaign in the late 1980s. Thanks to that effort, the butterfly, a form of the Fiery Copper Butterfly, with a wing span of only 2.5cm, can be seen in parts of Eltham and Greensborough from late November to April. As late as 1987 the butterfly was thought to be near extinction. But that year, entomologist, Michael Braby, found several colonies, including two major ones in natural bushland on Diosma Road, Eltham. However these were threatened with destruction, as their habitat was to be destroyed by a development of 71 houses. The colonies were on a 14 hectare subdivision owned by Esanda Finance, an ANZ Bank subsidiary. It would cost around $5 million, to reimburse the bank for the land. The butterfly, which depends on woodland, a stunted form of the Sweet Bursaria bush, and the Notoncus ant, was considered too fragile to relocate. Braby’s discovery led to a sometimes fiery two-year campaign, which even became an election issue. It involved the local community, local and state governments and the developer, before a compromise was reached. The larvae have an intricate relationship with the small black ant, Notoncus. During the day, the larvae shelter in nests made by the ants around the base of the trunk and roots of the Sweet Bursaria (Bursaria spinosa). The ants are thought to protect the larvae from predators and parasites, as they attend them from the nests to feed on the Bursaria leaves at night. In return, the larvae excrete a sugar solution, which the ants love to eat. The butterfly was first recorded in Victoria in 1893, and first collected scientifically from Eltham in 1931. But it was only officially named in 1951, by Victoria’s then top butterfly expert, David Crosby.2 However, from 1970, rapid housing development in Eltham destroyed much of the butterfly’s habitat. The discovery of several major colonies in 1987 met with great excitement, and 250 people attended the first local public meeting. The State Government commissioned Crosby to investigate how to protect the butterfly, and the council froze development for three weeks. Then Esanda agreed to suspend development for several months, until a compromise was reached. Crosby recommended that 62 of the 71 lots be kept to ensure the butterflys’ survival. However this would cost $1 million to $1.5million in compensation to Esanda. Greensborough MP Pauline Toner, launched a $1million fundraising campaign and many artists donated their works to the appeal. Toner offered Clifton Pugh’s painting Eltham Copper Country to millionaire Alan Bond for $1 million, after having heard that he had offered $6 million for the Van Gough painting Sunflowers. However Bond did not accept. The butterfly was considered a ‘hot’ election issue during the by-election, following Pauline Toner’s resignation. Liberal party candidate, Margaret Brown, was accused of falsely saying she had been involved in the butterfly campaign so as to win votes. Sadly, the $1million appeal fell short at $426,000, so a compromise was reached. The State Government donated the Education Department site on Eucalyptus Road, but only nine lots of the Diosma site were bought, and the rest of the development went ahead. On March 3, 1989, Ms Toner died, and the Eucalyptus Road site was named in her honour. Around 2000 the butterfly was further threatened by proposed developments on Pitt Street, facing the Pauline Toner Reserve and between Diosma and Nyora Roads. Fortunately the Friends of the ECB, with the Shire of Nillumbik, ensured that more habitat was made available. The butterfly now survives in seven sites in Eltham and Greensborough, including the main sites at the Pauline Toner Reserve on Eucalyptus Road, the Western and Eastern colonies on Diosma Road, and the Yandell Reserve in Greensborough.The butterfly survives also in Castlemaine and in the Kiata and Salisbury areas. However, it remains endangered.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham copper butterfly, sweet bursaria

This is a set of 33 photographs taken at the combined Officer, Warrant Officer and Sergeant’s Mess Summer Ball held at the Army Survey Regiment (ASR), Fortuna Villa on the 25th of February, 1995. The Summer Ball was one of the last large scale formal functions held at Fortuna Villa before ASR’s closure the following year. Photos of personnel and their guests was taken on their arrival near the Pompeii Fountain in the gardens at the front of the main building. The Ball and Dinner was held at the rear of Fortuna Villa in temporary 20’ x 30’ Army tents set up on the roadway in front of the transport compound. SERCO contract staff provided the catering and the ASR’s Other Ranks performed stewarding and kitchen hand duties. Refer to item 6347 for information on the administrative file held in the collection and items 6370.23P, 6372.25P and 6373.36P for additional photographs taken at the Summer Ball.This is a set of 33 photographs taken at the Officer, Warrant Officer and Sergeant’s Summer Ball held at the Army Survey Regiment, Fortuna Villa on the 25th of February, 1995. The colour photographs are on 35mm negative film and are part of the Army Survey Regiment’s Collection. The photographs were scanned at 96 dpi. .1) - Photo, colour, 1995. Darren Radford and partner. .2) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Craig Hersant and partner, Mrs & Mr Foster. .3) - Photo, colour, 1995. Stan and Maureen Vote. .4) - Photo, colour, 1995. Gordon (Muddle) Muir and partner. .5) - Photo, colour, 1995. John South and partner. .6) - Photo, colour, 1995. Bill and Jan Griggs. .7) - Photo, colour, 1995. John Bath and partner. .8) - Photo, colour, 1995. John Bath and Tara Bucknall. .9) - Photo, colour, 1995. Roger Grose and partner. .10) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: John Bath and partner, Roger Grose and partner. .11) - Photo, colour, 1995. Peter Crabbe and Jodi Cuskelly. .12) - Photo, colour, 1995. Marianne and Colin Cuskelly. .13) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Peter Crabbe and Jodi Cuskelly, Marianne and Colin Cuskelly. .14) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Maria and Tony Harder with daughter. .15) - Photo, colour, 1995. Brenton and Marg McDonald. .16) - Photo, colour, 1995, L to R: unidentified guests, Brenton McDonald and partner. .17) - Photo, colour, 1995. Frank Franceschini and partner. .18) - Photo, colour, 1995. Mick and Cathy Banham. .19) - Photo, colour, 1995. Ross Jenkins and partner. .20) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Vik and Julia Sabaliauskas, Ross Jenkins and partner. .21) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Noel and Jenny Coulthard. .22) - Photo, colour, 1995. A. Carrol-Keys (RACT) and partner. .23) - Photo, colour, 1995. Peter Cates and partner. .24) - Photo, colour, 1995. Terry and Sharon Lord. .25) - Photo, colour, 1995. Dave and Sue Stephenson. .26) - Photo, colour, 1995. Unidentified member and partner. .27) - Photo, colour, 1995. Simon Lemon and partner. .28) - Photo, colour, 1995. Glen Swiney and Don Swiney MBE. .29) & .30) - Photo, colour, 1995. Sandra and Duncan Burns. .31) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Duncan and Sandra Burns, unidentified member and partner. .32) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Unidentified member and partner, Matt Jackson and partner. .33) - Photo, colour, 1995. L to R: Glen Swiney, Simon Lemon, Dave Stephenson and partner, Simon Lemon’s partner, Andy Cordova (USA Exchange), Don Swiney MBE.1P to .33P There are no personnel or civilians identified.royal australian survey corps, rasvy, army survey regiment, army svy regt, fortuna, asr

THE WEEK REVIEWED (Article; Bush Fires: A pictorial survey of Victoria's most tragic week, January 8-15, 1939. Published in aid of the Bush Fire Relief Fund by the Sun News-Pictorial in co-operation with its newsagents, pp2-3) THE fiercest bush fires Australia has known since its discovery are quiescent at the moment, and Victoria, in the comparative coolness of the change which came with rain on Sunday night, has begun·to count its losses. In the fiery eight days, from Sunday to Sunday, at least sixty-six men, women and children have lost their lives in forest fires, or have succumbed to burns and shock; many others have died from heat; and several serious cases of burns are being treated in hospitals. Two babies in Narrandera district have died, and ten others are in hospital, because of milk soured by the record temperatures of those eight days. Forest damage totals at least a million pounds, and incalculable damage has been done to the seedlings which were to have been the forests of the future. Water conservation will be seriously affected by the silting-up of reservoirs and streams from which protective timber has been taken by the all-engulfing flames. More than a thousand houses have been destroyed, and these, with 40 mills, and schools, post-offices, churches, and other buildings, represent a loss of at least half a million. At least 1500 are homeless. For their aid, money raised in appeals has now passed the £50,000 mark, and the biggest relief organisation ever set up in peace time has swung into operation. The First Hint Victoria's first hint of what was to come appeared on Sunday, January 8, when most parts of the State awoke to find a blistering day awaiting. At 12.20 p.m., when the thermometer reached its highest for the day, 109.6 degrees, the first fire victims were at that moment going to their death on a bush track five feet wide off the main road to Narbethong. They were the forestry officers Charles Isaac Demby and John Hartley Barling, who went to warn Demby of his danger when he parted from his companions, and was himself surrounded by the treacherous fire. It was not until 8 o'clock next morning that the tragic news was flashed throughout the State. Searchers found the two charred bodies close together, one seeking protection in the nook of two logs. Barling's watch had stopped at 1.20. In the meantime, tragedy was spreading its cloak. By Monday, big fires were raging at Toolangi, Erica, Yallourn, Monbulk, Frankston, Dromana, Drouin South, Glenburn, and Blackwood, with smaller outbreaks at many other centres. In the ensuing week, while women and children were evacuated as fast as the flames would permit, Erica-scene of the 1926 fire disaster-thrice escaped doom by a change of wind. Indeed, those who have been in the fire country these past days say that the numbers of times a change of wind has saved towns from destruction is amazing. In the towns they speak of miracles. Monday's Miracles The escapes from Monett's Mill at Erica and from the Hardwood Company's Mill at Murrindindi, near where Demby and Barling went to their death, were Monday's miracles. Twenty came out alive from each mill. At the first a 60ft. dugout provided an oven-like refuge; at the second, 12 women and children survived in the smoke-filled gloom of a three-roomed cottage while their eight men, their clothes sometimes afire, poured water on the wooden walls. Three houses out of ten remained when the fire had passed. Record Temperatures Sunday had been the hottest Melbourne day for 33 years; Monday dropped to a 76.1 degree maximum; but Tuesday dawned hotter than ever, the mercury reaching 112.5. By now rumor was racing ahead of fact; whole towns were being reported lost; the alarm was raised for scores of missing persons. But fact soon overtook rumor, and within a few days the staggering toll began to mount to a figure beyond the wildest imaginings of the panic-stricken. Six died from heat on this torrid Tuesday, and the fires spread in a wide swathe from south-west to north-east across the State. Fish died in shallow streams. A curtain of smoke hid the sky from all Victoria, and hung far out to sea. It alarmed passengers on ships. On the Ormonde, on the voyage to Sydney from Burnie, women ran on deck, believing fire had broken out in the hold. Days later the smoke reached New Zealand. In Melbourne thousands of fire-volunteers were leaving in cars: vans, motor-buses-anything reliable on wheels-to aid the country in its grim fight. In the fires at Rubicon and. Narbethong, seventeen were facing death this day. But not till Wednesday, when Melbourne breathed again in a cool change, while the country still sweltered in temperatures up to 117 degrees, did the news come through the tree blocked roads. A woman and her little daughter, trapped on the road, were among those who died. Their bodies, and those of menfolk with them, were found strewn out at intervals along the road, where the furnace of the surrounding fire had dropped them in their tracks as they ran. Twelve died at a Rubicon mill, five on the road at Narbethong. At Alexandra, not far distant, a baby was born while the fires raged, and stretcher-bearers brought in the injured. On Thursday the State Government voted £5000 for the relief of fire victims. The Governor (Lord Huntingfield) and the Lord Mayor (Cr. Coles) visited some of the stricken areas, and dipped into their pockets personally. Later, the City Council, too, voted £5000. Friday, The 13th Friday, the Thirteenth, justified its evil name. A blistering northerly came early in the morning, presaging destruction, and forcing the mercury to a new record of 114 degrees. Racing fires killed at least ten in those terrible 12 hours. Four children were engulfed in the furnace at Colac. Panic drove them, uncontrollable, into the smoke-filled road when the fire raced down behind their home. They choked to death. In other parts fires were joining to make fronts of scores of miles. Kinglake was being menaced on two fronts, £60,000 worth of timber was going up in smoke in Ballarat district. Warburton was surrounded. Residents at Lorne, favoured resort, were being driven to the sea-front by a fire which destroyed at least 20 homes. Healewille. with flames visible from the town at one stage, was in a trough between two fires which burned four guest-houses, seven homes and left its surrounding beauty-spots wastes of bowed-over, blackened tree-fern fronds; with its famous Sanctuary, however, intact. Most of Omeo was destroyed this black day: Noojee. while 200 residents crouched in the river, was being reduced to a waste of buckled iron and smoking timber; Erica was once again saved by a change of wind. Beneath a pall of smoke, the Rubicon victims were buried at Alexandra. Friday night and the early hours of Saturday saw the streets of beleagured towns strewn with exhausted fire-fighters. Their flails beside them, ready for the next call, they lay where exhaustion overtook them-on footpaths, beside lamp-posts, in gutters, in cars, under trucks. Saturday's dawn brought clear skies and lower temperatures in many parts, and from the burnt-out areas came a great rush of tragic reports. The death-roll rushed past the fifty mark with incredible speed. Some had been trapped on roads, others at mills; some, after burying their treasures, had clung too long to the places they had made their homes for many years. Four men lost their lives because one went back for his dog. By Sunday, when the first of the saving rain came, nearly another score of names had been added to the list.Newspaper magazine, 48 pages (incl. covers). Fully digitised and searchable PDFPublished in aid of the Bush Fire Relief Fund by the Sun News-Pictorial in co-operation with its newsagents.bushfires, 1939 bushfires, black friday, warrandyte

Published: The opening of the railway line by His Excellency The Governor General, The Weekly Times, June 14, 1902, p10. Governor General was John Hope, Earl of Hopetoun THE HEIDELBERG TO ELTHAM RAILWAY. OPENING CEREMONY. The opening of the railway line from Heidelberg to Eltham took place on the 6th inst. The special train, containing a large number of members of Parliament, including Mr Trenwith, the Minister for Railways, left Prince's Bridge at half-past eleven, and arrived at Eltham at twenty minutes past twelve. The party was accompanied by Mr Fitzpatrick, Acting Commissioner for Railways; Mr Lockhead, the Traffic Manager; and Mr Norman, Engineer for Existing Lines. On arrival, the visitors were entertained at a banquet in the marquee, of which a photograph is given, erected close to the railway station. Mr E. H. Cameron, M.L.A., the member for the district, occupied the chair, and, seated on his right, was Mr Mason, the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, and on his left the Minister of Rail-ways. After the banquet His Excellency the Governor-General arrived, and was received and welcomed by Mr Cameron, the local State school children singing the National Anthem. The Governor-General, in declaring the line open, said that he felt highly honored at being asked to perform the opening ceremony, and he trusted that the railway would be a source of great convenience to the inhabitants of the district. He was sorry to say that this would be the last opportunity he would have of seeing them. It cost him a great deal to leave them. (Hear, hear.) He had a great many friends amongst all sections of the community, and he could hardly bear to trust himself to speak about leaving them. (Hear, hear.) He was sorry Lady Hopetoun was on the high seas, and unable to accompany him that day. Mr Cameron thanked his Excellency for performing the opening ceremony, and hoped the trip home would have the effect of restoring His Excellency to good health again. In replying. Lord Hopetoun thanked them sincerely for the cordial vote of thanks. He hoped Providence would shower her blessings over them, and that they would have a series of good seasons. He would always keep a warm corner in his heart for the people of Victoria. (Loud cheers.) THE COUNTRY. In our illustrations, views are given of a couple of sections of the new line, and glimpses of the surrounding country are shown. The line is eight miles in length, and cost £51,000 in construction. Eltham, which is the terminus, possesses many of the features that go to make a favorite holiday resort. It is a quiet picturesque little hamlet, snugly ensconced on the slope of one of many sombre-tinted hills by which it is sur-rounded. Even when viewed under ad-verse conditions one could not fail to be-impressed with the natural, rugged beauty of the place. It is situated about sixteen miles from Melbourne, and the line takes a circuitous course through a continuation of pretty undulating country. At intervals on the slopes of the surrounding green-mantled hills, patches of brown, freshly tilled soil indicate that for all its serene reposeful-ness Eltham possesses its phases of industrial life as well. Looking down into this valley from the main road which skirts the slope of a hill, distant something less than a quarter of a mile from the railway station is one of the prettiest pieces of scenery in the district. Verdure-clad hills ascend on all sides, whilst beneath stretches a broad expanse of carpet-like green sward, dotted here and there with picturesque homesteads, each with its patches of tilled soil. In the township itself the dwelling-houses are comparatively few, the larger portion of the inhabitants residing in the scattered homesteads. Eltham is as yet only in its youth, but energetic and un-tiring public men can effect wonders in a community's prosperity, and Eltham, whatever other real or imaginary advantages it may lay claim to, certainly possesses this one. The railway is the result of their endeavor. 1902 'THE HEIDELBERG TO ELTHAM RAILWAY.', Weekly Times (Melbourne, Vic. : 1869 - 1954), 14 June, p. 14. , viewed 26 Sep 2018, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article221230719This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image Negative black and white film 120 6x9 format 2 stripsAgfa APX 100sepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, eltham, heidelberg-eltham railway extension, earl of hopetoun, john hope, opening day, railway line construction

One of seven sites in Eltham and Greensborough where the butterfly survives. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p181 The rare Eltham Copper Butterfly, Paralucia pyro-discus, was saved from near extinction by a community campaign in the late 1980s. Thanks to that effort, the butterfly, a form of the Fiery Copper Butterfly, with a wing span of only 2.5cm, can be seen in parts of Eltham and Greensborough from late November to April. As late as 1987 the butterfly was thought to be near extinction. But that year, entomologist, Michael Braby, found several colonies, including two major ones in natural bushland on Diosma Road, Eltham. However these were threatened with destruction, as their habitat was to be destroyed by a development of 71 houses. The colonies were on a 14 hectare subdivision owned by Esanda Finance, an ANZ Bank subsidiary. It would cost around $5 million, to reimburse the bank for the land. The butterfly, which depends on woodland, a stunted form of the Sweet Bursaria bush, and the Notoncus ant, was considered too fragile to relocate. Braby’s discovery led to a sometimes fiery two-year campaign, which even became an election issue. It involved the local community, local and state governments and the developer, before a compromise was reached. The larvae have an intricate relationship with the small black ant, Notoncus. During the day, the larvae shelter in nests made by the ants around the base of the trunk and roots of the Sweet Bursaria (Bursaria spinosa). The ants are thought to protect the larvae from predators and parasites, as they attend them from the nests to feed on the Bursaria leaves at night. In return, the larvae excrete a sugar solution, which the ants love to eat. The butterfly was first recorded in Victoria in 1893, and first collected scientifically from Eltham in 1931. But it was only officially named in 1951, by Victoria’s then top butterfly expert, David Crosby.2 However, from 1970, rapid housing development in Eltham destroyed much of the butterfly’s habitat. The discovery of several major colonies in 1987 met with great excitement, and 250 people attended the first local public meeting. The State Government commissioned Crosby to investigate how to protect the butterfly, and the council froze development for three weeks. Then Esanda agreed to suspend development for several months, until a compromise was reached. Crosby recommended that 62 of the 71 lots be kept to ensure the butterflys’ survival. However this would cost $1 million to $1.5million in compensation to Esanda. Greensborough MP Pauline Toner, launched a $1million fundraising campaign and many artists donated their works to the appeal. Toner offered Clifton Pugh’s painting Eltham Copper Country to millionaire Alan Bond for $1 million, after having heard that he had offered $6 million for the Van Gough painting Sunflowers. However Bond did not accept. The butterfly was considered a ‘hot’ election issue during the by-election, following Pauline Toner’s resignation. Liberal party candidate, Margaret Brown, was accused of falsely saying she had been involved in the butterfly campaign so as to win votes. Sadly, the $1million appeal fell short at $426,000, so a compromise was reached. The State Government donated the Education Department site on Eucalyptus Road, but only nine lots of the Diosma site were bought, and the rest of the development went ahead. On March 3, 1989, Ms Toner died. Thee Eucalyptus Road site was named in her honour. Around 2000 the butterfly was further threatened by proposed developments on Pitt Street, facing the Pauline Toner Reserve and between Diosma and Nyora Roads. Fortunately the Friends of the ECB, with the Shire of Nillumbik, ensured that more habitat was made available. The butterfly now survives in seven sites in Eltham and Greensborough, including the main sites at the Pauline Toner Reserve on Eucalyptus Road, the Western and Eastern colonies on Diosma Road, and the Yandell Reserve in Greensborough.5 The butterfly survives also in Castlemaine and in the Kiata and Salisbury areas. However, it remains endangered.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham copper butterfly, pauline toner butterfly reserve