Letter written to Peter Ellis from Stephen Brady Official Secretary to the Governor-General and Secretary of the Order of Australia. Dated 12 December 2011. Honours-in-Confidence. Mr Peter Nicolaus Ellis 3 Flora Lane Flora Hill Vic 3550. Dear Mr Ellis I wrote to you recently advising you that you were being considered for an award within the Order of Australia. It is now my pleasure to inform you that your award of the Medal of the Order of Australia in the General Division has been approved by the Governor-General in her capacity as Chancellor of the Order of Australia. The Governor General has asked me to extend her congratulations to you. As indicated in my previous letter, your award will be announced in the media and published in the Commonwealth of Australia Gazette on Thursday 26 January 2012. I ask that you treat this manner as strictly confidential until the date of publication. From that date you will be entitled to use the initials 'OAM' after your name. Embargoed copies of the Gazette and biographical notes on recipients of awards will be issued to media outlets a few days prior to announcement, and you may be approached by members of the media for an interview at this time. If you agree to be interviewed, it is quite in order for you to discuss your award with media representatives. Media are aware that they must not under any circumstances publish or announce details until the appointed time. In due course you will be invited to attend an Investiture ceremony at which you will be presented with the insignia of your award. Once a date has been finalised you will be contacted by the Government House in your state or Territory. It is expected this will be in April or May next year. May I add my own congratulations to those of the Governor-General on your award. Yours sincerely Stephen Brady Official Secretary to the Governor-General and Secretary of the Order of Australia. Government House Canberra, ACT 2600 Australia telephone (02) 6283 3533 Facsimile (02) 62833620 Email [email protected] Honours-in-confidenceperson, individual, peter ellis oam

Extract from The Spectator of June 12, 1946: "From the Queensland 'Methodist Times'. Dreams do come true. At any rate, that is what the Rev. Cliff Lanham believes, who after the lapse of several years finds that his early dream of a Flying Patrol for the Inland is now an actuality. The Methodist Inland Mission Board has purchased from the Disposals Commission of the R.A.A.F. a De Haviland Fox Moth Biplane. Indeed, two machines have been bought, but one will be broken up for spare parts. This 'new angel of the air' is fitted with a 130 h.p. engine and possesses a cruising speed of 100 miles per hour. The petrol consumption is only that of a big six-cylinder car—18 miles per gallon. In addition to the pilot there is room for three passengers, and a stretcher is installed whereby urgent cases of sickness or accident can be flown to the nearest hospital. In this machine, Mr Lanham proposes to cover the whole of S. W. Queensland and a portion of the Northern Territory from his headquarters at Mt Isa. It takes little imagination to realise what a boon the 'flying parson' will be to those of the great outback." …. "Before [Mr Lanham] inaugurated the scheme [the idea of a flying parson] he spent his first furlough from inland mission work (and incidentally £60) learning to fly. 'In a month,' he says whimsically, 'I was a pilot of sorts.' Mr Lanham is a son of the Church. His parents were staunch Methodists, and their home offered generous hospitality to mininsters and preachers. His brother, the Rev. Percy Lanham, M.A., died in Libya when on active service as a chaplain. His widowed mother must be proud of her tall, stalwart son, whom the Church now sends forth on his flying mission for the Lord. May he ever be wafted through inland skies on two wings and a prayer." It is of interest to note that although Cliff Lanham's brother, Percy, is listed in the Methodist Church of Australasia's Ministerial Index (9th Edition, Revised to 1961) Cliff Lanham himself is not listed as either active or deceased.Three B&W identical photographs of Lanham standing next to a Methodist Inland Mission bi-plane. Lanham and an unidentified man are holding a stretcher between them with a boy of about 10-11 on it. They seem to be exiting the plane. The original photograph F69-1 is a 110x65 mm Kodak print; the other two are 195x145 mm enlargements. Lanham is wearing a white shirt and grey trousers, the other person is wearing a safari helmet.All three photos identify "Rev. Cliff Lanham" on the back. They seem to have been originally used or intended for use by The Spectator.lanham, cliff, queensland, methodist inland mission, flying parson

A guidon is the regimental banner or flag carried by a regiment of light cavalry or light horse. The 8th light Horse (Indi) Regiment was presented with the guidon circa 1927. The actual date is not certain. The guidon carries the battle honours accorded to the regiment for service in the South African War (1899-1902), World War One (!914-1918) and World War Two (1939-1945). The guidon passed into the custody of the 8th/13th Victorian Mounted Rifles Regiment when it was raised on 1 May 1948. At Federation, the Victorian Mounted Rifles companies in North East Victoria were reorganised into the 8th Light Horse Regiment. In 1912 the regiment was renumbered 16th Light Horse. The 8th Light Horse Regiment AIF was raised at Broadmeadows Victoria in September 1914 under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Alexander White and formed part of the 3rd Light Horse Brigade. The regiment served at Gallipoli where in a courageous but ill-fated charge at the Nek on 7 August 1915 it suffered horrendous casualties including Lieutenant Colonel White. Rebuilt in Egypt under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Leslie Maygar VC the regiment went on the serve throughout the Middle East Campaign. Colonel Maygar died of wounds at Beersheba when the regiment was attacked by enemy aircraft while waiting to follow up the successful charge of the 4th LH Brigade on 30 October 1917. The 8th Light Horse AIF was disbanded in 1919, but soon after re-raised as the 8th (Indi) Light Horse in the Citizen Military Forces, superseding 16th (Indi) Light Horse. It had its headquarters at Benalla with sub-units throughout the Upper Murray and Northeast Victoria. In December 1941, the regiment converted from horse to mechanised, initially as 8th Reconnaissance Battalion then in July 1942 it became 8th Cavalry Regiment and served in Northern Territory. As Japanese threat to the mainland declined the regiment was disbanded. In 1948, the 8th Light Horse was linked with 13th and 20th Regiments to form the 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles in the Citizen Military Forces. Guidon of the 8th Light Horse Regiment. Maroon corded cotton double thickness fabric with gold metal thread fringe, gold embroidered regimental number in Roman numerals, regimental badge and battle honours; colour patch below badge. Braided corded with tassels.Battle honours: "South Africa 1899-1902, Sari Bair, Maghdaba-Rafah, Jerusalem, Megiddo, Damascus, Defence of ANZAC, Rumani, Gaza-Beersheba, Jordan (Es Salt), Sharon, South West Pacific 1943-1944"guidon, 8th light horse, battle honours

Beni Carr Glyn Burnett (also known as B. C. G. Burnett or Beni Burnett) was born in 1889 to missionary parents in Mongolia. When he was 15 years old he began training as an architect with a firm in Shanghai. He worked in Singapore, Japan and China before moving to Australia around 1933. In 1937 he was appointed as the Commonwealth principal architect in the Northern Territory. He went on to design a series of houses for senior public servants and military personnel which became very popular as they were specifically designed for the tropics - incorporating louvres, high ceilings and good ventilation. When Darwin was bombed in February 1942, he was evacuated to Alice Springs where he continued to work as an architect. He also became a Magistrate and Coroner in Alice Springs. In later life he was well known for sketching clientele in public bars. He died in 1955. Beni Burnett was living in Sydney in 1933 when he produced these three artworks. There were several photography firms operating in Sydney at this time who specialised in photographing ships and the shipping trade (e.g. Samuel J. Hood and William James Hall) and whose photographs were used by artists to produce ship portraits. Both of these photographers took photographs of the two ships in B. C. G. Burnett's watercolours. The "Winterhude" (originally called "Mabel Rickmers) was a three masted Finnish barque built in 1898 by Rickers - Werft Bremerhaven for use on the East India rice trade and later the South American nitrate trade. After WW1 it came under French control as war compensation. It was also sold several times and at one stage was called "Selma Hemsoth" but in 1925 it was bought by Gustaf Erikson who restored the name "Winterhude" and the vessel became a regular transport in the Australian wheat trade. In 1944 it was sold to the German navy before being taken over by the British at the end of WW2. It was photographed in Sydney by William James Hall in1931 on its way to Port Lincoln, South Australia to load wheat for Europe.This painting (one of a set of three small artworks) is significant as an example of shipping (particularly the use of sailing ships) that were still being used as late as the 1930's in Australia. It is also important because its creator (B. C. G. Burnett) went on to become a well-known public figure in the Northern Territory in the late 1930's due to his innovative approach to designing homes for the tropical climate.A watercolour painting of a sailing ship called "Winterhude". It shows a 3 masted barque with a blue and red steel hull in full sail heading away from the viewer. A small figure can be seen at the wheel at the rear of the ship. The painter's name (B. C. G. Burnett) and date (1933) are written on the bottom left-hand corner of the painting. The name of the ship is written in faded pencil on the back of the painting.front - "B. C. G. BURNETT. 1933" back - in faded pencil - "the Winterhude"flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, great ocean road, sailing ships, ships, barque, winterhude, beni carr glyn burnett, b. c. g. burnett, beni burnett, painting, watercolour painting, sketch, ink sketch, sydney harbour, architect, darwin, burnett house, photography, samuel j. hood, william james hall, mabel rickmers

The Bocian is a versatile training sailplane that first flew in 1952. The type has been modified in several respects over the course of production by SZD (tailplane and rudder in particular). About 600 have been built; many for export to 27 countries (including Australia). The aerobatic capability and fine performance (best glide ratio of 26) has enabled the Bocian to be used to train competition pilots as well as those of lesser experience. Many world gliding records were set in the 1950s and 1960s in Bocian gliders. The Museum’s example is a type D test flown in Poland on 3 and 4 April 1963. It was imported into Australia in September 1963 by Austerserve Pty Ltd. The first owner was the Alice Springs Gliding Club and the glider had name “Cumulus” painted on the side of the fuselage (since removed). The glider had recorded 726 hours 46 minutes flying time from 2138 launches as at July 1967 when it was transferred to the Darwin Gliding Club. It appears that the glider was damaged in June 1968. The substantial repairs to the fuselage, both wings and tailplane and other minor repairs were completed on 13 October 1968. The glider continued flying with the Darwin Gliding Club until August 1969 at which time the service to that club amounted to 59 hours 7 minutes flying time from 348 flights. Between August 1969 and August 1976 no flights are recorded in the logbook. It is understood that on its last flight at Bachelor, south of Darwin in the Northern Territory (August 1969) it was severely damaged when it crashed after spinning while being auto-tow launched (although this is not expressly mentioned in the logbook). Reg Hancock purchased the damaged glider and rebuilt the port wing and restored it to airworthy condition (September 1976). It was then transferred to Colac, Victoria, and used by the Colac Gliding Group at the Yeo airfield until February 1981, adding another 153 hours from 403 flights to the glider’s record. After airworthy inspection in September 1982 the glider was used by the Geelong Gliding Club until 1983 (logbook details not held). The 20 year survey was then due and the glider fell out of service. In the course of the most recent restoration attempt it was discovered that the glue used in construction had deteriorated and that it was no longer feasible to bring it back to an airworthy condition. Subject to restoration, this exhibit may be representative of the 1950s - 1960s Bocian two seat sailplane typeThis exhibit is a large two seat glider /sailplane of wood and fabric construction. All components are present with the exception of instruments. However, at the time that the aircraft was transferred to the Museum it had been taken apart for major restoration work. As received it is stripped of the top coats of paint and a number of components (including, amongst others, tip fairings, nose cone and cockpit elements) that were removed for facilitating the repair process. The glider, serial number 803, was registered as VH-GNLaustralian gliding, glider, sailplane, bocian, cumulus, alice springs gliding club, darwin gliding club, colac gliding group, geelong gliding club, hancock

In 1945 the Reverend Harry Griffiths, who worked for the Methodist Inland Mission in Alice Springs, saw the need for a boarding facility for children of families living in remote areas in Central Australia who needed access to schools. He and his wife established Griffiths House, on a site in the town centre, and for many years it became home for students from all over the Outback, including many young Aboriginal people. In the late 1950's the Rev Fred McKay, successor to the Rev John Flynn as Superintendent of the Australian Inland Mission, lobbied the United Church in the Northern Territory to build and expand on this important start. Together the Presbyterian, Methodist and Congregational churches embarked on a missionary venture to develop St Philip's College - a new, larger residential hostel which would one day become a full boarding school. An ideal site - 22 acres of bush at the junction of the Charles and Todd Rivers and backing on to the Telegraph Station National Park - was secured and after six years of planning, construction began in 1964. Fred McKay led the legendary work parties comprised of volunteers from all over Australia who travelled to Alice Springs, paying their own way and volunteering their expertise, time and labour, to turn a dream into a reality. This fantastic tradition continues today, with work parties arriving each mid-year holiday. On 13 February 1965 the first boarders moved in to St Philip's College. For the first 24 years, therefore, St Philip's College operated as a residential hostel only. The College’s ninth Headmaster, Mr Christopher Tudor, arrived in 1986. He and the Council Chairman, Mrs Jan Heaslip, judged that the time was right to complete the original plan to turn St Philip’s College into a fully fledged independent boarding/day school, serving not only “bush” families, but also the growing population of Alice Springs. The then College Council embraced the idea and three years of frantic, determined preparation and planning commenced, culminating in an extensive $2 million building program in 1988. To this day there continues to be further development with the new landscaping underway near The Minnamurra Hall, Reception and Rivergum Cafe, plus the recent completion of the Science & Food Technology building and the new Rivergum Cafe.Head & Shoulders of Chris Eldridgest. philip's college, tudor, chris, eldridge, chris

In 1945 the Reverend Harry Griffiths, who worked for the Methodist Inland Mission in Alice Springs, saw the need for a boarding facility for children of families living in remote areas in Central Australia who needed access to schools. He and his wife established Griffiths House, on a site in the town centre, and for many years it became home for students from all over the Outback, including many young Aboriginal people. In the late 1950's the Rev Fred McKay, successor to the Rev John Flynn as Superintendent of the Australian Inland Mission, lobbied the United Church in the Northern Territory to build and expand on this important start. Together the Presbyterian, Methodist and Congregational churches embarked on a missionary venture to develop St Philip's College - a new, larger residential hostel which would one day become a full boarding school. An ideal site - 22 acres of bush at the junction of the Charles and Todd Rivers and backing on to the Telegraph Station National Park - was secured and after six years of planning, construction began in 1964. Fred McKay led the legendary work parties comprised of volunteers from all over Australia who travelled to Alice Springs, paying their own way and volunteering their expertise, time and labour, to turn a dream into a reality. This fantastic tradition continues today, with work parties arriving each mid-year holiday. On 13 February 1965 the first boarders moved in to St Philip's College. For the first 24 years, therefore, St Philip's College operated as a residential hostel only. The College’s ninth Headmaster, Mr Christopher Tudor, arrived in 1986. He and the Council Chairman, Mrs Jan Heaslip, judged that the time was right to complete the original plan to turn St Philip’s College into a fully fledged independent boarding/day school, serving not only “bush” families, but also the growing population of Alice Springs. The then College Council embraced the idea and three years of frantic, determined preparation and planning commenced, culminating in an extensive $2 million building program in 1988. To this day there continues to be further development with the new landscaping underway near The Minnamurra Hall, Reception and Rivergum Cafe, plus the recent completion of the Science & Food Technology building and the new Rivergum Cafe.Head & Shoulders of Chris Tudor.st. philip's college, tudor, chris, eldridge, chris

In 1945 the Reverend Harry Griffiths, who worked for the Methodist Inland Mission in Alice Springs, saw the need for a boarding facility for children of families living in remote areas in Central Australia who needed access to schools. He and his wife established Griffiths House, on a site in the town centre, and for many years it became home for students from all over the Outback, including many young Aboriginal people. In the late 1950's the Rev Fred McKay, successor to the Rev John Flynn as Superintendent of the Australian Inland Mission, lobbied the United Church in the Northern Territory to build and expand on this important start. Together the Presbyterian, Methodist and Congregational churches embarked on a missionary venture to develop St Philip's College - a new, larger residential hostel which would one day become a full boarding school. An ideal site - 22 acres of bush at the junction of the Charles and Todd Rivers and backing on to the Telegraph Station National Park - was secured and after six years of planning, construction began in 1964. Fred McKay led the legendary work parties comprised of volunteers from all over Australia who travelled to Alice Springs, paying their own way and volunteering their expertise, time and labour, to turn a dream into a reality. This fantastic tradition continues today, with work parties arriving each mid-year holiday. On 13 February 1965 the first boarders moved in to St Philip's College. For the first 24 years, therefore, St Philip's College operated as a residential hostel only. The College’s ninth Headmaster, Mr Christopher Tudor, arrived in 1986. He and the Council Chairman, Mrs Jan Heaslip, judged that the time was right to complete the original plan to turn St Philip’s College into a fully fledged independent boarding/day school, serving not only “bush” families, but also the growing population of Alice Springs. The then College Council embraced the idea and three years of frantic, determined preparation and planning commenced, culminating in an extensive $2 million building program in 1988. To this day there continues to be further development with the new landscaping underway near The Minnamurra Hall, Reception and Rivergum Cafe, plus the recent completion of the Science & Food Technology building and the new Rivergum Cafe.Tudor and Eldridge in conversation with the College in the background.st. philip's college, tudor, chris, eldridge, chris

Beni Carr Glyn Burnett (also known as B. C. G. Burnett or Beni Burnett) was born in 1889 to missionary parents in Mongolia. When he was 15 years old he began training as an architect with a firm in Shanghai. He worked in Singapore, Japan and China before moving to Australia around 1933. In 1937 he was appointed as the Commonwealth principal architect in the Northern Territory. He went on to design a series of houses for senior public servants and military personnel which became very popular as they were specifically designed for the tropics - incorporating louvres, high ceilings and good ventilation. When Darwin was bombed in February 1942, he was evacuated to Alice Springs where he continued to work as an architect. He also became a Magistrate and Coroner in Alice Springs. In later life he was well known for sketching clientele in public bars. He died in 1955. Beni Burnett was living in Sydney in 1933 when he produced these three artworks. There were several photography firms operating in Sydney at this time who specialised in photographing ships and the shipping trade (e.g. Samuel J. Hood and William James Hall) and whose photographs were used by artists to produce ship portraits. Both of these photographers took photographs of the two ships in B. C. G. Burnett's watercolours. The "Magdalene Vinnen" was photographed by Samuel J Hood in a series of photos taken in March 1933. It was a 4 masted steel barque, built in 1921 in Kiel, Germany and for almost 80 years was the largest traditional sailing ship in operation. She was used extensively as a cargo ship. She sailed into Sydney Harbour on 27th Feb 1933, loaded with almost 16,000 bales of wool destined for Falmouth, England. In March 1933 (whilst in Sydney) the German Republic flag (on orders from Adolph Hitler) was lowered and replaced with the old monarchist flag which was then to be the official flag and beside it the Nazi flag was to be flown on all ceremonial occasions. It visited Australia again in 1935 with its cargo being wheat from Port Broughton, S. A. In 1936 it was renamed "Kommodore Johnsen" and in 1945 (after WW2) the ship was awarded to the Soviet Union as war compensation and renamed "STS Sedov". This painting (one of a set of 3 small artworks) is significant as an example of shipping (particularly the use of sailing ships) that were still being used as late as the 1930's in Australia. It is also important because its creator (B. C. G. Burnett) went on to become a well-known public figure in the Northern Territory in the late 1930's due to his innovative approach to designing homes for the tropical climate. A watercolour painting of a sailing ship called "Magdalene Vinnen". It shows a 4 masted barque with a blue and red steel hull in full sail heading towards the viewer. The painter's name (B. C. G. Burnett) and date (1933) are written on the bottom left-hand corner of the painting. The location and name of the ship is written in ink on the back of the painting.front - "B. C. G. BURNETT. 1933 back - "off Sydney" / "Magdalene Vinnen"flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, great ocean road, sailing ships, ships, barque, magdalene vinnen, beni carr glyn burnett, b. c. g. burnett, beni burnett, painting, watercolour painting, sketch, sydney harbour, architect, darwin, burnett house, photography, samuel j. hood, william james hall, sedov, kommodore johnsen

Australian Policy Activism in Language and Literacy presents the dynamics of language and literacy policy activism in Australia by capturing accounts of many of those most deeply engaged in Australia?s distinctive practice of Language and Literacy policy-making and its effects. This book describes how policy texts came about. 1. From policy to anti-policy: how fear of language rights took policy-making out of community hands /? Joseph Lo Bianco 2. Australia's language /? Paul Brock 3. Politics, activism and processes of policy production: adult literacy in Australia /? Rosie Wickert 4. Although it wasn't broken, it certainly was fixed: interventions in the Australian Adult Migrant English Program 1991-1996 /? Helen Moore 5. Advocating the sustainability of linguistic diversity /? Michael Singh 6. The cost of literacy for some /? Anthea Taylor 7. (E)merging discourses at work: bringing together new and old ways to account for workplace literacy policy /? Geraldine Castleton 8. The melody changes but the dance goes on - tracking adult literacy education in Western Australia from 'learning for life' to 'lifelong learning': policy impacts on practice 1973-1999 /? Margaret McHugh, Jennifer Nevard and Anthea Taylor 9. Sleight of hand: job myths, literacy and social capital /? Ian Falk 10. National literacy benchmarks and the outstreaming of ESL learners /? Penny McKay 11. Open for business: the market, the state and adult literacy in Australia up to and beyond 2000 /? Peter Kell 12. Inventiveness and regression: interpreting/?translating and the vicissitudes of Australian language policy /? Uldis Ozolins 13. Deafness and sign language in government policy documents 1983-1990 /? Des Power 14. Imprisoned by a landmark narrative? Student/?teacher ratios and the making of policy /? Merilyn Childs 15. Ideologies, languages, policies: Australia's ambivalent relationship with learning to communicate in 'other' languages /? Angela Scarino and Leo Papademetre 16. Reconciled to what? Reconciliation and the Norther Territory's bilingual education program, 1973-1998 /? Christine Nicholls 17. Sing out that song: the textual activities of social technologies in an Aboriginal community /? Jack Frawley.language activism, linguistic diversity, adult literacy, education, sign language, reconciliation, esl programs

Ward Brothers (George and Samuel) registered a company (Australian Sewing Machines Limited Pty Ltd) with the head office address in Errol St, North Melbourne, and Prahan. The earliest newspaper advertisement for this company was in 1897. Around this time the Ward Brothers first imported sewing machines from England and Wertheim placed their decal on them and mounted them in their own Australian made cabinets. David Ward later imported machines from Beisolt & Locke in Germany and registered name  A.N.A. (All Native Australian), his shop was in Collingwood Melbourne. Some of these machines had Ward Brothers decals on them as well. The three brothers sold under the same name as Ward Brothers. The early Ward Brothers logo had a map of Australia with a picture of all three brothers on it. In 1911 all three of the Ward Brothers decided to share a stall in the yearly Melbourne exhibition. The A.N.A was the machine that got rave reviews. It was at this time that the Australian Sewing Machine Company Pty Ltd decided to add the A.N.A logo to their logo to cash in on the new found celebrity status that the A.N.A has gained. To cut a long story short. David Ward took his brothers to court to prevent this from happening. This was a long drawn out affair that took quite a few years. The settlement was decided out of court and nothing was disclosed of the deal that was made. David seemed to have left the scene, then the remaining Ward Brothers and A.N.A. combined and then became “Wardana”. There are many Ward Brothers sewing machines in displays, they originated from Japan, England, America, and Germany. It seems that where ever they got the best deal for sewing machines or parts is the direction they went. This is where the Bendigo sewing machine company came into the picture. All imported sewing machines into Australia drew a government tax. Bendigo Cording's Traction Company was given proposed two-pound tariff protection that gave the company a significant price advantage for its machines. As a result, the Ward Brothers purchased a huge number of Bendigo shares to get cheaper machines for their sewing machine cabinets. Ward Brothers then placed one of their company officials on the Board of “Bendigo Sewing Machines Limited” and the rest is history. Ward Brothers had shops Australian wide and in most of the major country towns. History for “Bendigo Sewing Machines Limited”     Cordings Traction Company owners (H. Keck MLC, W. Wallace, and W. Ewing) operated their business out of the former W. Webb & Co. building in Queen St. Bendigo. Around 1923-1924 they decided to switch from traction engines to manufacturing sewing machines. The actual date is not known but that year's financial report made note of both Cordings and Bendigo Sewing Machines Limited. The switch was made with the government of the day agreeing to a tariff of two pounds per head for every machine head made completely in Australia. The change from traction engines to sewing machines went well. Government representatives visited the factory in Bendigo to inspect and ensure that the sewing machines were Australian made as a result they agreed on granting the two-pound tariff to the company. After the first 12 months, they built 30, the following 12 months the company had produced 1500 machines probably due to the involvement of the Ward brothers. However, the government proposed a new condition to the tariff agreement which was that the company must produce 20% of Australia's requirements for sewing machines. In 1924 after having had produced 1500 machines resulting in reaching their financial limit for tariff support. According to the government, the requirement was 15,000 machines for the next year had to be produced to qualify for the tariff. The company had already reached its production limit and unfortunately folded. There were several attempts to regain government assistance to save this new industry but it was to no avail. Even a promise to open another factory in Sydney was offered but unfortunately wasn't accepted. An item fabricated in Australia from a majority of imported parts from either Germany, America or England giving a snapshot into the early manufacturing industries that were operating at the time of Federation. Sewing machine, treadle, in timber cabinet. Branded Ward Bros, A.N.A., Australian Sewing Machine Coy. Decorative carved timber cabinet, hinged, fold-out laminated timber top and five drawers; two small on each side with handles and one long, shallow, between side drawers without handle. Thread is on bobbin in a rocket shuttle (both in good condition) plus spare empty shuttle (rusty). Brass ‘Half Yard’ ruler inlaid across front, measuring scale in inches and centimetres. Two metal shuttle cover plates (or throat plate / slide plate); front one is impressed with a gauge for needle and thread. Gold trim and decals on flatbed and machine front and back, serial number under shuttle cover, brand on decals and on round metal plate on back of machine. Front right of machine has a bobbin winder. Treadle belt shows signs of wear and laminate on timber machine cover is peeling slightly.Decal coat of arms on right front of machine: kangaroo on left, man with broad-brim hat, holding pick-axe on right, in centre, top “SEWING MACHINE / THE / A. N. A.” then below it, the rising sun, then below that is state of Victoria shield with the Southern Cross constellation. Wheat sheaves around edge on left and flowering plant on right. Gold ribbon banner at bottom with script “WARD BROS.“ Decal of map of Australia on flatbed of machine. States and capital cities are marked and named (no northern territory), portrait of two men. In centre of map are interwoven letters “A. N. A.” and written in script “WARD BROS.” Decal across front of machine body has large, decorated gold lettering “A. N. A.” Decal across the top of machine “THE AUSTRALIAN SEWING MACHINE COY. PTY. Ltd.” Steel shuttle cover at front has an impressed gage listing cotton and needle sizes and number of stitches. Brass disc on back of machine “A. N. A.” in centre. Brass ruler across front of machine has carved or pressed words in the timber. In centre “INCHES” above ruler and “CENTIMETRES” below ruler, and on right above ruler is “HALF YARD” Decal across back of machine’s body “A.N. A. / MADE IN U.S.A.” Stamped into metal under shuttle cover is “219415” (2 and 5 are partially there, first 1 could instead be a 7) flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, ward bros., australian sewing machine co., a.n.a., treadle sewing machine, rocket shuttle sewing machine, home industry, clothing, wardana, australian sewing machine company, all native australian, dressmaking, clothing manufacturer

In 1984 the Commonwealth Government made available to Flagstaff Hill a collection of lead ingots and copper sheets recovered from the wreck-site of the LOCH ARD. They were presented to the Warrnambool City Council by the Hon. Tom Uren MHR, Minister for Territories and Local Government: “The Commonwealth recognises that shipwrecks like the LOCH ARD are our national heritage with important educational, recreational and tourist applications” (The Standard, Tuesday 8 May 1984). The LOCH ARD was wrecked in 1878. Unsuccessful salvage operations were then undertaken with the 90 ton paddle steamer NAPIER. In sudden bad weather this vessel too was sunk. The precise position of the LOCH ARD in the exposed and dangerous waters off Mutton Bird Island became lost to memory. The underwater location of the LOCH ARD was rediscovered in 1967 by a Warrnambool skindiver, Stan McPhee. In the two years following his find, the vessel was systematically pillaged by unauthorised salvagers. This led to the State and Federal Governments’ intervention in 1969. A roundup and seizure of recovered lead ingots and copper sheets was conducted by Commonwealth and Victorian Police. Offenders were charged and convicted. The “repossessed loot of the Tassie Boys” was placed into secure storage (Jack Loney, 1978, Wrecks & Reputations). The LOCH ARD manifest of cargo lists “Pig lead 50 tons, 994 pig & 37 rolls” and “Copper 33 plates, 53 bolts”. While the lead ingots have been subsequently described as “ballast”, the copper sheets are unlikely to have been associated with the ship’s normal complement in that way. Similar product lines in the cargo manifest are “Bar and rod iron 102 tons”, “Plate iron 3 tons” and “Zinc 12 tons”. These raw materials were used by colonial artisans such as blacksmiths and metal smelters to fashion, and repair, agricultural implements and industrial machinery. Copper was valued for its non-corrosive properties and its malleability, or ease of working. Both these qualities were useful, for example, in laying underground gas pipes that supplied lighting to residences, businesses and streetscapes in the mid-nineteenth century. As the nineteenth century progressed, the metal was also increasingly valued for its conductivity, with copper wiring linking colonial communities to each other, and the wider world, via the Telegraph system. The average weight of the copper sheets is 216 kilograms, calculated by "volume 0.1936m³ X Cu density 8930kgs/m³".The shipwreck of the Loch Ard is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register ( S 417). Flagstaff Hill has a varied collection of artefacts from Loch Ard and its collection is significant for being one of the largest accumulation of artefacts from this notable Victorian shipwreck. The collections object is to also give us a snapshot into history so we can interpret the story of this tragic event. The collection is also archaeologically significant as it represents aspects of Victoria's shipping history that allows us to interpret Victoria's social and historical themes of the time. The collections historically significance is that it is associated unfortunately with the worst and best-known shipwreck in Victoria's history. Large heavy sheets or panels of copper metal raised from the wreck of the LOCH ARD. The 10 sheets are of roughly similar dimensions and rectangular shape. They bear signs of prolonged submersion in seawater, with various degrees of limestone accretion, adhered marine growth, and green oxidisation. Three of the sheets are severely buckled, demonstrating the force of underwater explosives used in their salvage. One sheet appears cut or severed in a diagonal line downwards from its top left hand corner. One sheet has a 10cm X 10cm square cut out of its top right hand corner. All sheets are in sturdy, stable condition. No maker’s marks are visible.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, loch line, loch ard, captain gibbs, eva carmichael, tom pearce, glenample station, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, sailing ship, copper sheet, manutacturing materials, metal imports, muntz

The Kangaroo Hoppet is Australia’s premier long distance cross country ski race, and a member of the Worldloppet series of international cross country ski events. The first race at Falls Creek was held in 1979 under the name of “Australian Birkebeiner”. It was a 21km race with about 80 participants organised by the Birkebeiner Nordic Ski Club of Mount Beauty. The course started and finished at Falls Creek Alpine Resort and took participants out into the Bogong High Plains. After running the event for 10 years, it was decided they should become part of the Worldloppet series of marathon ski races. Representatives from the Birkebeiner Nordic Ski Club and the Australian Ski Federation attended the Worldloppet Annual Meeting in Finland in June 1990 to put the case for the acceptance of an Australian event into the Worldloppet series. Before being admitted, they had to demonstrate that the Birkebeiner Club could run a world class event, so three months later in August 1990 a 42km event named the Australian International Ski Marathon was held at Falls Creek together with a 21km Birkebeiner race and a 7km event called the Birkebeiner Lite. The event was approved by delegates from USA, Norway and Austria, in 1991 Australia became the 12th member of Worldloppet, with the condition that there had to be a name change. After some late night discussion allegedly involving red wine from North East Victoria the main event became the 42km Kangaroo Hoppet, with the minor events being the 21km Australian Birkebeiner, and 7km Joey Hoppet. In the winter of 1991, the first Kangaroo Hoppet was held. It was a great success and has been a regular fixture on the international ski calendar ever since. It features the main 42km event as well as a 21km event and a 7km event. The Hoppet brings the Australian snowfields to an international audience. In 2021 plans were in place for the 30th anniversary of the Hoppet when it was again stopped due to COVID-19. A virtual Hoppet was put in place. It ran between 1st and 29th August 2021 and was again successful, with almost 1200 entrants. 31 countries and all Australian states and mainland territories were represented. Participants came from Argentina, Austria, Canada, Czechia, Dubai, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Iceland, India, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Malaysia, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Russia, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK and the USA.This poster is significant because it documents an event which brings international attention to Falls Creek and the surrounding region.A poster featuring two skiers heading into the distance. One skier has a race bib with 30 1991 - 2021 visible on his back. At the top is a circular emblem featuring a kangaroo looking through the middle of the number 30. It is surrounded by the words "KANGAROO HOPPET ANNIVERSARY 1991 - 2021". Logos of Worldloppet, AGL, Falls Creek, Alpine Shire Council, Victorian State Government, the Birkebeiner Nordic Ski Club, FIS, Community Bank Mount Beauty & District and KANGAROO HOPPET are across the bottom of the poster. In middle of image: AUSTRALIA'S PREMIER X-COUNTRY SKI RACE Between image and logos: 18 AUGUST 2021 FALLS CREEK AUSTRALIA 7 KM 21 KM 42 KM HOPPET.COM.AUkangaroo hoppet, worldloppet events, falls creek, mt. beauty

For almost 40 years, Michael Walsh has been working alongside Indigenous people: documenting language, music and other traditional knowledge, acting on behalf of claimants to land in the Northern Territory, and making crucial contributions to the revitalisation of Aboriginal languages in NSW. This volume, with contributions from his colleagues and students, celebrates his abiding interest in and commitment to Indigenous society with papers in two broad themes. ?Language, identity and country? addresses the often complex relations between Aboriginal social groups and countries, and linguistic identity. In ?Language, identity and social action? authors discuss the role that language plays in maintaining social identities in the realms of conversation, story-telling, music, language games, and in education. ?Language and Social Identity in Australian Indigenous Communities? will be of interest to students of linguistics, Indigenous studies, anthropology, and sociology. Contents: 1. Introduction /? Rod Gardner ... [et al.] 2. Michael Walsh : a personal reflection /? Ros Fraser 3. Place and property at Yintjingga/?Port Stewart under Aboriginal Law and Queensland Law /? Bruce Rigsby and Diane Hafner 4. Linguistic identities in the eastern Western Desert : the Tindale evidence /? Peter Sutton Juwaliny : dialectal variation and ethnolinguistic identity in the Great Sandy Desert /? Sally Dixon 6. Who were the 'Yukul'? and who are they now? /? Brett Baker 7. Colonisation and Aboriginal concepts of land tenure in the Darwin region /? Mark Harvey 8. Aboriginal languages and social groups in the Canberra region : interpreting the historical documentation /? Harold Koch 9. The Kuringgai puzzle : languages and dialects on the NSW Mid Coast /? Jim Wafer and Amanda Lissarrague 10. Dawes' Law generalised : cluster simplification in the coastal dialect of the Sydney language /? David Nash 11. Space, time and environment in Kala Lagaw Ya /? Lesley Stirling 12. Turn management in Garrwa mixed-language conversations /? Ilana Mushin and Rod Gardner 13. Laughter is the best medicine : roles for prosody in a Murriny Patha conversational narrative /? Joe Blythe 14. Collaborative narration and cross-speaker repetition in Umpila and Kuuku Ya'u /? Clair Hill 15. Co-narration of a Koko-Bera story : giants in Cape York Peninsula /? Paul BlackMaps, b&w photographs, charts, word listslanguage and identity, language maintenance, language and culture, language and country

This is a set of nine photographs of technicians from the Royal Australian Survey Corps operating aerial surveys equipment c1980s. In photo .1P, CPL Steve Gloster was operating a RC10 air survey camera mounted in an Australian Army Pilatus Porter aircraft. The Wild RC10 super wide-angle air survey cameras were first introduced in 1971, were equipped with virtual distortion free lenses for supplementary, spot and special photography. In photo .2P, Roger Rees was operating Air Profile Recorder (APR) equipment. it was possibly taken during OP NERVOSE 84, sometime between June – August 1984 when based in Ngukurr, Northern Territory. The APR was operated at this time in unison with an RC10 camera. In 1963 the Royal Australian Survey Corps introduced the radar airborne profile recorder (Canadian Applied Research Ltd, Mark V, Airborne Profiler Recorder) was introduced for 1:100,000 mapping to replace terrain heighting by aneroid barometry. Later in 1974-1975, the Australian developed WREMAPS II airborne laser terrain profile recorder was introduced. In photo .3P, Neil Jones appears at the door of Airsearch Beechcraft Queen Air aircraft, Registration / Serial VH-MWX. This aircraft was typically used by RA Svy on air survey operations flying mission with Aerodist, APR and RC10 camera equipment. The Australian Army’s Pilatus Porter (short take-off and landing turbo propeller) was also equipped with a Wild RC10 aerial mapping camera for identification photography. The Pilatus Porter was also used on RA Svy’s map field checking operations. Photo .9P was taken at a survey station at an unknown location. In this photo an Australian Army Kiowa Light Observation Helicopter (LOH) is supporting a field survey party undertaking Magnavox AN/PRR-14 portable Doppler satellite observations. The satellite receiver’s antenna is plumbed over the survey ground mark surrounded by white plastic panels. The panels were used to identify the survey station on aerial photography. Introduced in 1974–1975, the Magnavox AN/PRR-14 portable Doppler satellite (US Navy Navigation Satellite System – TRANSIT) receivers and computing system provided independent three-dimensional point positions anywhere in the world, anytime, in any weather accurate to about 1.5metres with precise satellite ephemerides. The Bell OH-58 Kiowa LOH was a family of military helicopters used for observation, utility, and direct fire support. It was identified by RA Svy in the mid-1970s that considerable time was lost in replacing unserviceable remote equipment by road. Therefore Aerodist operations (pre-dating satellite receiver operations) were fully supported by Army’s Kiowa LOH aircraft. This is a set of nine photographs of technicians from the Royal Australian Survey Corps operating aerial surveys equipment c1980s. .1P to .3P, .5P to .9P - Colour and black and white photos on photographic paper and scanned at 300 dpi. .4P - Colour photo on 35mm slide film and scanned at 96 dpi. .1) & .2) - Photo, black & white, c1980s, CPL Steve Gloster operating an RC10 air camera. .3) - Photo, colour, 1984, Roger Rees operating Air Profile Recorder (APR) equipment. .4) - Photo, colour, c1980s, Neil Jones at the door of an Airsearch Beechcraft Queen Air aircraft, typically used by RA Svy on air survey operations. .5) - Photo, colour, c1980s. A Beechcraft King Air aircraft, also used by RA Svy on air survey operations. .6) - Photo, colour, c1980s. An Australian Army Pilatus Porter, used by RA Svy on air survey and map field checking operations. SGT Peter Mustart is possibly in the foreground. .7) to .8) - Photo, colour, c1980s. An Australian Army Pilatus Porter and unidentified personnel, used by RA Svy on air survey and map field checking operations. .9) - Photo, colour, c1980s. An Australian Army Kiowa helicopter supporting a field survey party undertaking Magnavox AN/PRR-14 portable Doppler satellite observations. There are biro marks on photos .4P to .9Proyal australian survey corps, rasvy, army survey regiment, asr, fortuna, aerial surveys

Reginald George Worcester (1903-1972) was a highly regarded obstetrics and gynaecology specialist. Between 1930 and 1933, Worcester was the Medical Superintendent at the Royal Women's Hospital. He obtained his MRCOG in England in 1935, and on his return to Australia was appointed as a university tutor in obstetrics and gynaecology. In 1939, he was appointed as the honorary gynaecologist to outpatients at the Royal Women's Hospital. Worcester served with the AIF during World War II as C.O. of the 17th Field Ambulance in Darwin and as A.D.M.S., Northern Territory Force, and the 2nd/9th Australian Army Corps from 1942 to 1943. His major war service, however, was undertaken in Borneo and Moratai, commanding the 2nd/1st Australian C.C.S. and the 2nd/9th Australian General Hospital. Worcester acquitted himself admirably during the war, with company commander Hubert Smith praising his contribution in no uncertain terms: " His [Worcester's] success as C.O. of a Field Ambulance resulted from a complete understanding of what the unit should be able to do in the transportation of casualties in the field, as well as of the usual medial functions. He organized both with efficiency and at all times difficult decisions were made with humility and good humour. The personal qualities which made him such a calm and considerate consultant never left him, even in the most dangerous and trying circumstances of war." Worcester's time in the army greatly affected his health, but despite this he was able to build a strong and reputable practice upon his return to Australia. As outlined by Arthur Hill, Worcester " was appointed in turn to the following important posts: Honorary Outpatient Obstetrician and Inpatient Gynaecologist to the Women’s Hospital (1946-1948); Honorary Gynaecologist to Prince Henry’s Hospital (1946-1963); Guest Examiner in London for the R.C.O.G. (1953); Examiner in Obstetrics and Gynaecology for the Royal Australasian College of Surgeons (1957-1964); Visiting Gynaecologist to the Repatriation General Hospital, Heidelberg 1963- 1967); and first Victorian Members’ representative (1947-1950) and later Fellows’ Representative (1953-1960) on the Australian (Regional) Council of the R.C.O.G. To these posts he brought the benefits of clear thinking and critical awareness. In 1949 he was elected F.R.C.O.G." In early 1967, Worcester suffered a hemiplegia which left him with an impaired gait and paralysed his right hand. Although unable to do major surgery, he returned to part-time practice by September 1967. His ill-health persisted though, and he was retired from practice in 1970. (Source: (1973), REGINALD GEORGE WORCESTER. Medical Journal of Australia, 1: 770-771.)Brown leather medical case. The case has a solid frame and is rectangular, with a leather handle at top. There are two locks on the top of the case, and a metal clasp on either side to fasten the bag closed. The case is embossed with the text 'R.G. WORCESTER' on top, in a position between the two locks and below the handle at bottom centre. The inside of the case is lined with a canvas bag that is buttoned to the case with press studs. The inside of the case also contains a loose canvas bag on which is handwritten 'BAG No/THREE/ R.G. WORCESTER'. The loose canvas bag has a metal zipper at opening.'R.G.WORCESTER'obstetrics, surgery

Charles Symons Wingrove, J.P. (1829-1905) arrived in Victorian in 1851. He had trained as an engineer, but tried his luck on the goldfields. In 1857 he was appointed as Secretary to the Eltham District Roads Board only one year after its foundation. He was to hold the position with the Board and later the Eltham Shire Council for total of 47 years. He also held the position of engineer for a large part of this period. During part of this time he was also secretary to the Heidelberg Shire Council. Over this period he was responsibly for an area stretching from Clifton Hill to Healesville, along the northern bank of the Yarra River. Other positions included Secretary to the Victorian Agricultural Society over along period.Wingrove was a main figure in the Municipal Association of Victoria. By the time he retired he was recognized as the “Grand Old Man” of Victorian local government. In 1858 Wingrove had a brick cottage built in Main Road near the State School and he lived here until his death. One room was uded as the Board and Council office. His descendants owned the house until 1974. It was later used as a psychiatric clinic. The park opposite the cottage has been named Wingrove Park in his honour. He is buried at St Helena with other members of his family. Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), Tuesday 18 July 1905, page 5 ABOUT PEOPLE. A conspicuous figure in northern municpal history, Mr. Charles Symons Wingrove, has passed away. He was for many years secretary and engineer for the shire of Eltham, and prior to the formation of the shire held the position under the old road board, his official connection with the district dating from beyond 1857. For about twelve years he also filled the position of shire engineer for Heidelberg council while retaining his other post, and the immense territory under his professional control, reaching from the boundary of Collingwood up to Healesville, was a matter of fatherly pride and interest to him. He arrived in Victoria in 1851, and was 76 years of age at his death. Mr. Wingrove retired from the position in the Eltham council only about a year ago. The interment will take place in St. Helena Cemetery, near Eltham township, today. Secretary, Eltham District Road Board 1858-1871 Secretary for the Shire of Eltham 1871-1904. Nearly 50 years service to the local community. For about twelve years he also filled the position of shire engineer for Heidelberg council. Reproduced Page 137 "Pioneers & Painters" This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image Print 25 x 20 cmc.s.wingrove, charles symons wingrove, eltham district road board, sepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, shire secretary, wingrove cottage, pioneers and painters, shire of eltham, councilor, municipal officer

In March 1995 ATCV had circulated a proposal for an ‘Australia Corps’. The proposal emerged over time from ATCV board and staff through debate and experience. ATCV Board member Alan Wright had written earlier: “There is in our society a terrible vacuum for adolescents to give expression to their independence and idealism in a constructive way, a chance to try themselves out independent of their parents/teachers in adult roles.” ATCV’s Brisbane office manager Phil Harrison had first been involved with ATCV as a volunteer from UK, drew together ideas about an ‘Australia Corps’, that had been discussed with Alan Wright, John Fenton and others at the ATCV staff/board planning workshop at Sorrento in December 1993 and “…based upon our experience and participation in the LEAP program and observations of Conservation Corps around the world”. The concept of a six-month program for young people with a training wage and accredited training which encouraged both competencies and personal development emerged, with a standard format of ten participants working fopr six months under the direction of a supervisor. The ‘Australia Corps’ proposal was widely distributed to Federal, State and Territory parliamentarians and received positive feedback. The Liberal Party, then in Opposition, included the idea of a “Green Army” in their environmental policy, placing more emphasis on environmental outcomes and less on job creation than the Keating ALP Government had. A young and up-and-coming parliamentarian, Tony Abbott MP, was enthusiastic and was to visit several ATCV projects (both before and after Green Corps started) to learn about their workings direct from volunteers and CVA staff. Several times he visited projects with Ian Smith project and Ian recalls being impressed by the efforts he made to talk at length with all participants. Tony Abbott took a personal interest in the progress of Green Corps. Colin Jackson and Phil Harrison were guests of Abbott in Parliament House, Canberra, on the evening of 20 August 1996. The Federal Treasurer, Peter Costello, announced in his first Budget Speech that: - “the Government will provide $42 million over the next 3 years to establish the Green Corps. The Green Corps will be open to young Australians aged 17 to 20 to demonstrate their commitment to the environment by working on projects to preserve and restore Australia's natural environment and cultural heritage. The projects will also contribute to their career and employment prospects through training, skills development, work experience and personal development.” ATCV’s chief executive officer Colin Jackson worked with senior staff Madeline Townsend, Garry Snowden, Phil Harrison, and John Fenton to fine-tune the ATCV proposal. On the strength of unique national coverage and credible record ATCV went on to win the tender to administer and manage the day-to-day operations of the Green Corps program for five years (1997-2002). Winning a $36 million contract was a big breakthrough for ATCV. Fourteen years before, a small non-profit group had started in Ballarat in country Australia with a vision – but little else. Its key people had shaped opinion and won political support for a concept. There was about to be transformation from hand-to-mouth existence into a nation-wide business with resources to build for the long term. This documents records many positive comments about Green Corps and ATCV's implementation of it.24pp illustrated booklet printed in green and some gold.atcv green corps australia-corps tony abbott mp phil-harrison

View of the 1875 timber trestle bridge over the Yarra River reproduced from a newsprint image. Also known as Anderson's Creek (Road) Bridge A contract was accepted for William Elliot to erect a bridge over the Yarra River at Warrandyte on Anderson's Creek Road and other improvements for £1,331.6.2 - Gazette No. 143. Tuesday, November 13th 1860 - http://gazette.slv.vic.gov.au/view.cgi?year=1860&class=general&page_num=2161&state=V&classNum=G143&id=). The bridge was washed away by floods in 1863. It was replaced with a taller timber trestle structure in October 1875, designed and built by C.S. Wingrove, Shire Clerk, Engineer and Surveyor for Eltham Shire Council. A replacement for this bridge was commenced in 1955 to cope with increasing traffic and this structure was widened in 2018 to meet further traffic demands. Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), Thursday 23 September 1875, page 7 ________________________________________ THE WARRANDYTE BRIDGE. The ceremony of formally opening the newly erected bridge over the Yarra at Ander-son's Creek was performed on Monday last, in the presence of the members of the Eltham and Bulleen shire councils whose territories it joins, and a goodly number of the residents of the district. The task was delegated to Mr. Cameron, M.L.A., who, after a few introductory remarks declared the bridge to be opened, and christened it the " Warrandyte Bridge." The party then adjourned to Grant's Hotel, where a cold collation had been prepared. The chair was taken by the president of the Eltham shire (Mr. John Bell) and the vice chair by Mr. Kent, a member of the Bulleen council. Mr Robert Williamson proposed "Success to the bridge," coupling with it the name of Mr. Cameron, to whose exertions was in the main to be attributed the erection of that structure which was an ornament to the district and would prove of great service to both sides of the river. Mr. Cameron, in responding, alluded to the great difficulties, mainly of a pecuniary nature, that had been encountered in carrying out the project, and which had only been got over by their united efforts and by the liberal spirit in which the late Commissioner of Roads had dealt with the case. The healths of the contractor and the engineer were also drunk. The bridge is a trussed timber one, resting on yellow box piles sunk into the solid rock, each pier being weighted with 50 tons of stone. The abutments consist of dry stone walls, 6ft. thick at the base, and tapering to 3ft. on the top, the face of the work having a batter of 1 to 1. The length of the bridge is 308ft., there being four openings in the centre of 66ft. each, and two at the ends of 20ft. each. The width in the clear is 9½ft., and the height from the bed of the river about 33ft. The approaches comprise 1,100 cubic yards of earthwork, and the formation of 48 chains of sideling, the whole cost of the work, which was carried out under the direction of the engineer to the Eltham Shire Council, being £1,413.This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as the 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital image 4 x 5 inch B&W Neg B&W Print 12.5 x 9 cmsepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, warrandyte, bridge

Four species of quoll occur in Australia: the northern, spotted-tailed, eastern and western quolls. Once, most parts of Australia were inhabited by at least one of the species.Captain Cook collected quolls along the east coast in 1770, and recorded "quoll" as their local Aboriginal name. Quolls were often seen by early settlers, who called them "native cat", "native polecat" and "spotted marten", names based on familiar European animals. Since 1770, all four species have declined dramatically in numbers. This is mainly because of habitat loss or change across Australia, and introduced predators such as foxes and cats. Quolls are carnivorous marsupials with a pointed snout, a long tail and brown to black fur distinctively spotted with white. They are lively, attractive animals, with bright eyes, a moist pink nose and many sharp teeth. Like most Australian mammals, quolls are mainly active at night. Typically, they spend the day in one of their many dens, although spotted-tailed quolls and northern quolls sometimes forage and bask in the sunshine. Their large home ranges can extend for several kilometres in each direction from a smaller core range, and the range of a male quoll often overlaps those of several females. An interesting feature of their behaviour is the use of shared latrine (toilet) sites in open spaces such as rock ledges, for marking their territory and other social functions. Male quolls travel widely during the breeding season, with mating occurring during winter. All four species have a gestation period of 21 days. Because they are marsupial mammals, their young are born tiny and undeveloped and must work their way to the pouch, where they attach themselves to a teat to feed. Only the spotted-tailed quoll has a true pouch. In the other species, the young are protected by shallow folds of skin around the teats. As the pups grow, they dangle from the mother's belly; later, she carries them on her back. Quolls reach sexual maturity at one year. They have a naturally short life span, with smaller quolls living an average of only two years, and the larger spotted-tailed quoll about four to five years. The northern quoll is particularly short-lived. This specimen is part of a collection of almost 200 animal specimens that were originally acquired as skins from various institutions across Australia, including the Australian Museum and the National Museum of Victoria, as well as individuals such amateur anthropologist Reynell Eveleigh Johns between 1860-1880. These skins were then mounted by members of the Burke Museum Committee and put-on display in the formal space of the Museum’s original exhibition hall where they continue to be on display. This display of taxidermy mounts initially served to instruct visitors to the Burke Museum of the natural world around them, today it serves as an insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century. This specimen is part of a significant and rare taxidermy mount collection in the Burke Museum. This collection is scientifically and culturally important for reminding us of how science continues to shape our understanding of the modern world. They demonstrate a capacity to hold evidence of how Australia’s fauna history existed in the past and are potentially important for future environmental research. This collection continues to be on display in the Museum and has become a key part to interpreting the collecting habits of the 19th century.Average sized quoll with brown fur with white spots on body but absence on the long tail which is furry unlike the smooth body fur. The quoll has a small had with a pointed snout lined with sharp teeth, and thin membraned ears that are slightly covered in fur. The forelegs of the quoll are slightly smaller than the hindlegs, with all four legs featuring sharp clawed paws.On mounting board: BMM5984/ On Catalogue Tag (attached to left hindleg): Native Cat./ Catalogue. Page 50./ burke museum, taxidermy, taxidermy mount, fauna, animal, animalia, reynell eveleigh johns, quoll, native cat, dasyurus

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Multi-fold brochure advertising public auction of one-acre, 2-acre, 5-acre and 8-acre allotments in Ringwood and Bayswater on Saturday 12th April, 1919. Brochure includes terms of sale, description of subdivision features and local facilities, and photographic images of the area.Subdivison includes Canterbury Road Heathmont, Armstrong Road Heathmont, Armstrong Road Bayswater, Bungalook Road Heathmont, Bungalook Road Bayswater, and Orchard Road Bayswater. Road shown as Bayswater Road to Bayswater became Mountain Highway Bayswater. Vendor: H.E.B.Armstrong, Auctioneers: Coghill & Haughton, 79 Swanston Street Melbourne, Telephone Central 2793, in conjunction with J.B. McAlpin, Ringwood, Opposite Station, Telephone Ringwood 7. (Map) Woodcock & McCormack, Civil Engineers Architects & Surveyors, 430 Little Collins Street, Melbourne, Phone 3241 Central. MOST OF THE MONEY COMES OUT OF THE LAND. And more money can be obtained from anb acre of fruit than from an acre of any other produce. But you do not have to grow fruit on Garden Farms Estate. You can go in for - Outer Suburban Home - Market Garden - Orchard - Pig Raising - Poultry Farm - Small Dairy Farm - Small Fruits - Floral Culture - Scent and Bee Farm - Or just for a Week-end Home. RINGWOOD - THE PLACE TO LIVE. The Beautiful Ringwood District has so many natural attractions, that half a Land Agent's work is done in just showing a prospective buyer round and about. Ringwood has a pull of its own that attracts folk, proved beyond doubt by its rapid development within the last decade (spite the war). First, it is high and healthy, picturesque and undulating, convenient of access, sufficiently close to the Metropolis for City and Business folk to live at Ringwood. Its development is solid, because most of its people are industrious husbandmen, real producers, who have turned idle hills into smiling gardens. These are the kind of real people to live amongst; ones who wear out their spades. The rapidly-developing town has excellent Stores, Trade and Repair Shops Churches, Banks, Telephone Exchange, Weekly General Market, Cool Stores, and good Private and State Schools, etc.; is Electrically lit, has Metropolitan Water Supply, and generally provides so that practically all shopping can be done locally. WHY RINGWOOD MUST GROW. Ringwood is a great centre and must be a greater. Two rapidly-developing railways junction here. The passengers from Ringwood Station cityward, in one year, number 250,000. Ringwood will be the terminus of the Outer Suburban Electric Eastern Railway. Its natural boundaries are the River Yarra on the North, Dandenong Creek on the South, the popular town of Croydon on the East, and the suburb of Mitcham on the West. This is a large territory that is steadily being converted from intense culture, and then it might be called (as regards its gardens) "The Devon Territory of Victoria." ARMSTRONG ROAD. This new road traverses Garden Farms Estate from its northern boundary on the main Canterbury Road, across Dandenong Creek, to its southern boundary on the main Bayswater Road, and will provide a long-desired additional link of communication between Bayswater and Ringwood. The 1-acre building sites on Bayswater Road are within 8 minutes' walk of the Bayswater Railway Station, and the Canterbury Road frontages are only 1-1/2 miles from Ringwood Station, and 1/2 mile from the Railway Station site of Canterbury Road; therefore, the whole Estate is easy of access and there should be a large demand for land so favourably placed. (Image) Cultivation Field - Potatoes on Lot 28 (Image) Picture of Bayswater Creek Flats. (Image) View from "Korumbeen" where Mr. Armstrong lived on Garden Farms Estate. Estate outlined in white ring. (Image) Site of New Bridge over Dandenong Creek. (Image) On one of the timbered lots adjoining railway. (Image) This Dandenong Creek traveres the Estate. (Image) Main Fern Tree Gully Line bisects the Estate.

This Great Britain shilling is dated 1826. There were over 6 million of these coins minted during the reign of King George IV, 1820-1830 This coin’s denomination is not inscribed on the coin but it has been identified as a shilling from information about the King George III currency 1816-1820. - This Shilling is 24mm (the same size as this coin) British coins such as this one shilling were in circulation in the colony of Australia until 1910, when the Commonwealth of Australia began producing its own coinage. This coin was minted by the Royal Mint at Royal Mint Court, in Little Tower Hill, London, England. Coins for circulation in the Kingdom of England, Great Britain and most of the British Empire were produced here until the 1960’s when the Royal Mint shifted location to Wales. The obverse side of the coin’s inscription translation is “George IV by the Grace of God”. The engraver of the obverse image was William Wyon. The reverse side’s inscription on the coin is translated " King of The British territories, Defender of the Faith” The engraver of the reverse image was William Wyon. AUSTRALIAN CURRENCY The early settlers of Australia brought their own currency with them so a wide variety of coins, tokens and even ‘promissory’ notes (often called IOU’s) were used in the exchange of goods and services. In 1813 40,000 silver Spanish dollars, purchased by the English government, were delivered to Sydney to help resolve the currency problem reported by Governor Macquarie. The coins were converted for use by punching a hole in the centre of the coin. Both the outer ring, called the holey dollar, and the punched out ‘hole’, called the dump, were then used as the official currency. The holey dollars hold the place of being the first distinctively Australian coins. In 1825 the British Government passed the Sterling Silver Currency Act, making the British Pound the only legal form of currency in the Australian colonies. Not enough British currency was imported into the colony so other forms of currency were still used. In the mid 1800’s Australia entered the Gold Rush period when many made their fortunes. Gold was used for trading, often shaped into ingots, stamped with their weight and purity, and one pound tokens. In 1852 the Adelaide Assay Office, without British approval, made Australia’s first gold coin to meet the need for currency in South Australia after the Gold Rush began. In 1855 the official Australian Mint opened in Sydney, operating as a branch of the Royal Mint in London, and the gold was turned into coins called ‘sovereigns’. Other branches also opened in Melbourne and Perth. Up to the time of Australia becoming a federation in 1901 its currency included British copper and silver coins, Australian gold sovereigns, locally minted copper trade tokens, private banknotes, New South Wales and Queensland government treasury notes and Queensland government banknotes. After Federation the Australian government began to overwrite privately issued notes and prepared for the introduction of its own currency. In 1910 a National Australian Currency was formed, based on the British currency of ‘pounds, shillings and pence’ and the first Commonwealth coining was produced. In 1966, on February 14th, Australia changed over to the decimal currency system of dollars and cents. Australia did not have its own currency in the colonial times. Settlers brought money from other countries and they also traded goods such as grain when currency was scarce. For a long time there was no standardised value for the different currencies. In 1825 British currency became the only official currency in the colony of Australia and coins such as this silver shilling were imported into Australia to replace the mixture of foreign currency. Australia became a Federated nation on 1st January 1901. In 1910 National Australian Currency was formed and Australia produced its own currency, based on the British ‘pounds, shillings and pence’. The British currency was no longer valid. This silver shilling is of national significance as it represents the British currency used in Australia from 1825-1910. Coin, Great Britain shilling. 1826. Silver coin, round. Obverse; King George IV bare head, looking left. Reverse; crowned lion; below, a large crown; below are a shamrock, rose and thistle united. Inscriptions on both sides of coin (denomination not inscribed).Obverse “GEORGIUS IV DEI GRATIA” and “1826” Reverse “BRITANNIARUM REX FIDEI DEFENSOR” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, coin, currency, money, legal tender, australian currency history, royal mint, great britain shilling 1826, king george iv currency, colonial australia currency, william wyon, numismatics

This Great Britain shilling is dated 1826. There were over 6 million of these coins minted during the reign of King George IV, 1820-1830 This coin’s denomination is not inscribed on the coin but it has been identified as a shilling from information about the King George III currency 1816-1820. - This Shilling is 24mm (the same size as this coin) British coins such as this one shilling were in circulation in the colony of Australia until 1910, when the Commonwealth of Australia began producing its own coinage. This coin was minted by the Royal Mint at Royal Mint Court, in Little Tower Hill, London, England. Coins for circulation in the Kingdom of England, Great Britain and most of the British Empire were produced here until the 1960’s when the Royal Mint shifted location to Wales. The obverse side of the coin’s inscription translation is “George IV by the Grace of God”. The engraver of the obverse image was William Wyon. The reverse side’s inscription on the coin is translated " King of The British territories, Defender of the Faith” The engraver of the reverse image was William Wyon. AUSTRALIAN CURRENCY The early settlers of Australia brought their own currency with them so a wide variety of coins, tokens and even ‘promissory’ notes (often called IOU’s) were used in the exchange of goods and services. In 1813 40,000 silver Spanish dollars, purchased by the English government, were delivered to Sydney to help resolve the currency problem reported by Governor Macquarie. The coins were converted for use by punching a hole in the centre of the coin. Both the outer ring, called the holey dollar, and the punched out ‘hole’, called the dump, were then used as the official currency. The holey dollars hold the place of being the first distinctively Australian coins. In 1825 the British Government passed the Sterling Silver Currency Act, making the British Pound the only legal form of currency in the Australian colonies. Not enough British currency was imported into the colony so other forms of currency were still used. In the mid 1800’s Australia entered the Gold Rush period when many made their fortunes. Gold was used for trading, often shaped into ingots, stamped with their weight and purity, and one pound tokens. In 1852 the Adelaide Assay Office, without British approval, made Australia’s first gold coin to meet the need for currency in South Australia after the Gold Rush began. In 1855 the official Australian Mint opened in Sydney, operating as a branch of the Royal Mint in London, and the gold was turned into coins called ‘sovereigns’. Other branches also opened in Melbourne and Perth. Up to the time of Australia becoming a federation in 1901 its currency included British copper and silver coins, Australian gold sovereigns, locally minted copper trade tokens, private banknotes, New South Wales and Queensland government treasury notes and Queensland government banknotes. After Federation the Australian government began to overwrite privately issued notes and prepared for the introduction of its own currency. In 1910 a National Australian Currency was formed, based on the British currency of ‘pounds, shillings and pence’ and the first Commonwealth coining was produced. In 1966, on February 14th, Australia changed over to the decimal currency system of dollars and cents. Australia did not have its own currency in the colonial times. Settlers brought money from other countries and they also traded goods such as grain when currency was scarce. For a long time there was no standardised value for the different currencies. In 1825 British currency became the only official currency in the colony of Australia and coins such as this silver shilling were imported into Australia to replace the mixture of foreign currency. Australia became a Federated nation on 1st January 1901. In 1910 National Australian Currency was formed and Australia produced its own currency, based on the British ‘pounds, shillings and pence’. The British currency was no longer valid. This silver shilling is of national significance as it represents the British currency used in Australia from 1825-1910. Coin, Great Britain shilling. 1826. Silver coin, round. Obverse; King George IV bare head, looking left. Reverse; crowned lion; below, a large crown; below are a shamrock, rose and thistle united. Inscriptions on both sides of coin (denomination not inscribed).Obverse “GEORGIUS IV DEI GRATIA” and “1826” Reverse “BRITANNIARUM REX FIDEI DEFENSOR” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, coin, currency, money, legal tender, australian currency history, royal mint, great britain shilling 1826, king george iv currency, colonial australia currency, william wyon, numismatics