The HP-85A was Hewlett Packard's first Series 80 microcomputer, introduced about 1979. It had a keyboard, a dual alpha/graphics monochrome display, a bidrectional alphanumerics and graphics printer, and mass storage tape drive all integrated into a marvelously designed and compact case. It's operating system was seemlessly integrated with a powerful BASIC programming language that included intuitive graphics and input/output capabilities. The HP-85A was also wonderfully expandable through four ports on the back of the case for adding plug in ROMS and modules. Specifications CRT DISPLAY Size: 12.7 cm (5 in.) diagonal Alphanumeric capacity: 16 lines x 32 characters Graphics capacity: 192 x 256 dots Scrolling capacity: 64 lines Character set: 256 characters; set of 128 + same set underscored Character font: 5 x 7 matrix Intensity: adjustable Cursor: underscore BASIC LANGUAGE AND OPERATING SYSTEM Standard ROM - 32K bytes Maximum add-on ROM - 48K bytes CRT memory RAM - 8K bytes USER READ/ WRITE MEMORY Standard - 16K bytes Maximum - 32K bytes TOTAL MEMORY Standard - 56K bytes Maximum - 120K bytes (Information from http://www.ebbsoft.com/hp/85a.htm)Personal computercomputers, monitor

This model of a mechanical ore roasting and chloridising furnace was invented and patented by Thomas Edwards of the Edwards Pyrites Smelting and Ore Reduction Company. This new type of furnace produced a high standard of sulphur free ore known as ‘sweet roasted’. Edwards used this model for demonstrations in the USA. Of note is the central large vertical cogwheel (externally driven) which drives small vertical cogwheels via angled cogging drives. These in turn drive a horizontal wheel. Each side of the vertical wheel is set on an opposite side to the horizontal wheel of its neighbours, resulting in opposite direction rotation of neighbouring horizontal wheels. Each horizontal wheel turns a rabble (set of vertical iron paddles) within the furnace. These rabbles, each turning in opposite direction to its neighbours, move the roasting ore in a zig-zag path through the furnace. The elongated furnace with its line of rabbles produced a much ‘sweeter’ roasted ore than could be obtained from a typical tank-shaped furnace. In 1924, when the model was donated to the Ballarat School of Mines, Ballarat’s Courier newspaper reported, ‘Apart from its historical and education value, the gift should serve to stimulate the inventive faculties of the students who have to win fame for the school and for themselves in the metallurgical world.’ The furnace model was donated to Ballarat School of Mines and used as an educational prop from 1924. The model relates to the mining industry which is a significant part of Ballarat's history and heritage. Ballarat School of Mines is the oldest Technical School in Australia and is celebrating 150 years in 2020.Metal model of Edwards' Ore Reduction Furnace. The model includes cogwheels, rabbles and other details. Scale is thought to be around 1:20M259ballarat school of mines, edwards, pyrites, ore reducation, edward retallack, mining, model

The City of Ballarat unanimously resolved to erect a Civic Hall in Mair Street in 1951. The architects, Gordon Murphy, of Melbourne, and H.L. and L.J. Coburn, of Ballarat, were commissioned in 1952. The Council constructed the foundations and footings for the building under the supervision of the former City engineer, Mr L.H. Finch, in 1953. These footings are of massed concrete. The design for the building took advantage of the cross fall of the land, providing for the Small Hall to be entered from the Doveton Street frontage through a foyer under the Main Stage, the structure is steel with brick panels, with accommodation for 1,592 persons in the Main Hall and 440 persons in the Lower Hall. The front facade faces Mair Street, set back from the building line to provide for the entrance drive-ways and kerbed gardens. Tenders were invited on a firm price basis. A young Ballarat master Builter, Walter Benbow Trahar was the successful tenderer, the contract price being 139,841 pounds. the work was commenced in 1953 and has proceeded in spite of material and labour difficulties until its completion. The following statistics are of interest:- * The foundations contained 200 cubic yards of concrete. * The constructional steel work weighs approximately 270 tons. * The reinforcing steel 47 tons. * Reinforced concrete in the structure, 1,100 cubic yards. * The approximate number of bricks in the building, 580,000. * The flooring is of selected kiln-dried hard wood and totals 40,000 lineal feet. * The dimensions of the Main Auditorium, 100ft by 86 ft, including the side promenades each 82ft by 13ft. *The Main stage, of reinforced concret with parquette finish measures 62 ft by 40ft. *The floor area of the Lower Hall is 74 ft by 38 ft, and has a stage dimensions of 40ft by 20 ft. * Each hall has independent heating and ventillating systems. Where possible the material in the building was furnished from local business houses. The public address installation, which provided for additional microphones, is on the main Stage. There is inter-communication throughout the building connecting the front office, with the bioscope box, the stages in both the large and lower halls, and the Hallkeeper's residence. Local craftsmen have completed the painting, plaster work, and the electrical installation; local produced materials being used in the construction of the buildings with the exception of the timber for the Main Floor, the roofing and the structural steel. The City of Ballarat Councillors in 1956 were Councillors N. T. Callow, F.J. Cutts, K.C. Webb, W.E. Roff, O.W. Curnow, F.T. Woodward, Allan C. Pittard, A.W. Nicholson, J.A. Chisholm, G.L. Scott, F.W. Oliver, A.D. Mason. The Town clerk was H.R. Maddern and the City Engineer was G. Murrowood. A City of Ballarat Council meeting of 25 September 2013 voted to demolish the Ballarat Civic Hall. The Council heard from nearly 50 members of the public during a marathon six-hour meeting. Councilors John Birt, Des Hudson, Amy Johnson, Josh Morris, Peter Innes, John Philips supported the motion to demolish Civic Hall. Councillors Samantha McIntosh, Vicki Coltman and Belinda Coates voted against the motion.Six page souvenir Program of citizens' entertainment on the occasion of the Opening of Ballarat Civic Hall on in August 1956. The front cover features the City of Ballarat Coat of Arms. The programme starts with a message from the Mayor, Cr Neil T. Carrow. It includes the Concert Programme directed by James H. Davey, an asrtist's impression of the Civic Hall from Mair Street, and information relative to the New Civic Hall. The programme features images of the City of Ballarat Coat of Arms, Cr N.T. Callow, , James H, Davey, and an artist's impression of the Ballarat Civic Hall. Mayor Neil Callow's Message: "To-day, our citizens witness the fulfilment of the most extensive Municipal undertaking in the City's period of recent prosperity and development. Their Hall now fills a requirement of which they have been deprived since the Coliseum building was destroyed by fire over 20 years ago. The building has been designed as an all purpose structure and I am hopeful the citizens will use it and enjoy it to its fullest extent. Your Council and its Architects have planned as broadly as possible for the benefit of all to-day and for years to come. We are proud of the work executed by a Ballaarat Master Builder whose work is a monument to the City's craftsmen. I feel I should also remind this assembly that the women of Ballaarat, back in 1951, provided funds which have been applied in the purchase of a Grand Piano and two Upright Pianos which are now installed in this building. The sincere hope of myself and your Councillors is that this Hall and its amenities will prove of immense value to the development of the cultural and artistic tastes of this community and that it will be freely used for these and many other purposes. From now on this magnificent building and its furnishings and equipment will be available to all. I strongly exhort you to use and protect it. My hope is that the citizens will, for many years to come, enjoy the amenities which it has to offer. ballarat civic hall, civic hall, architecture, finch, art deco, city of ballarat, coat of arms, city of ballarat coat of arms, callow, shugg, lemke, oates, gullan, tuuri, john, robertson, sorrell, antonio, gordon murphy, walter benbow trahar, trahar, coburn, h.l. coburn, l.j. coburn, n.t. callow

The origin of the fusee is not known. Many sources credit clockmaker Jacob Zech of Prague with inventing it around 1525. The earliest dated fusee clock was made by Zech in 1525, but the fusee appeared earlier, with the first spring-driven clocks in the 15th century. The idea probably did not originate with clockmakers, since the earliest known example is in a crossbow windlass shown in a 1405 military manuscript. Drawings from the 15th century by Filippo Brunelleschi and Leonardo da Vinci also show fusee mechanisms. The earliest existing clock with a fusee, also the earliest spring-powered clock, is the Burgunderuhr (Burgundy clock), a chamber clock whose iconography suggests that it was made for Phillipe the Good, Duke of Burgundy about 1430. Springs were first employed to power clocks in the 15th century, to make them smaller and portable.[1][5] These early spring-driven clocks were much less accurate than weight-driven clocks. Unlike a weight on a cord, which exerts a constant force to turn the clock's wheels, the force a spring exerts diminishes as the spring unwinds. The primitive verge and foliot timekeeping mechanism, used in all early clocks, was sensitive to changes in drive force. So early spring-driven clocks slowed down over their running period as the mainspring unwound. This problem is called lack of isochronism. Two solutions to this problem appeared with the first spring-driven clocks; the stack freed and the fusee. The stack freed, a crude cam compensator, added a lot of friction and was abandoned after less than a century. The fusee was a much more lasting idea. As the movement ran, the tapering shape of the fusee pulley continuously changed the mechanical advantage of the pull from the mainspring, compensating for the diminishing spring force. Clockmakers empirically discovered the correct shape for the fusee, which is not a simple cone but a hyperboloid. The first fusees were long and slender, but later ones have a squatter compact shape. Fusees became the standard method of getting constant force from a mainspring, used in most spring-wound clocks, and watches when they appeared in the 17th century. Around 1726 John Harrison added the maintaining power spring to the fusee to keep marine chronometers running during winding, and this was generally adopted. The fusee was a good mainspring compensator, but it was also expensive, difficult to adjust, and had other disadvantages: It was bulky and tall and made pocket watches unfashionably thick. If the mainspring broke and had to be replaced, a frequent occurrence with early mainsprings, the fusee had to be readjusted to the new spring. If the fusee chain broke, the force of the mainspring sent the end whipping about the inside of the clock, causing damage. The invention of the pendulum and the balance spring in the mid-17th century made clocks and watches much more isochronous, by making the timekeeping element a harmonic oscillator, with a natural "beat" resistant to change. The pendulum clock with an anchor escapement, invented in 1670, was sufficiently independent of drive force so that only a few had fusees. In pocketwatches, the verge escapement, which required a fusee, was gradually replaced by escapements which were less sensitive to changes in mainspring force: the cylinder and later the lever escapement. In 1760, Jean-Antoine Lépine dispensed with the fusee, inventing a going barrel to power the watch gear train directly. This contained a very long mainspring, of which only a few turns were used to power the watch. Accordingly, only a part of the mainspring's 'torque curve' was used, where the torque was approximately constant. In the 1780s, pursuing thinner watches, French watchmakers adopted the going barrel with the cylinder escapement. By 1850, the Swiss and American watchmaking industries employed the going barrel exclusively, aided by new methods of adjusting the balance spring so that it was isochronous. England continued to make the bulkier full plate fusee watches until about 1900. They were inexpensive models sold to the lower classes and were derisively called "turnips". After this, the only remaining use for the fusee was in marine chronometers, where the highest precision was needed, and bulk was less of a disadvantage until they became obsolete in the 1970s. Item is an example of clock mechanisms used until 1910 for many different styles of clocks and went out of fashion in the 1970s due to improvements in clock and watch making.Brass fusse clock movement, It has very heavy brass plates and wheels, high-count machined pinions, and a fusee. The mounting of the pendulum is missing and It has a recoil escapement. A fusee is a conical pulley driven through a chain by the spring barrel. As the spring runs down, the chain acts at a larger and larger radius on the conical pulley, equalising the driving torque. This keeps the rate of the clock more even over the whole run. It has motion work to drive an hour hand as well as a minute hand and the centre arbor is extended behind the back plate to drive some other mechanism.Inscription scratched on back"AM 40" flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, clock mechanism, fusee mechanism, horology

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Caulking is the use of cork or other substances to seal the seams and joints of the vessel to make them watertight. Caulking lasts for quite some time but eventually dries out and needs to be replaced. A hammer is often used with a caulking iron to drive it along the seams. The caulking iron’s blade is tapered to be narrower at the tip to make it easier to remove it from the joint. The shipwright’s tools on display in the Great Circle Gallery are connected to the maritime history of Victoria through their past owner, user and donor, Laurie Dilks. Laurie began his career as a shipwright in the mid-1900s, following in the wake of the skilled carpenters who have over many centuries used their craft to build and maintain marine vessels and their fittings. You can see Laurie’s inscription on the tool called a ‘bevel’. Laurie worked for Ports and Harbours, Melbourne, for over 50 years, beginning in the early 1960s. He and a fellow shipwright inscribed their names on a wheelhouse they built in 1965; the inscription was discovered many decades later during a repair of the plumbing. Many decades later Laurie worked on the Yarra moving barges up and down the river and was fondly given the title ‘Riverboat Man’ His interest in maritime history led him to volunteer with the Maritime Trust of Australia’s project to restore and preserve the historic WWII 1942 Corvette, the minesweeper HMAS Castlemaine, which is a sister ship to the HMAS Warrnambool J202. Laurie Dilks donated two handmade displays of some of his tools in the late 1970s to early-1980s. The varnished timber boards displayed the tools below together with brass plaques. During the upgrade of the Great Circle Gallery Laurie’s tools were transferred to the new display you see there today. He also donated tools to Queenscliffe Maritime Museum and Clunes Museum.The shipwright’s tools on display in the Great Circle Gallery are connected to the maritime history of Victoria through their past owner, user and donor, Laurie Dilks. Laurie began his career as a shipwright at Ports and Harbours in Melbourne in the mid-1900s, following in the wake of the skilled carpenters who have over many centuries used their craft to build and maintain marine vessels and their fittings.Caulking iron, or broad chisel, wooden handle with reinforcing on the ends, metal shaft that tapers down from the handle to the end of the blade. It has an inscription. It once belonged to shipwright Laurie Dinks.Stamped into metal " - - WARD /(image of crossed swords) WEFT / WARRANTED"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, maritime museum, maritime village, shipwright, carpenter, shipbuilding, ship repairs, hand tool, equipment, ship maintenance, cooper, tool, marine technology, caulking iron, jerry iron, broad chisel, caulking, sealing, laurie dilks, l dilks, port and harbours melbourne

Caulking is the use of cork or other substances to seal the seams and joints of the vessel to make them watertight. Caulking lasts for quite some time but eventually dries out and needs to be replaced. A mallet or hammer is often used with a caulking iron to drive it along the seams. The caulking iron’s blade is tapered to be narrower at the tip to make it easier to remove it from the joint. The shipwright’s tools on display in the Great Circle Gallery are connected to the maritime history of Victoria through their past owner, user and donor, Laurie Dilks. Laurie began his career as a shipwright in the mid-1900s, following in the wake of the skilled carpenters who have over many centuries used their craft to build and maintain marine vessels and their fittings. You can see Laurie’s inscription on the tool called a ‘bevel’. Laurie worked for Ports and Harbours, Melbourne, for over 50 years, beginning in the early 1960s. He and a fellow shipwright inscribed their names on a wheelhouse they built in 1965; the inscription was discovered many decades later during a repair of the plumbing. Many decades later Laurie worked on the Yarra moving barges up and down the river and was fondly given the title ‘Riverboat Man’ His interest in maritime history led him to volunteer with the Maritime Trust of Australia’s project to restore and preserve the historic WWII 1942 Corvette, the minesweeper HMAS Castlemaine, which is a sister ship to the HMAS Warrnambool J202. Laurie Dilks donated two handmade displays of some of his tools in the late 1970s to early-1980s. The varnished timber boards displayed the tools below together with brass plaques. During the upgrade of the Great Circle Gallery Laurie’s tools were transferred to the new display you see there today. He also donated tools to Queenscliffe Maritime Museum and Clunes Museum.The shipwright’s tools on display in the Great Circle Gallery are connected to the maritime history of Victoria through their past owner, user and donor, Laurie Dilks. Laurie began his career as a shipwright at Ports and Harbours in Melbourne in the mid-1900s, following in the wake of the skilled carpenters who have over many centuries used their craft to build and maintain marine vessels and their fittings.Caulking mallet; a thick wooden handle with a round ‘T’ cross-bar near the end. Metal reinforcing is added around the ends of the head. Both sides of the wooden head are flared outwards towards the end. The head is reinforced where it intersects with the handle and around the ends of the head just above the tips. It once belonged to shipwright Laurie Dinks.flagstaff hill, maritime museum, maritime village, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, shipwright, carpenter, shipbuilding, ship repairs, hand tool, equipment, caulking, ship maintenance, cooper, shipwright’s tools, shipwrights’ tools, tools, maritime trade, caulking mallet, caulking iron, laurie dilks, l dilks, port and harbours melbourne

Caulking is the use of cork or other substances to seal the seams and joints of the vessel to make them watertight. Caulking lasts for quite some time but eventually dries out and needs to be replaced. A mallet or hammer is often used with a caulking iron to drive it along the seams. The caulking iron’s blade is tapered to be narrower at the tip to make it easier to remove it from the joint. The shipwright’s tools on display in the Great Circle Gallery are connected to the maritime history of Victoria through their past owner, user and donor, Laurie Dilks. Laurie began his career as a shipwright in the mid-1900s, following in the wake of the skilled carpenters who have over many centuries used their craft to build and maintain marine vessels and their fittings. You can see Laurie’s inscription on the tool called a ‘bevel’. Laurie worked for Ports and Harbours, Melbourne, for over 50 years, beginning in the early 1960s. He and a fellow shipwright inscribed their names on a wheelhouse they built in 1965; the inscription was discovered many decades later during a repair of the plumbing. Many decades later Laurie worked on the Yarra moving barges up and down the river and was fondly given the title ‘Riverboat Man’ His interest in maritime history led him to volunteer with the Maritime Trust of Australia’s project to restore and preserve the historic WWII 1942 Corvette, the minesweeper HMAS Castlemaine, which is a sister ship to the HMAS Warrnambool J202. Laurie Dilks donated two handmade displays of some of his tools in the late 1970s to early-1980s. The varnished timber boards displayed the tools below together with brass plaques. During the upgrade of the Great Circle Gallery Laurie’s tools were transferred to the new display you see there today. He also donated tools to Queenscliffe Maritime Museum and Clunes Museum.The shipwright’s tools on display in the Great Circle Gallery are connected to the maritime history of Victoria through their past owner, user and donor, Laurie Dilks. Laurie began his career as a shipwright at Ports and Harbours in Melbourne in the mid-1900s, following in the wake of the skilled carpenters who have over many centuries used their craft to build and maintain marine vessels and their fittings.Calking iron, a metal tool with a round flat top and head that flares outwards to a wide wedge shape. It once belonged to shipwright Laurie Dinks.flagstaff hill, maritime museum, maritime village, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, shipwright, carpenter, shipbuilding, ship repairs, hand tool, equipment, caulking, ship maintenance, cooper, shipwright’s tools, shipwrights’ tools, tools, maritime trade, caulking iron, laurie dilks, l dilks, port and harbours melbourne

Caulking is the use of cork or other substances to seal the seams and joints of the vessel to make them watertight. Caulking lasts for quite some time but eventually dries out and needs to be replaced. A mallet or hammer is often used with a caulking iron to drive it along the seams. The caulking iron’s blade is tapered to be narrower at the tip to make it easier to remove it from the joint. The shipwright’s tools on display in the Great Circle Gallery are connected to the maritime history of Victoria through their past owner, user and donor, Laurie Dilks. Laurie began his career as a shipwright in the mid-1900s, following in the wake of the skilled carpenters who have over many centuries used their craft to build and maintain marine vessels and their fittings. You can see Laurie’s inscription on the tool called a ‘bevel’. Laurie worked for Ports and Harbours, Melbourne, for over 50 years, beginning in the early 1960s. He and a fellow shipwright inscribed their names on a wheelhouse they built in 1965; the inscription was discovered many decades later during a repair of the plumbing. Many decades later Laurie worked on the Yarra moving barges up and down the river and was fondly given the title ‘Riverboat Man’ His interest in maritime history led him to volunteer with the Maritime Trust of Australia’s project to restore and preserve the historic WWII 1942 Corvette, the minesweeper HMAS Castlemaine, which is a sister ship to the HMAS Warrnambool J202. Laurie Dilks donated two handmade displays of some of his tools in the late 1970s to early-1980s. The varnished timber boards displayed the tools below together with brass plaques. During the upgrade of the Great Circle Gallery Laurie’s tools were transferred to the new display you see there today. He also donated tools to Queenscliffe Maritime Museum and Clunes Museum.The shipwright’s tools on display in the Great Circle Gallery are connected to the maritime history of Victoria through their past owner, user and donor, Laurie Dilks. Laurie began his career as a shipwright at Ports and Harbours in Melbourne in the mid-1900s, following in the wake of the skilled carpenters who have over many centuries used their craft to build and maintain marine vessels and their fittings.Caulking iron; an iron tool with round flat surface on top, above a narrow, long round handle that flares outwards to form a thick, narrow wedge shape. It once belonged to shipwright Laurie Dinks.flagstaff hill, maritime museum, maritime village, warrnambool, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, shipwright, carpenter, shipbuilding, ship repairs, hand tool, equipment, caulking, ship maintenance, cooper, shipwright’s tools, shipwrights’ tools, tools, maritime trade, caulking iron, laurie dilks, l dilks, port and harbours melbourne

Newspaper article, Bendigo Advertiser, Thursday October 13, 1988, page 1. It was said in the 'heyday of Bendigo's gold mining it was possible to walk underground from Spring Gully to Eaglehawk' Article describes a walk done in 1988 from the 8th level of the Central Deborah Gold Mine shaft (270 m) through a series of tortuous and at times hazardous drives, stopes, shafts and cross overs to the 8th level of the North Deborah Gold Mine. Steven Hinde, Bendigo Mining's Chief Geologist lead the trek, which proved it was still possible to go down one shaft and emerge up another. When Bendigo Mining dewatered the Central Deborah shaft it uncovered the old connecting passages.bendigo, mining, central deborah gold mine

This photograph is held in the Ballaarat Mechanics' Institute Audio Visual Collection. Please contact BMI for all print and usage inquiries. Norma Lillian Henshall nee Sterritt biography (by son in law Rod Sharp) Norma was born on the 14th November 1912. She was a forward and independent child and always did what others would not consider appropriate at that time and you could say she was a hit of a rebel. Norma worked in Fairweather's in Pleasant Street and while she was there was taught to drive. She later drove Fairweather's Taxi being one of the first ladies to do so in Ballarat. Norma put her age up from 17 to 18 so she could get her license earlier and purchased an Austin 7 red sports car complete with a fishtail back. Norma taught herself the fundamentals of developing photographs and in 1938 rode her man's bicycle around Ballarat taking photographs of the various businesses decorated to celebrate the centenary of Ballarat. During the Second World War with her husband serving overseas in the Middle East Norma enlisted in the Army and served from 1942 through until 1945 as an Ambulance driver in the 3rd Ambulance and was stationed at Camp Pell which was located adjacent to the Melbourne Zoo. Norma transported wounded servicemen to the various hospitals around Melbourne.ballarat, sterritt, driver, ambulance, ww2

This photograph is held in the Ballaarat Mechanics' Institute Audio Visual Collection. Please contact BMI for all print and usage inquiries. Norma Lillian Henshall nee Sterritt biography (by son in law Rod Sharp) Norma was born on the 14th November 1912. She was a forward and independent child and always did what others would not consider appropriate at that time and you could say she was a hit of a rebel. Norma worked in Fairweather's in Pleasant Street and while she was there was taught to drive. She later drove Fairweather's Taxi being one of the first ladies to do so in Ballarat. Norma put her age up from 17 to 18 so she could get her license earlier and purchased an Austin 7 red sports car complete with a fishtail back. Norma taught herself the fundamentals of developing photographs and in 1938 rode her man's bicycle around Ballarat taking photographs of the various businesses decorated to celebrate the centenary of Ballarat. During the Second World War with her husband serving overseas in the Middle East Norma enlisted in the Army and served from 1942 through until 1945 as an Ambulance driver in the 3rd Ambulance and was stationed at Camp Pell which was located adjacent to the Melbourne Zoo. Norma transported wounded servicemen to the various hospitals around Melbourne.ballarat, centenary, floral festival, 1938, sterritt, sturt st, unicorn hotel

This photograph is held in the Ballaarat Mechanics' Institute Audio Visual Collection. Please contact BMI for all print and usage inquiries. Norma Lillian Henshall nee Sterritt biography (by son in law Rod Sharp) Norma was born on the 14th November 1912. She was a forward and independent child and always did what others would not consider appropriate at that time and you could say she was a hit of a rebel. Norma worked in Fairweather's in Pleasant Street and while she was there was taught to drive. She later drove Fairweather's Taxi being one of the first ladies to do so in Ballarat. Norma put her age up from 17 to 18 so she could get her license earlier and purchased an Austin 7 red sports car complete with a fishtail back. Norma taught herself the fundamentals of developing photographs and in 1938 rode her man's bicycle around Ballarat taking photographs of the various businesses decorated to celebrate the centenary of Ballarat. During the Second World War with her husband serving overseas in the Middle East Norma enlisted in the Army and served from 1942 through until 1945 as an Ambulance driver in the 3rd Ambulance and was stationed at Camp Pell which was located adjacent to the Melbourne Zoo. Norma transported wounded servicemen to the various hospitals around Melbourne.ballarat, centenary, floral festival, 1938, sterritt, fire station, sturt st

This photograph is held in the Ballaarat Mechanics' Institute Audio Visual Collection. Please contact BMI for all print and usage inquiries. Norma Lillian Henshall nee Sterritt biography (by son in law Rod Sharp) Norma was born on the 14th November 1912. She was a forward and independent child and always did what others would not consider appropriate at that time and you could say she was a hit of a rebel. Norma worked in Fairweather's in Pleasant Street and while she was there was taught to drive. She later drove Fairweather's Taxi being one of the first ladies to do so in Ballarat. Norma put her age up from 17 to 18 so she could get her license earlier and purchased an Austin 7 red sports car complete with a fishtail back. Norma taught herself the fundamentals of developing photographs and in 1938 rode her man's bicycle around Ballarat taking photographs of the various businesses decorated to celebrate the centenary of Ballarat. During the Second World War with her husband serving overseas in the Middle East Norma enlisted in the Army and served from 1942 through until 1945 as an Ambulance driver in the 3rd Ambulance and was stationed at Camp Pell which was located adjacent to the Melbourne Zoo. Norma transported wounded servicemen to the various hospitals around Melbourne.ballarat, norma sterritt, pipe band, labor day, 1954

This photograph is held in the Ballaarat Mechanics' Institute Audio Visual Collection. Please contact BMI for all print and usage inquiries. Norma Lillian Henshall nee Sterritt biography (by son in law Rod Sharp) Norma was born on the 14th November 1912. She was a forward and independent child and always did what others would not consider appropriate at that time and you could say she was a hit of a rebel. Norma worked in Fairweather's in Pleasant Street and while she was there was taught to drive. She later drove Fairweather's Taxi being one of the first ladies to do so in Ballarat. Norma put her age up from 17 to 18 so she could get her license earlier and purchased an Austin 7 red sports car complete with a fishtail back. Norma taught herself the fundamentals of developing photographs and in 1938 rode her man's bicycle around Ballarat taking photographs of the various businesses decorated to celebrate the centenary of Ballarat. During the Second World War with her husband serving overseas in the Middle East Norma enlisted in the Army and served from 1942 through until 1945 as an Ambulance driver in the 3rd Ambulance and was stationed at Camp Pell which was located adjacent to the Melbourne Zoo. Norma transported wounded servicemen to the various hospitals around Melbourne.ballarat, norma sterritt, begonia, festival, 1954

CITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWARD OF THE DISTINGUISHED FLYING CROSS (First Oak Leaf Cluster) Squadron leader Alan R Reed distinguished himself by extraordinary achievement while participating in aerial flight as and RD-4C Aircraft Commander in Southeast Asia on 24 August 1968. On that date, he flew his aircraft repeatedly through intense hostile ground fire to obtain complete photographic coverage of the target. In addition, he voluntarily remained in that hostile environment for as long as fuel would allow, to act as a spotter and to pass firing corrections to friendly artillery. The professional competence, aerial skill, and devotion to duty displayed by Squadron Leader Reed reflect great credit upon himself and the United States Air Force.Black and White photo in black and white frame of SQN LDR Alan Reed receiving a citation to accompany Distinguished Flying Cross 21 /08 /1968. with supporting info.flying cross, alan reed

Ticket to Ride: Jolly Greens was the nickname given to the US helicopters that rescued downed aircrew. the reverse side of this card reads: redeemable only by Alan Reed from "Down Under".' Jolly Greens ' card / tickets to ride used in rescue operations for downed American airmen through out the Vietnam War.GOOD FOR ONE FREE RIDE. Redeemable only by Alan Reed from 'Down Under' DON"T ACCEPT SUBSTITUTES INSIST ON THE ORIGINAL. Jolly Greens. DET 1 40th ARRS.jolly green ticket, alan reed

Two piece black cotton top and pants. Top is button through at the front. Pants have elastic waist. A Vietnam Cong Uniformvc, black "pyjamas", uniform

A Diorama depicts second tank, NR844 passing through the ruined gates of the Presidential PalaceNR844 (on Tank)fall of saigon, diorama, tank

Silver lighter with inscription below and Snoopy cartoon, "Fuck you Red Baron". Vietnam 70-71.Front has a Snoopy cartoon image and text "Fuck you Red Baron" Vietnam 70-71. on back inscription "Yea though I walk through the Valley of the Shadow of Death, I will fear no evil for I am the evilest son of a bitch in the valley"cigarette lighter, 1970-1971 vietnam

Robert Ashton Lister was born in England in 1845 into an industrial family. After attending the Paris Exhibition in 1867, Robert argued with his father and formed the R.A. Lister Company to produce agricultural machinery at his factory in Dursley, England. In 1889 he linked his machine with Pederson’s cream separator which now ran at a consistent speed due to a spinning centrifugal separator thus producing consistency of cream. It was marketed through the Commonwealth and Robert himself drove right across Alberta in Canada with horse and buggy to promote the machine. He also expanded the use of his machine to sheep shearing. In 1909 the Company acquired the rights to manufacture petrol driven engines. When World War 1 began in 1914 the Company focused on producing petrol engines, lighting plants and munitions for the War Department, the workforce was mainly female as the men enlisted and left for the Front. After the War, Robert Lister retired, and the Company was taken over by his grandsons Robert, Frank, George and Percy with A.E.Mellerup. Their father Charles represented the Company in North America and Europe. Foreign competition and over supply of second-hand ex-military engines and lighting sets saw profits drop but the Company managed to recover under the leadership of Managing Director Percy. In 1929 the Company designed the CS (cold start) diesel engine producing 6-7kW which became known as the Lister 9-1. The engines were all painted the same shade of Brunswick green. By 1936 Lister was producing a wide range of petrol and diesel engines most of which were small at 1.5 to 3 horsepower. These could be bought ‘stand-alone’ or powering a complementary range of pumps, churns, cream separators, auto-trucks, generating plant and sheep shearing equipment. The most successful was the D Type Lister introduced in 1937 most of which were rated at 1.5hp at 700rpm. More than 250,000 were sold up to 1964 and although RA Lister ceased production many years ago, hundreds of these engines are still in use today.Green Lister stationary engine with petrol engine Size 71J, 3 HP, 450 RPM painted Brunswick Green. Used to power pump or similar purpose. The engine was made in1928, Dursley, UKfarm machinery, churchill island, engine, stationary engine, lister

Robert Ashton Lister was born in England in 1845 into an industrial family. After attending the Paris Exhibition in 1867, Robert argued with his father and formed the R.A. Lister Company to produce agricultural machinery at his factory in Dursley, England. In 1889 he linked his machine with Pederson’s cream separator which now ran at a consistent speed due to a spinning centrifugal separator thus producing consistency of cream. It was marketed through the Commonwealth and Robert himself drove right across Alberta in Canada with horse and buggy to promote the machine. He also expanded the use of his machine to sheep shearing. In 1909 the Company acquired the rights to manufacture petrol driven engines. When World War 1 began in 1914 the Company focused on producing petrol engines, lighting plants and munitions for the War Department, the workforce was mainly female as the men enlisted and left for the Front. After the War, Robert Lister retired, and the Company was taken over by his grandsons Robert, Frank, George and Percy with A.E.Mellerup. Their father Charles represented the Company in North America and Europe. Foreign competition and over supply of second-hand ex-military engines and lighting sets saw profits drop but the Company managed to recover under the leadership of Managing Director Percy. In 1929 the Company designed the CS (cold start) diesel engine producing 6-7kW which became known as the Lister 9-1. The engines were all painted the same shade of Brunswick green. By 1936 Lister was producing a wide range of petrol and diesel engines most of which were small at 1.5 to 3 horsepower. These could be bought ‘stand-alone’ or powering a complementary range of pumps, churns, cream separators, auto-trucks, generating plant and sheep shearing equipment. The most successful was the D Type Lister introduced in 1937 most of which were rated at 1.5hp at 700rpm. More than 250,000 were sold up to 1964 and although RA Lister ceased production many years ago, hundreds of these engines are still in use today.Green Lister Stationary Petrol Engine Serial No. 16268. It is the smaller of two Lister engines in collection. It was made in 1924, Dursley, UK. The two engines in the collection are petrol engines from the 1920s predating the more numerous diesel engines manufactured from 1920 on.farm machinery, stationary engine, machine driven, belt driven

Yellow and red horse-drawn grader attached to an unpainted wooden pole. Four steel wheels connected into pairs by axles are linked through the long arched metal piece, where a seat, crank, and levers are attached for easy use. The grader itself sits directly below the seat, and consists of a length of metal perpendicular to the ground, designed to move and level the ground. farm, machinery, grader, road making, horse drawn, churchill island