Agate occurs when amygdales (gas pockets) form in the upper levels of basaltic lava flows. If these pockets or bubbles are iniltrated by water bearing silica in solution, the fluid dries and hardens in layers, forming round or egg shaped nodules or geodes within the rocky matrix. Agate is formed of a silica mineral chalcedony similar to quartz. Although relatively common and semi-precious, agate has been prized since at least 1450 BC - an intricately carved agate seal was found in the 2015 excavation of a grave belonging to a Mycenaeum priest or warrior near Pylos in Greece. Agate is also used in jewellery and other decorative or ritual purposes due to its often striking appearance. These specimens originated in North Queensland, which contains noted agate-fossicking regions such as in the area surrounding Forsayth. They were collected in approximately 1852 as an adjunct to the Geological Survey of Victoria. It was donated to the Museum in 1868. Victoria and other regions of Australia were surveyed for sites of potential mineral wealth throughout the 19th Century. The identification of sites containing valuable commodities such as gold, iron ore and gemstones in a locality had the potential to shape the development and history of communities and industries in the area. The discovery of gold in Victoria, for instance, had a significant influence on the development of the area now known as 'the goldfields', including Beechworth; the city of Melbourne and Victoria as a whole. The specimens are significant as examples of surveying activity undertaken to assess and direct the development of the mineral resource industries in Victoria and Australia, as well as the movement to expand human knowledge of earth sciences such as mineralogy and geology in the nineteenth century. Two solid egg-sized pieces of peach/orange toned agate (a common semi-precious chalcedony, similar to quartz) with a striped pattern, embedded in a light and dark brown matrix. geological specimen, geology, geology collection, burke museum, beechworth, agate, north queensland agate, 1852 geological survey of victoria, l. hufer - donor, mineralogy, agate specimen, indigo shire

Agate occurs when amygdales (gas pockets) form in the upper levels of basaltic lava flows. If these pockets or bubbles are iniltrated by water bearing silica in solution, the fluid dries and hardens in layers, forming round or egg shaped nodules or geodes within the rocky matrix. Agate is formed of a silica mineral chalcedony similar to quartz. Although relatively common and semi-precious, agate has been prized since at least 1450 BC - an intricately carved agate seal was found in the 2015 excavation of a grave belonging to a Mycenaeum priest or warrior near Pylos in Greece. Agate is also used in jewellery and other decorative or ritual purposes due to its often striking appearance. Quartz is found all over Australia, including Beechworth in Victoria. It is formed in deep-seated igneous rocks and crystallized through hot aqueous solutions. It can have two forms; Microcrystalline quartz or Crystalline quartz. Microcrystalline quartz is a fine grain quartz where crystalline quartz is often a large crystal. The colour of quartz can vary. These specimens were collected in Victoria in the vicinity of the Burke Museum. Victoria and other regions of Australia were surveyed for sites of potential mineral wealth throughout the 19th Century. The identification of sites containing valuable commodities such as gold, iron ore and gemstones in a locality had the potential to shape the development and history of communities and industries in the area. The discovery of gold in Victoria, for instance, had a significant influence on the development of the area now known as 'the goldfields', including Beechworth; the city of Melbourne and Victoria as a whole.The specimens are significant as examples of surveying activity undertaken to assess and direct the development of the mineral resource industries in Victoria and Australia, as well as the movement to expand human knowledge of earth sciences such as mineralogy and geology in the nineteenth century.Geological specimens of Agate and Quartz respectively; the fist-sized piece of Agate has peach/coral colouring with grey concentric patterning and the smaller piece of quartz is a uniform yellow/orange shade. Existing label: Local pebbles / (agate and / quartz / (yellowish) / egg-shaped). / BB geological specimen, geology, geology collection, burke museum, beechworth, agate, quartz, north-east victoria, indigo shire, geological surveys

C.E Barrie was the Urban brigade's first captain. November 19, 1975, Page 2 OBITUARY Ex-Captain C E BARRIE Over 50 firemen attended the funeral of Ex- Captain Edgar Barrie of Melton Fire Brigade who died at the age of 62 on Thursday 16th October, 1975. Edgar was a volunteer fireman for 33 years, all of this service with the Melton Rural and Urban Fire Brigades. He joined the rural brigade in February 1942 was Secretary 1942 until 1965 when he became Captain as position he held until 1973. He was the urban brigade’s first Captain when it was formed in 1970 and held this position until 1971. The fire service runs in the Barrie family, brother Bon was Captain of the rural brigade from 1953 to 1965 relinquishing the position to become Group Officer of the Mt Cottrell Group, a position he still holds. Another brother Tom has been a member since 1941, nephew Peter has been a member since 1962 and Edgar’s son Vivian has been a member since 1971. Firemen, led by Snr. A/C/O Max Taylor, A/C/O Harry Rothsay, R/O Arthur Haynes and retired R/O Jim Dinsdale formed a guard of honour at the church and cemetery. A/C/O Rothsay read the Fireman’s Funeral Ritual at the graveside. Edgar who was a farmer, leaves a wife and four children. Sympathy is extended to them in their loss. Six members from the Melton Urban Brigade including Captain C.E Barrie, Secretary Dale Blampied, Lieutenant Steve Hirt, Apparatus Officer Graham Quick and Foreman Barry Sherwell.local identities, emergency services

This menorah has 7 candle holders joined in a horizontal row, on thin rod stands. The circular holders sit on two flat silver strips that are attached to silver rectangles on either side of the holders, creating a shield-like form on either side of the holder. The stand on which this construction is propped up, is made up of rods that stand vertically on either side of the holders and behind the shields. The rods are intersected by other rod 'lines' that visually weave horizontally across the top half of the stand. Each point of intersection of lines and rod stands is marked by a circular shape. Artist's statement: In terms of the Jewish diaspora, the variety and flexibility of approaches within Judaism has enabled the culture to endure and nurture ever stronger connections despite physical distance. This notion of an enriched connectedness was one of the two central ideas which contributed to the development of this piece. The second was the idea of light and its cultural significance. Light is about both practical illumination and spiritual expression. While revealing and manipulating material and form, light has also come to stand for the triumph of goodness over evil for many cultures, Of utmost importance in Jewish ritual, light and its media are also recognised symbols of connection and interaction for Jewish people throughout the world. (1999, Blessed Be the Work, Australian Contemporary Design in Jewish Ceremony II)

Sharped Edged instrument used for cleaning hair from the skin. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Straight_razor A straight razor is a razor with a blade that can fold into its handle.[1] They are also called open razors and cut-throat razors. HISTORY The first modern straight razor complete with decorated handles and hollow ground blades was constructed in Sheffield, England, by Benjamin Huntsman in 1740. Huntsman's process was adopted by the French sometime later. The English manufacturers were even more reluctant than the French to adopt the process and only did so after they saw its success in France.[5] Straight razors were the most common form of shaving before the 20th century and remained that common in many countries until the 1950s. TODAY Straight razors are still manufactured. DOVO, of Solingen, Germany, and Thiers Issard of France are two of the most well-known European manufacturers. Feather Safety Razor Co. Ltd. of Osaka, Japan makes a razor with the same form as a traditional straight, but featuring a disposable blade that can be installed through an injector-type system. Modern straight razor users are known to favor them for a variety of reasons. Some are attracted to the nostalgia of using old and traditional methods of shaving. It is a masculine ritual comparable to pipe smoking. Others profess an interest in reducing the waste of disposable blades.[11][22] Still others agree that straight razors provide a superior shave through a larger blade and greater control of the blade including the blade angle. Straight razors cover a much greater area per shaving stroke because their cutting edge is much longer than any of the multiblade razors. Ivory cut throat razor, with cream case 00121.3.Known as a straight razor.Razor with square point, full hollow ground 5/8” blade and double transverse stabiliser. The centre pin adds stability and rigidity to the handle---I think this is it ROM Parts The narrow end of the blade pivots on a pin, between 2 pieces of ivory forms the handle. LONG EXTRACT FROM WIKI _ SHORTEN to describe 00121 The parts of a straight razor and their function are described as follows: The narrow end of the blade rotates on a pin called the pivot, between two protective pieces called the scales or handle. The upward curved metal end of the narrow part of the blade beyond the pivot is called the tang and acts as a lever to help raise the blade from the handle. One or two fingers resting on the tang also help stabilize the blade while shaving. The narrow support piece between the tang and the main blade is called the shank, but this reference is often avoided because it can be confusing. The shank sometimes features decorations and the stamp of the country of origin. The top side and the underside of the shank can sometimes exhibit indentations known as fluting, or jimps for a more secure grip.[8] The curved lower part of the main blade from the shank to the cutting edge is called the shoulder.[9] The point where the shoulder joins the cutting edge is called the heel. A thick strip of metal running transversely at the junction where the main blade attaches to the shank is called the stabiliser. The stabiliser can be double,[10] single or can be absent in some razor models. The first stabiliser is usually very narrow and thicker and runs at the shank to blade junction, covering the shank and just spilling over to the shoulder. The second stabiliser can be distinguished since it is considerably wider and narrower, appearing after the first stabiliser and running lower into the shoulder. The non-cutting top of the blade is called the back or the spine while the cutting part of the blade opposite the back is called the cutting edge.[11] Finally the other free end of the blade, at the opposite end of the tang, is called the point and, sometimes, the head or the nose.[9][12] There are two to three pins in any handle. The middle pin, if present, is plastic coated and is called the plug.[13] Its function is to stabilise the sides of the handle so that they cannot be squeezed in the middle. When folded into the scales, the blade is protected from accidental damage, and the user is protected from accidental injury. During folding, the back of the blade, being thick and normally with a curved cross-section, acts as a natural stopper and prevents further rotation of the blade out of the handle from the other side shaving, lever, handle, blade, pivot, razor, tang

Transcription of plaque: Not Just a Pretty Place acknowledges the cultural significance of this site for residnets of the Nillumbik Shire and for the Wurundjeri community. Historically the confluence of rivers have particular importance as these were sites where rituals and ceremonies took place. The carved bluestone form presents an oversize river pebble that echoes the spirit of the water and draws attention to this location as a meeting place and landmark. The oval shape of a coolamun (Wurundjeri dish or basket) is referenced in the sculpture as a reminder of the indigenous heritage and as a gesture to reconciliation Danko describes the work as a contemporary message stick or sign, that can be read as a merker of time, nature and human existance. 2000 Nillumbik Art in Public Places Award. Heritage Excursion - Saturday 1st July - Eltham Lower Park - Walk and Talk Eltham Lower Park has played an important part in the history of our area since the early days of European settlement when it was used by local residents as an informal racecourse. Prior to that its location at the junction of the Diamond Creek and the Yarra River made it an important meeting place for the Wurundjeri people. The park combines formal elements and sporting facilities with remnant bushland that is of environmental significance. It is home to sporting and horse riding clubs, popular play spaces and the Diamond Valley Miniature Railway, which attracts large numbers of visitors. The park will be the venue for our July excursion which will comprise a walk of about 3.5 km around the park and adjacent areas. Along the way we will discuss the history and natural history of the area. The path along the creek and the river provides a pleasant and scenic walk. This walk on Saturday 1st July is about 3.5 km in length and will take 2 to 2.5 hours. It will start at 2pm at the Main Road car park at the front of the park. (Melway ref 21 H 10). From Newsletter No., 234, June 2017 Born Digitalelection day, heritage excursion, activities, eltham district historical society, eltham lower park, not just a pretty place, public art, plaque

Cogan is a textile artist and her work is political in nature. 'War and Peace' is about the Vietnam War and a statement about patriotism in war, of lessons not learnt, of remembrance and never forgetting. This work is an expression of her feelings towards this time and of her husband's experience who fought in this war. The Republic of Vietnam 'Vietnam Campaign Medal' is from the former country of South Vietnam (Republic of Vietnam). Established in 1966, it was awarded to members of United States, Australian, and New Zealand military forces serving six months or more in support of Republic of Vietnam military operations. The medal is issued with a device known as the 1960 Bar. The bar displays the date of 1960 followed by a dash and a blank space. The unusual appearance was caused by the government of the Republic of Vietnam stating that the 1960 bar would show the dates of the Vietnam War from start to finish, with the ending date placed on the 1960 bar after the South Vietnamese had triumphed over North Vietnam (the Democratic Republic of Vietnam). Since South Vietnam fell, and the government ceased to exist, an ending date for the 1960 Bar was never established. The Vietnam Campaign Medal is considered a foreign award by the U.S., Australian, and New Zealand governments. The joint Australian and New Zealand campaign medal awarded for service in the Vietnam War is the 'Vietnam Medal'. The obverse of this medal shows the crowned head of Queen Elizabeth II, with titles, while the reverse has the inscription VIETNAM above a symbolic representation of the ideological war in Vietnam. The RSL poppy (the Flanders poppy) has long been a part of Remembrance Day, the ritual that marks the Armistice of 11 November 1918, and is also increasingly being used as part of Anzac Day observances. During the First World War, red poppies were among the first plants to spring up in the devastated battlefields of northern France and Belgium. In soldiers' folklore, the vivid red of the poppy came from the blood of their comrades soaking the ground. The poppy soon became widely accepted throughout the allied nations as the flower of remembrance to be worn on Armistice Day. Today the RSL continues to sell poppies for Remembrance Day to raise funds for its welfare work. "War and Peace' is significant as it explores and highlights a period in history (the Vietnam War), which was contentious both socially and politically. Cogan and her family lived locally, in the Shire of Eltham during this time, and her work is a reflection of the experiences and sentiments of a section of the Nillumbik community. Textile piece. 'War": Cast muslin, machine embroidery onto white calico. Tanin dye, poly thread, side bust view (hand, shoulder and arm). Black machine stiching on shirt and shirt pocket with two vietnam medals. A replica of the 'Vietnam Medal' in muslin is shown reverse and has the inscription VIETNAM above a symbolic representation of the ideological war in Vietnam, which is of a male figure standing between two spherical shapes. The ribbon has a vertical central section of bright yellow which has centrally superimposed on it three thin stripes of red, (representing the South Vietnamese flag) flanked by two stripes of red (representing the Army). On the left is a dark blue stripe representing the Navy and on the right, a light blue stripe representing the Air Force. A replica in muslin of the second medal is the Republic of Vietnam 'Vietnam Campaign Medal' of the former country of South Vietnam. The ribbon has green and white strips with a device bearing the inscription ‘1960 – ‘. The medal is traditionally a gold and white enamelled star with a green, red and gold centre motif. Right hand is touching the medals/heart, while left arm is left resting to the left side over a crutch which ends in a rolled up bandage. 'Peace': Cast muslin, machine embroidery onto calico. Black dye, poly thread and RSL poppy. Side bust view (hand, shoulder and arm). Yellow machine stiching on black shirt and shirt pocket with RSL red poppy on shirt pocket. Right hand is reaching to touch the poppy, while left arm is slightly bent resting on its' left side. Nonetextile, muslin, embroidery, vietnam war, medals, vietnam medal, vietnam campaign medal, rsl poppy, war, peace, armistice, remembrance day, anzac

Milton Moon (1926-2019) Born Melbourne, Victoria Milton Moon attended the Central Technical College, Brisbane where he studied painting and drawing. In 1950 he undertook study in Ceramics with Harry Menmott and Mervyn Feeney at the Sandison Pottery, Brisbane. He lectured in Ceramics at Central Technical College, Brisbane, and he was awarded a Churchill a Fellowship in 1966. In 1974 he travelled and worked in Japan for a year, and established a workshop at Summertown in the Adelaide Hills. In 1984 Milton Moon was awarded the Order of Australia Medal for his services to ceramics. Milton Moon died in 2019. At the time of his death his website included the following:- "In this, my 'ninety second year,' over sixty of which I have been a potter, I remain concerned, if a little obsessed, with the challenge of making pots, which although belonging to a ceramic tradition of some eight thousand years or more, are undeniably and uniquely Australian. With all my changes of expression this has remained constant. The initial creative inspirations were drawn from the beauty of the coastal areas of Eastern Australia and from the mountain areas of the Great Dividing Range which stretch from North Queensland to the extreme South of Victoria. But the most lasting inspiration has come from the inland of Australia, more particularly from the Gammon and Flinders Ranges and from the Olary Uplands of South Australia, and more recently the Pilbara and Kimberley areas of Western Australia, where rock engravings place them as being amongst the oldest marks left by human-kind anywhere in the world. All parts of Australia are full of an ancient history stretching back through time and which today, despite white settlement, somehow still survives in legend and ritual. If it is the case that these legends do now only exist, in some muted half-life there is still the sense that they remain as a very powerful 'spirit-presence.' It is impossible to ignore the feeling that this country remains inhabited by the past. For me it is also impossible not to creatively respond to the echoes of the past, even if only through the somewhat vague process of inspiration and distillation. To understand this spirit, even a little, is a privilege but to try an express it is a compelling endeavour. This item is part of the Federation University Art Collection. The Art Collection features over 2000 works and was listed as a 'Ballarat Treasure' in 2007.Large ceramic platter, framed for display on wall.art, artwork, milton moon, ceramics

Freemasonary or Masonry has its beginnings in local guilds of stonemasons who from the end of 13th century regulated the qualification of stonemasons. Modern Freemasonry uses scriptures which include ritual practices and ethical conduct as part of its foundation and every member must profess a belief in a Supreme Being. Women are not allowed to be admitted and discussion of religion and politics is not to take place within the lodge. Freemasons meet in local Lodges which are supervised at a regional level by a Grand Lodge. The degrees of Freemasonry retain the three grades of medieval craft guilds, those of Entered Apprentice, Journeyman or fellow (now called Fellowcraft), and Master Mason. The candidate of these three degrees is progressively taught the meanings of the symbols of Freemasonry and entrusted with grips, signs, and words to signify to other members that he has been so initiated. The degrees are part allegorical morality play and part lecture. Candidates for Freemasonry will usually have met the most active members of the Lodge they are joining before being elected for initiation. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freemasonry) The Golden Lodge of Sandhurst was established as the first Masonic Lodge in Bendigo in 1854. Many prominent men including City Councilors were lodge members at it was a popular way for men to socialise. As the masonic movement expanded further lodges were established in Bendigo and the surrounding Boroughs and Shires. The Golden and Corinthian Lodges purchasing two blocks of land in a prominent position in View Street in 1866 with the intention of erecting a new temple and after amalgamating in 1872 appointed architects Vahland and Getzschmann to design the building. The Bendigo Masonic Hall (now the Capital Theatre) was built in 1873 -74 for both public and private use and contained lodge rooms, a public tavern anda concert hall. The Masonic section occupied the northern side of the building at ground floor level and included a lodge room at the rear, a library and reading room, and other affiliated rooms. Walls of the entry hall and lodge room were decorated with classical columns and panels ornamented with Masonic emblems. The upper level of the building contained a large hall with balcony at the north end and removable stage at the south end. Elaborately decorated with Masonic emblems, this hall was used for Masonic purposes as well as being available to the wider community for social events. The tavern, which became known as the Masonic Hotel, occupied the basement and the ground floor of the southern side of the building and included a sitting room, parlours, billiard room, bedrooms, kitchen, cellars and servants' rooms. It appears that two public entrances were provided for this section, one directly from street level into the basement, the other from the public entry hall. Invitation for the Installation of two Lodge Brothers. Half fold design printed in gold, brown, light blue, dark blue and black ink on white card. Front and back cover decorated with masonic symbols. Menu listed inside. Front cover: Zenith & Golden Corinthian Lodges,/ No. 52 & No. 7./ Joint / Installation / of / Bros. K. J. Fullerton / and W. F Creeth / Masonic Hall / Wednesday, June 30th , 1909 bendigo masonic hall, capital theatre bendigo, milburn catering bendigo, making a nation exhibition, bendigo masonic lodge, city of greater bendigo events, city of greater bendigo community groups

Freemasonary or Masonry has its beginnings in local guilds of stonemasons who from the end of 13th century regulated the qualification of stonemasons. Modern Freemasonry uses scriptures which include ritual practices and ethical conduct as part of its foundation and every member must profess a belief in a Supreme Being. Women are not allowed to be admitted and discussion of religion and politics is not to take place within the lodge. Freemasons meet in local Lodges which are supervised at a regional level by a Grand Lodge. The degrees of Freemasonry retain the three grades of medieval craft guilds, those of Entered Apprentice, Journeyman or fellow (now called Fellowcraft), and Master Mason. The candidate of these three degrees is progressively taught the meanings of the symbols of Freemasonry and entrusted with grips, signs, and words to signify to other members that he has been so initiated. The degrees are part allegorical morality play and part lecture. Candidates for Freemasonry will usually have met the most active members of the Lodge they are joining before being elected for initiation. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freemasonry) The Golden Lodge of Sandhurst was established as the first Masonic Lodge in Bendigo in 1854. Many prominent men including City Councilors were lodge members at it was a popular way for men to socialise. As the masonic movement expanded further lodges were established in Bendigo and the surrounding Boroughs and Shires. The Golden and Corinthian Lodges purchasing two blocks of land in a prominent position in View Street in 1866 with the intention of erecting a new temple and after amalgamating in 1872 appointed architects Vahland and Getzschmann to design the building. The Bendigo Masonic Hall (now the Capital Theatre) was built in 1873 -74 for both public and private use and contained lodge rooms, a public tavern anda concert hall. The Masonic section occupied the northern side of the building at ground floor level and included a lodge room at the rear, a library and reading room, and other affiliated rooms. Walls of the entry hall and lodge room were decorated with classical columns and panels ornamented with Masonic emblems. The upper level of the building contained a large hall with balcony at the north end and removable stage at the south end. Elaborately decorated with Masonic emblems, this hall was used for Masonic purposes as well as being available to the wider community for social events. The tavern, which became known as the Masonic Hotel, occupied the basement and the ground floor of the southern side of the building and included a sitting room, parlours, billiard room, bedrooms, kitchen, cellars and servants' rooms. It appears that two public entrances were provided for this section, one directly from street level into the basement, the other from the public entry hall. Invitation for the Installation of two Lodge Brothers. Horizontal fold printed in black ink on blue card. Embossed cover with scalloped edging. Front and back cover decorated with masonic symbols. Menu listed inside. Front cover: golden & Corinthian & Zenith Lodges / No. 7 and Mo. 52 / joint Installation / of / Bros, R. T. Trembath and L. A. Sonnenber / Masonic Hall, Bendigo / Wednesday, June 29th, 1910. bendigo masonic hall, capital theatre bendigo, milburn catering bendigo, brockley printers bendigo, making a nation exhibition, bendigo masonic lodge, city of greater bendigo community groups, city of greater bendigo events

Freemasonary or Masonry has its beginning in local guilds of stonemasons which from the end of 13th century regulated the qualification of stonemasons. Modern Freemasonry uses scriptures which include ritual practices and ethical conduct as part of its foundation and every member must profess a belief in a Supreme Being. Women are not allowed to be admitted and discussion of religion and politics is not to take place within the lodge. Freemasons meet in local Lodges which are supervised at a regional level by a Grand Lodge. The degrees of Freemasonry retain the three grades of medieval craft guilds, those of Entered Apprentice, Journeyman or fellow (now called Fellowcraft), and Master Mason. The candidate of these three degrees is progressively taught the meanings of the symbols of Freemasonry and entrusted with grips, signs, and words to signify to other members that he has been so initiated. The degrees are part allegorical morality play and part lecture. Candidates for Freemasonry will usually have met the most active members of the Lodge they are joining before being elected for initiation. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freemasonry) The Golden Lodge of Sandhurst was established as the first Masonic Lodge in Bendigo in 1854. Many prominent men including City Councilors were lodge members at it was a popular way for men to socialise. As the masonic movement expanded further lodges were established in Bendigo and the surrounding Boroughs and Shires. The Golden and Corinthian Lodges purchasing two blocks of land in a prominent position in View Street in 1866 with the intention of erecting a new temple and after amalgamating in 1872 appointed architects Vahland and Getzschmann to design the building. The Bendigo Masonic Hall (now the Capital Theatre) was built in 1873 -74 for both public and private use and contained lodge rooms, a public tavern anda concert hall. The Masonic section occupied the northern side of the building at ground floor level and included a lodge room at the rear, a library and reading room, and other affiliated rooms. Walls of the entry hall and lodge room were decorated with classical columns and panels ornamented with Masonic emblems. The upper level of the building contained a large hall with balcony at the north end and removable stage at the south end. Elaborately decorated with Masonic emblems, this hall was used for Masonic purposes as well as being available to the wider community for social events. The tavern, which became known as the Masonic Hotel, occupied the basement and the ground floor of the southern side of the building and included a sitting room, parlours, billiard room, bedrooms, kitchen, cellars and servants' rooms. It appears that two public entrances were provided for this section, one directly from street level into the basement, the other from the public entry hall. Invitation for the Installation of unnamed Brothers. Half fold printed in gold and red ink on cream coloured card. Embossed cover with plain edging. Front and back cover decorated with masonic symbols. Menu listed inside. Front cover: The Zenith and Golden and Corinthian Lodges ? Joint Installation / Masonic Hall, Bendigo / Wednesday, June 28th, 1905 / Bro J.O.R Milburn Caterer bendigo masonic hall, capital theatre bendigo, milburn catering bendigo, making a nation exhibition, james printer eaglehawk, bendigo masonic lodge, city of greater bendigo community groups

Freemasonary or Masonry has its beginnings in local guilds of stonemasons who from the end of 13th century regulated the qualification of stonemasons. Modern Freemasonry uses scriptures which include ritual practices and ethical conduct as part of its foundation and every member must profess a belief in a Supreme Being. Women are not allowed to be admitted and discussion of religion and politics is not to take place within the lodge. Freemasons meet in local Lodges which are supervised at a regional level by a Grand Lodge. The degrees of Freemasonry retain the three grades of medieval craft guilds, those of Entered Apprentice, Journeyman or fellow (now called Fellowcraft), and Master Mason. The candidate of these three degrees is progressively taught the meanings of the symbols of Freemasonry and entrusted with grips, signs, and words to signify to other members that he has been so initiated. The degrees are part allegorical morality play and part lecture. Candidates for Freemasonry will usually have met the most active members of the Lodge they are joining before being elected for initiation. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freemasonry) The Golden Lodge of Sandhurst was established as the first Masonic Lodge in Bendigo in 1854. Many prominent men including City Councilors were lodge members at it was a popular way for men to socialise. As the masonic movement expanded further lodges were established in Bendigo and the surrounding Boroughs and Shires. The Golden and Corinthian Lodges purchasing two blocks of land in a prominent position in View Street in 1866 with the intention of erecting a new temple and after amalgamating in 1872 appointed architects Vahland and Getzschmann to design the building. The Bendigo Masonic Hall (now the Capital Theatre) was built in 1873 -74 for both public and private use and contained lodge rooms, a public tavern anda concert hall. The Masonic section occupied the northern side of the building at ground floor level and included a lodge room at the rear, a library and reading room, and other affiliated rooms. Walls of the entry hall and lodge room were decorated with classical columns and panels ornamented with Masonic emblems. The upper level of the building contained a large hall with balcony at the north end and removable stage at the south end. Elaborately decorated with Masonic emblems, this hall was used for Masonic purposes as well as being available to the wider community for social events. The tavern, which became known as the Masonic Hotel, occupied the basement and the ground floor of the southern side of the building and included a sitting room, parlours, billiard room, bedrooms, kitchen, cellars and servants' rooms. It appears that two public entrances were provided for this section, one directly from street level into the basement, the other from the public entry hall. Invitation for the Installation of Brothers Henderson and Sargeant. Half fold printed in red ink on grey / mauve coloured card with plain edging. Menu listed inside on left, toasts listed on inside right. Front cover: Banquet / at the / Joint Installation / of / Brox, R. O Henderson & T. L. Sargeant / as / Worshipful Masters / of the / Golden and Corinthian & Zenith Lodges / Masonic Hall / Wednesday, 27th June 1906 bendigo masonic hall, capital theatre bendigo, milburn catering bendigo, making a nation exhibition, brockley printers bendigo, bendigo masonic lodge, city of greater bendigo community groups

Freemasonary or Masonry has its beginnings in local guilds of stonemasons who from the end of 13th century regulated the qualification of stonemasons. Modern Freemasonry uses scriptures which include ritual practices and ethical conduct as part of its foundation and every member must profess a belief in a Supreme Being. Women are not allowed to be admitted and discussion of religion and politics is not to take place within the lodge. Freemasons meet in local Lodges which are supervised at a regional level by a Grand Lodge. The degrees of Freemasonry retain the three grades of medieval craft guilds, those of Entered Apprentice, Journeyman or fellow (now called Fellowcraft), and Master Mason. The candidate of these three degrees is progressively taught the meanings of the symbols of Freemasonry and entrusted with grips, signs, and words to signify to other members that he has been so initiated. The degrees are part allegorical morality play and part lecture. Candidates for Freemasonry will usually have met the most active members of the Lodge they are joining before being elected for initiation. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freemasonry) The Golden Lodge of Sandhurst was established as the first Masonic Lodge in Bendigo in 1854. Many prominent men including City Councilors were lodge members at it was a popular way for men to socialise. As the masonic movement expanded further lodges were established in Bendigo and the surrounding Boroughs and Shires. The Golden and Corinthian Lodges purchasing two blocks of land in a prominent position in View Street in 1866 with the intention of erecting a new temple and after amalgamating in 1872 appointed architects Vahland and Getzschmann to design the building. The Bendigo Masonic Hall (now the Capital Theatre) was built in 1873 -74 for both public and private use and contained lodge rooms, a public tavern anda concert hall. The Masonic section occupied the northern side of the building at ground floor level and included a lodge room at the rear, a library and reading room, and other affiliated rooms. Walls of the entry hall and lodge room were decorated with classical columns and panels ornamented with Masonic emblems. The upper level of the building contained a large hall with balcony at the north end and removable stage at the south end. Elaborately decorated with Masonic emblems, this hall was used for Masonic purposes as well as being available to the wider community for social events. The tavern, which became known as the Masonic Hotel, occupied the basement and the ground floor of the southern side of the building and included a sitting room, parlours, billiard room, bedrooms, kitchen, cellars and servants' rooms. It appears that two public entrances were provided for this section, one directly from street level into the basement, the other from the public entry hall. Invitation for the Installation of Brother Lee. Half fold printed in blue ink on cream coloured card with plain edging. Menu listed inside on left, toasts listed on inside right, officers listed on back cover. Front cover: Sandhurst Lodge / No 194 / Banquet / to celebrate the / Installation / of / Brother H. Lee / in the / Masonic Temple, Bendigo / Thursday, 20th June 1907 bendigo masonic hall, capital theatre bendigo, milburn catering bendigo, making a nation exhibition, bendigo masonic lodge, city of greater bendigo events, city of greater bendigo community groups

'Worlingworth', Eltham, home of noted anthropologist the late Professor Donald Thomson and his wife Dorita Thomson. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p127 Dubbed as ‘Australia’s Lawrence of Arabia’ anthropologist Donald Thomson lived much of his life in Eltham, at Banoon Road. On his retirement as Professor of Anthropology in 1968, The University of Melbourne professorial board compared Thomson to Lawrence of Arabia because of his work for Aborigines and his controversial personality. Although Thomson is now recognised for his huge contribution, during his lifetime he suffered opposition and his life has been described as ‘tragic’.1 Thomson failed to gain the recognition as a scientist that he felt he deserved and he failed to alter government policy towards Aboriginal people. But towards the end of his life in 1970, anthropologists were moving towards the type of research he had done and the movement to grant land rights to Aborigines was strengthening. Thomson is best known for his anthropological fieldwork in Cape York, Arnhem Land and Central Australia, but he is also known for his scholarly contributions to ornithology and ecology. Thomson documented every aspect of the daily and ritual life of the Aboriginal world of Cape York and Arnhem Land in the 1930s and 1940s. The huge collection in Museum Victoria includes 11,000 photographs, 7500 items of material culture, 1000 botanical and zoological specimens and 4500 pages of field-notes.2 The film Ten Canoes used Thomson’s photographs as a source. Thomson bought the Eltham property known as Worlingworth in 1934. The single-storey 60-square house standing by the Yarra River was built in 1922-23. It is one of the last in Eltham to survive with its farm setting intact. It is also one of the few substantial residences built in the Eltham Shire from the late 19th century to the early 20th century, which signalled a major change in the area towards the residential municipality it is today.3 The original section, built in the mid 1860s, of rose pink hand-made bricks and stone quarried on the property, was incorporated in the new red-brick house built in 1922. An immense oak tree by the house grew from an acorn brought by Patrick Armstrong who first bought the land in March 14, 1862. Armstrong named Worlingworth after his forbears’ village in Suffolk, England. Worlingworth saw grand days when Commander Alan A Barlee (R.N.) bought it in 1922 after winning the Calcutta Sweep. The property then included a nine-hole golf course, a tennis court, a bowling green, a boathouse and a boat-ramp.4 For most of his career Thomson, who was born in 1901, was attached to The University of Melbourne. In 1935 he represented the Commonwealth Government at Caledon Bay in east Arnhem Land to investigate and mediate for four Aborigines accused of killing five Japanese and three Europeans. In 1938 Thomson was awarded a PhD in Anthropology at Cambridge University, and during his career, he received several medals from British Societies, who perhaps appreciated his work better than their Australian counterparts. From World War Two, Thomson suffered a string of hardships, beginning with severe wounding in Dutch New Guinea (for his military service in New Guinea he was awarded an OBE) and he was invalided from service in 1944. That year he was diagnosed with diabetes. A fire in 1946 destroyed what Thomson regarded as perhaps the best record he had made of Aboriginal life – the 20,000 feet, (6096m) of film he had shot in Arnhem Land. In 1954 he and wife, Gladys, divorced. The next year he married his technical assistant, Dorita McColl. Several times during his career Thomson had major disagreements. For instance Professor P Elkin constantly opposed his work. He also opposed Thomson when he campaigned vigorously in 1947 against the establishment of a rocket range at Woomera, South Australia, because of the threat it posed Aborigines. Thomson resigned in frustration from the Victorian Aborigines Welfare Board in 1967, after serving for ten years, because he found that his advice was disregarded. His ashes were scattered over Caledon Bay from the air.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, banoon road, donald thomson, dorita thomson, eltham, worlingworth

Mawul Rom Project: Openness, obligation and reconciliation Morgan Brigg (Universtiy of Queensland) and Anke Tonnaer (University of Aarhus, Denmark) Aboriginal Australian initiatives to restore balanced relationships with White Australians have recently become part of reconciliation efforts. This paper provides a contextualised report on one such initiative, the Mawul Rom crosscultural mediation project. Viewing Mawul Rom as a diplomatic venture in the lineage of adjustment and earlier Rom rituals raises questions about receptiveness, individual responsibility and the role of Indigenous ceremony in reconciliation efforts. Yolngu ceremonial leaders successfully draw participants into relationship and personally commit them to the tasks of cross-cultural advocacy and reconciliation. But Mawul Rom must also negotiate a paradox because emphasis on the cultural difference of ceremony risks increasing the very social distance that the ritual attempts to confront. Managing this tension will be a key challenge if Mawul Rom is to become an effective diplomatic mechanism for cross-cultural conflict resolution and reconciliation. Living in two camps: the strategies Goldfields Aboriginal people use to manage in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time Howard Sercombe (Strathclyde University, Glasgow) The economic sustainability of Aboriginal households has been a matter of public concern across a range of contexts. This research, conducted in the Eastern Goldfields of Western Australia, shows how economically successful Aboriginal persons manage ?dual economic engagement?, or involvement in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time. The two economies sometimes reinforce each other but are more often in conflict, and management of conflicting obligations requires high degrees of skill and innovation. As well as creating financially sustainable households, the participants contributed significantly to the health of their extended families and communities. The research also shows that many Aboriginal people, no matter what their material and personal resources, are conscious of how fragile and unpredictable their economic lives can be, and that involvement in the customary economy is a kind of mutual insurance to guarantee survival if times get tough. Indigenous population data for evaluation and performance measurement: A cautionary note Gaminiratne Wijesekere (Dept. of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, Canberra) I outline the status of population census counts for Indigenous peoples, identifying information on Indigenous births and deaths, and internal migration estimates. I comment on the ?experimental? Indigenous population projections and question the rationale for having two sets of projections. Program managers and evaluators need to be mindful of limitations of the data when using these projections for monitoring, evaluating and measuring Indigenous programs. Reaching out to a younger generation using a 3D computer game for storytelling: Vincent Serico?s legacy Theodor G Wyeld (Flinders University, Adeliade) and Brett Leavy (CyberDreaming Australia) Sadly, Vincent Serico (1949?2008), artist, activist and humanist, recently passed away. Born in southern Queensland in Wakka Wakka/Kabi Kabi Country (Carnarvon Gorge region) in 1949, Vincent was a member of the Stolen Generations. He was separated from his family by White administration at four years of age. He grew up on the Cherbourg Aboriginal Reserve in the 1950s, when the policies of segregation and assimilation were at their peak. Only returning to his Country in his early forties, Vincent started painting his stories and the stories that had been passed on to him about the region. These paintings manifest Vincent?s sanctity for tradition, storytelling, language, spirit and beliefs. A team of researchers was honoured and fortunate to have worked closely with Vincent to develop a 3D simulation of his Country using a 3D computer game toolkit. Embedded in this simulation of his Country, in the locations that their stories speak to, are some of Vincent?s important contemporary art works. They are accompanied by a narration of Vincent?s oral history about the places, people and events depicted. Vincent was deeply concerned about members of the younger generation around him ?losing their way? in modern times. In a similar vein, Brett Leavy (Kooma) sees the 3D game engine as an opportunity to engage the younger generation in its own cultural heritage in an activity that capitalises on a common pastime. Vincent was an enthusiastic advocate of this approach. Working in consultation with Vincent and the research team, CyberDreaming developed a simulation of Vincent?s Country for young Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal persons from the Carnarvon Gorge region to explore Vincent?s life stories of the region. The use of Vincent?s contemporary paintings as storyboards provides a traditional medium for the local people to interactively re-engage with traditional values. Called Serico?s World, it represents a legacy to his life?s works, joys and regrets. Here we discuss the background to this project and Vincent?s contribution. A singular beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land RG Gunn (La Trobe University) and RL Whear (Jawoyn Association) Samples from a beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land were analysed for radiocarbon and dated to be about 150 years old. An underlying beeswax figure was found to be approximately 1100 years old. The Dreaming Being Namarrkon is well known throughout Arnhem Land, although his sphere of activity is concentrated around the northern half of the Arnhem Land plateau. Namarrkon is well represented in rock-paintings in this area and continues to be well represented in contemporary canvas-paintings by artists from the broader plateau region. We conclude that representations of Namarrkon in both painted and beeswax forms appear to be parallel manifestations of the late Holocene regionalisation of Arnhem Land. ?Missing the point? or ?what to believe ? the theory or the data?: Rationales for the production of Kimberley points Kim Akerman (Moonah) In a recent article, Rodney Harrison presented an interesting view on the role glass Kimberley points played in the lives of the Aborigines who made and used them. Harrison employed ethnographic and historical data to argue that glass Kimberley points were not part of the normal suite of post-contact artefacts used primarily for hunting and fighting or Indigenous exchange purposes, but primarily were created to service a non-Indigenous market for aesthetically pleasing artefacts. Harrison asserted that this market determined the form that these points took. A critical analysis of the data does not substantiate either of these claims. Here I do not deal with Harrison?s theoretical material or arguments; I focus on the ethnographic and historical material that he has either omitted or failed to appreciate in developing his thesis and which, in turn, renders it invalid. The intensity of raw material utilisation as an indication of occupational history in surface stone artefact assemblages from the Strathbogie Ranges, central Victoria Justin Ian Shiner (La Trobe University, Bundoora) Stone artefact assemblages are a major source of information on past human?landscape relationships throughout much of Australia. These relationships are not well understood in the Strathbogie Ranges of central Victoria, where few detailed analyses of stone artefact assemblages have been undertaken. The purpose of this paper is to redress this situation through the analysis of two surface stone artefact assemblages recorded in early 2000 during a wider investigation of the region?s potential for postgraduate archaeological fieldwork. Analysis of raw material utilisation is used to assess the characteristics of the occupational histories of two locations with similar landscape settings. The analysis indicates variability in the intensity of raw material use between the assemblages, which suggests subtle differences in the occupational history of each location. The results of this work provide a direction for future stone artefact studies within this poorly understood region.document reproductions, maps, b&w photographs, colour photographskimberley, mawul rom project, 3d computer game, storytelling, vincent serico, beeswax, namarrkon, artefact assemblages, strathbogie ranges, groote eylandt, budd billy ii

Looks at the Aboriginal community from the time of white contact, across many parts of Victoria. Chap.1; Melbourne - early missions, camp of Native Police, corroboree trees, canoe trees, grave &? headstone of Derrimut; quarries at Keilor, excavation sites at Green Gully &? Keilor; quarry at Mt. William, notes on inheritance of quarries Coranderrk settlement - Barraks grave, notes on his life; Chap.2; Geelong - Yawangi group of the Wothowurong tribe, camping grounds in area quarries; Notes on William Buckley, Gellibrand (a notable Aboriginal), graves in the Western Cemetery; Chap.3; Colac - war between Colac &? Geelong tribes; Mission at Birregurra, reason for failure of Buntingdale Mission; brass plate to Coc-coc-coine; reserve at Elliminyt, native ovens, camp sites, initiation site &? ritual; quarry sites, axegrinding factory, rock pecking &? engraving; dried hand &? 3 Aboriginal skulls found; Chap.4; The south-west coast - middens, camp sites notes on Framlingham Stn., fish traps at Tyrendarra; Chap.5; The far west - massacres of Aborigines near Casterton; camp sites, oven mounds; the first cricket team formed; Aboriginal cemetery; Chap.6; Hamilton - camps; Mount Rouse Station, axegrinding grooves at Nareeb Nareeb, shelters described, fish traps, massacre at Lake Condah; mission; canoes; Chap.7; Camperdown - legend about Lake Bullen Merri; obelisk erected in memory of Aborigines of district especially chief Wombeetch Puyuun; Jarcoort tribe; fish weirs, camps, intertribal fights between Booluc-burrers, Jarcoorts &? Ellengermote groups; bartering place at Mount Noorat; articles traded, legend of Flat-Top Hill; Chap.8; Ballarat - camp at Lake Wendouree; White Stone Lagoon; legends concerning Mt. Buninyong &? waterfalls at Lal-lal; camp sites; pygmy-type implements near Meredith, quarry at Glue Pot Rocks near Durdidwarrah; brass plate of King Billy; Chap.9; Ararat - Tjapwurong territory; camp sites, quarries, shield &? canoe trees; Bunyip belief at Lake Buninjon of Muk-jarawaint &? Pirtkopen-noot tribes, gives legend; stone implements; mill stones; fish weirs; stone arrangement near Lake Wongan; ground drawing of a bunyip, paintings in rock shelter near Mt. Langi Ghiran; Chap.10; Maryborough - camps, oven mounds, rock wells, stone arrangement at Carisbrook; camp sites at Mt. Franklin; Chap.11; Charlton - belief in Mindye (snake); canoe trees, ovens, camp sites, water holes, rock wells, stone implements; method of rainmaking; Chap.12; Horsham-Stawell, The Wimmera - Wotjobaluk land; camps, fish traps at Toolondo; Black Range cave paintings, Flat Rock shelters (detailed account of these paintings); Bunjils Cave; Chap.13; Horsham-Stawell, The Mallee - camp sites, implements; Ebenezer Mission, Willie Wimmera taken to England by Rev. Chase to become a missionary, died in England; Chap.14; The Murray River, Mildura Swan Hill - Battle of the Rufus; ceremonial ground, Lake Gol Gol, canoe &? shield trees; stone implements; camp sites, fire place arrangements; fish traps; oven mounds; Chap.15; The Murray River, Swan Hill-Echuca - legend about Lake Boga; camps, oven mounds, the Cohuna skull, Kow Swamp, method of burial; Chap.16; Shepparton ovens; brass plates of King Paddy of Kotupna &? King Tattambo of Mulka Stn., native well, camps; Chap.17; Wangaratta -camps, quarry, rock holes, the Faithful massacre; grinding rocks at Earlston; Chap.18; The High Plains - Ya-itma-thang; camps, Bogong moth feasts, native paths for trade &? intertribal fights, articles traded; painted shelters; Koetong Ck. Valley, near Mt. Pilot &? near Barwidgee Ck.; Chap.19; Dandenong - water holes, list of 8 holes in Beaumaris - Black Rock area; camps, middens, stone implements (microliths), legend of Angels Cave, stone axes, Native Police Force, Narre Narre Warren Station, legend about rocks on Bald Hill, kangaroo totemic site; Chap.20; Wonthaggi- Yarram - natives visit Phillip Is., murder of William Cook and Yankee by five Tasmanians (listed as Bon Small Boy, Jack Napoleon Timninaparewa, Fanny Waterpoordeyer, Matilda Nattopolenimma and Truganini) near Cape Patterson, men; camp sites, middens, legend of White Rock; Chap.21; Sale - Bairnsdale, The Lakes Country middens, camps; legend at Wulrunjeri; story of a white woman supposedly living with with the Tutangolung tribe, efforts made to prove story; canoe trees; Chap.22; Sale-Bairnsdale, The Inland Braiakolung tribe, camps, implements, canoe &? shield trees; Ramahyuck Mission, grinding rocks, fights with Omeo tribe; native tracks, death through enemy magic - procedure, belief in ghosts; Chap.23; Lakes Entrance and the Country to the east - Kroatungolung people, legend of Kalimna Valley; camps, stones of Nargun, bunyip, devils at Lake Tyers, excavation at Buchan, carbon dates; middens, ochre at Cape Conrad, stone fish-hook file at Thurra River; note on Bidwel tribe; Each chapter gives historical details, early contacts, relationships with settlers; Aboriginal place names and detailed description of sites and geographical features.b&w photographs, b&w illustrations, colour illustrationsgeelong, colac, hamilton, camperdown, ballarat, ararat, maryborough, charlton, horsham, stawell, murray river, shepparton, wangaratta, dandenong, wonthaggi, yarram, sale, bairnsdale, lakes entrance

1. The moral lexicon of the Warlpiri people of central Australia LR Hiatt This paper discusses words that match ?Good? and ?Bad?; examples of ?Good? and ?Bad? behaviour; morality and law; and egalitarianism and dominance. It also presents a comparison with Gidjingarli (Burarra). 2. Mobs and bosses: Structures of Aboriginal sociality Patrick Mullins (Mount Druitt, NSW) A commonality of Aboriginal social organisation exists across the continent in communities as different as those from the Western Desert across to Cape York, from the towns of New South Wales and Western Australia to cities like Adelaide. This is found in the colloquial expressions ?mob? and ?boss?, which are used in widely differing contexts. Mobbing is the activity where relatedness, in the sense of social alliances, is established and affirmed by virtue of a common affiliation with place, common experience and common descent, as well as by the exchange of cash and commodities. Bossing is the activity of commanding respect by virtue of one?s capacity to bestow items of value such as ritual knowledge, nurturance, care, cash and commodities. Mobbing and bossing are best understood as structures in Giddens? sense of sets of rules and resources involved in the production of social systems, in this case social alliances. Mobbing and bossing imply a concept of a person as a being in a relationship. Attention needs to be given to the way these structures interact with institutions in the wider Australian society. 3. Recognising victims without blaming them: A moral contest? About Peter Sutton?s ?The Politics of Suffering: Indigenous Policy in Australia since the 1970s? and Gillian Cowlishaw?s replies Ma�a Ponsonnet (Universit� Paris- 8-Saint-Denis) Peter Sutton?s texts on Aboriginal violence, health and their politicisation are replied to using his methodology, and acknowledging his convincing points. Sutton rightly denounces a lack of lucidity and scientific objectivity in anthropological debates. These inadequacies impede identification of what Aboriginal groups can do to improve their situations for fear that this identification would lead to blame the victims. At the other end of the ethical spectrum, those who advocate a broader use of what I will call a ?resistance interpretation? of violence fail to recognise victims as such, on the implicit grounds that seeing victims as victims would deprive them of any agency, on the one hand, and entail blame, on the other hand. I aim to define a middle road between those views: the idea that victims should be acknowledged as such without being denied their agency and without being blamed for their own condition. This middle road allows identification of the colonisers? responsibilities in the contemporary situation of Indigenous communities in Australia, and to determine who can do what. Secondly, I show that Sutton?s texts convey, through subtle but recurrent remarks, an ideology of blame rather than a mere will to identify practical solutions. As a consequence, some of his proposals do not stand on a solid and objective causal analysis. 4. 'You would have loved her for her lore?: The letters of Daisy Bates Bob Reece (Murdoch University) Daisy Bates was once an iconic figure in Australia but her popular and academic reputation became tarnished by her retrograde views. Her credibility was also put in doubt through the exposure of her fictionalised Irish background. In more recent times, however, her ethnographic data on the Aborigines of Western Australia has been an invaluable source for Native Title claims, while her views on Aboriginal extinction, cannibalism and ?castes? are being seen as typical of her time. This article briefly reviews what has been the orthodox academic opinion of her scientific achievement before summarising what is reliably known of her early history and indicating what kind of person is revealed in the 3000 or more letters that she left behind. 5. What potential might Narrative Therapy have to assist Indigenous Australians reduce substance misuse? Violet Bacon (Curtin University of Technology) Substance misuse is associated with adverse consequences for many Australians including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Extensive research has been conducted into various intervention, treatment and prevention programs to ascertain their potential in reducing substance misuse within Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities. I explore the potential of Narrative Therapy as a counselling intervention for assisting Indigenous Australians reduce the harm associated with substance misuse. 6. Bone points from the Adelaide River, Northern Territory Sally Brockwell (University of Canberra) and Kim Akerman (Moonah) Large earth mounds located next to the vast floodplains of the lower Adelaide River, one of the major tropical rivers draining the flat coastal plains of northern Australia, contain cultural material, including bone points. The floodplains of the north underwent dynamic environmental change from extensive mangrove swamps in the mid-Holocene, through a transition phase of variable estuarine and freshwater mosaic environments, to the freshwater environment that exists today. This geomorphological framework provides a background for the interpretation of the archaeology, which spans some 4000 years. 7. A different look: Comparative rock-art recording from the Torres Strait using computer enhancement techniques Liam M Brady (Monash University) In 1888 and 1898, Cambridge University?s Alfred C Haddon made the first recording of rock-art from the Torres Strait islands using photography and sketches. Systematic recording of these same paintings and sites was carried out from 2000 to 2004 by archaeologists and Indigenous Torres Strait Islander and Aboriginal communities as part of community-based rock-art recording projects. Computer enhancement techniques were used to identify differences between both sets of recordings, to reveal design elements that Haddon missed in his recordings, and to recover images recorded by Haddon that are today no longer visible to the naked eye. Using this data, preliminary observations into the antiquity of Torres Strait rock-art are noted along with recommendations for future Torres Strait region rock-art research and baseline monitoring projects. 8. Sources of bias in the Murray Black Collection: Implications for palaeopathological analysis Sarah Robertson (National Museum of Australia) The Murray Black collection of Aboriginal skeletal remains has been a mainstay of bio-anthropological research in Australia, but relatively little thought has been given to how and why this collection may differ from archaeologically obtained collections. The context in which remains were located and recovered has created bias within the sample, which was further skewed within the component of the collection sent to the Australian Institute of Anatomy, resulting in limitations for the research potential of the collection. This does not render all research on the collection unviable, but it demonstrates the importance of understanding the context of a skeletal collection when assessing its suitability for addressing specific research questions.maps, b&w photographs, colour photographs, illustrations, graphs, chartswarlpiri, sociology, daisy bates, substance abuse, narrative therapy, rock art, technology and art, murray black collection, pleistocene sites, watarrka plateau

1. Musical and linguistic perspectives on Aboriginal song Allan Marett and Linda Barwick Song brings language and music together. Great singers are at once musicians and wordsmiths, who toss rhythm, melody and word against one another in complex cross-play. In this paper we outline some initial findings that are emerging from our interdisciplinary study of the musical traditions of the Cobourg region of western Arnhem Land, a coastal area situated in the far north of the Australian continent 350 kilometres northeast of Darwin. We focus on a set of songs called Jurtbirrk, sung in Iwaidja, a highly endangered language, whose core speaker base is now located in the community of Minjilang on Croker Island. We bring to bear analytical methodologies from both musicology and linguistics to illuminate this hitherto undocumented genre of love songs. 2. Iwaidja Jurtbirrk songs: Bringing language and music together Linda Barwick (University of Sydney), Bruce Birch and Nicholas Evans (University of Melbourne) Song brings language and music together. Great singers are at once musicians and wordsmiths, who toss rhythm, melody and word against one another in complex cross-play. In this paper we outline some initial findings that are emerging from our interdisciplinary study of the musical traditions of the Cobourg region of western Arnhem Land, a coastal area situated in the far north of the Australian continent 350 kilometres northeast of Darwin. We focus on a set of songs called Jurtbirrk, sung in Iwaidja, a highly endangered language, whose core speaker base is now located in the community of Minjilang on Croker Island. We bring to bear analytical methodologies from both musicology and linguistics to illuminate this hitherto undocumented genre of love songs. 3. Morrdjdjanjno ngan-marnbom story nakka, ?songs that turn me into a story teller?: The morrdjdjanjno of western Arnhem Land Murray Garde (University of Melbourne) Morrdjdjanjno is the name of a song genre from the Arnhem Land plateau in the Top End of the Northern Territory and this paper is a first description of this previously undocumented song tradition. Morrdjdjanjno are songs owned neither by individuals or clans, but are handed down as ?open domain? songs with some singers having knowledge of certain songs unknown to others. Many morrdjdjanjno were once performed as part of animal increase rituals and each song is associated with a particular animal species, especially macropods. Sung only by men, they can be accompanied by clap sticks alone or both clap sticks and didjeridu. First investigations reveal that the song texts are not in everyday speech but include, among other things, totemic referential terms for animals which are exclusive to morrdjdjanjno. Translations from song language into ordinary register speech can often be ?worked up? when the song texts are discussed in their cultural and performance context. The transmission of these songs is severely endangered at present as there are only two known singers remaining both of whom are elderly. 4. Sung and spoken: An analysis of two different versions of a Kun-barlang love song Isabel O?Keeffe (nee Bickerdike) (University of Melbourne) In examining a sung version and a spoken version of a Kun-barlang love song text recorded by Alice Moyle in 1962, I outline the context and overall structure of the song, then provide a detailed comparative analysis of the two versions. I draw some preliminary conclusions about the nature of Kun-barlang song language, particularly in relation to the rhythmic setting of words in song texts and the use of vocables as structural markers. 5. Simplifying musical practice in order to enhance local identity: Rhythmic modes in the Walakandha wangga (Wadeye, Northern Territory) Allan Marett (University of Sydney) Around 1982, senior performers of the Walakandha wangga, a repertory of song and dance from the northern Australian community of Wadeye (Port Keats), made a conscious decision to simplify their complex musical and dance practice in order to strengthen the articulation of a group identity in ceremonial performance. Recordings from the period 1972?82 attest to a rich diversity of rhythmic modes, each of which was associated with a different style of dance. By the mid-1980s, however, this complexity had been significantly reduced. I trace the origin of the original complexity, explore the reasons why this was subsequently reduced, and trace the resultant changes in musical practice. 6. ?Too long, that wangga?: Analysing wangga texts over time Lysbeth Ford (University of Sydney) For the past forty or so years, Daly region song-men have joined with musicologists and linguists to document their wangga songs. This work has revealed a corpus of more than one hundred wangga songs composed in five language varieties Within this corpus are a few wangga texts recorded with their prose versions. I compare sung and spoken texts in an attempt to show not only what makes wangga texts consistently different from prose texts, but also how the most recent wangga texts differ from those composed some forty years ago. 7. Flesh with country: Juxtaposition and minimal contrast in the construction and melodic treatment of jadmi song texts Sally Treloyn (University of Sydney) For some time researchers of Centralian-style songs have found that compositional and performance practices that guide the construction and musical treatment of song texts have a broader social function. Most recently, Barwick has identified an ?aesthetics of parataxis or juxtaposition? in the design of Warumungu song texts and musical organisation (as well as visual arts and dances), that mirrors social values (such as the skin system) and forms 'inductive space' in which relationships between distinct classes of being, places, and groups of persons are established. Here I set out how juxtaposition and minimal contrast in the construction and melodic treatment of jadmi-type junba texts from the north and north-central Kimberley region similarly create 'inductive space' within which living performers, ancestral beings, and the country to which they are attached, are drawn into dynamic, contiguous relationships. 8. The poetics of central Australian Aboriginal song Myfany Turpin (University of Sydney) An often cited feature of traditional songs from Central Australia (CA songs) is the obfuscation of meaning. This arises partly from the difficulties of translation and partly from the difficulties in identifying words in song. The latter is the subject of this paper, where I argue it is a by-product of adhering to the requirements of a highly structured art form. Drawing upon a set of songs from the Arandic language group, I describe the CA song as having three independent obligatory components (text, rhythm and melody) and specify how text is set to rhythm within a rhythmic and a phonological constraint. I show how syllable counting, for the purposes of text setting, reflects a feature of the Arandic sound system. The resultant rhythmic text is then set to melody while adhering to a pattern of text alliteration. 9. Budutthun ratja wiyinymirri: Formal flexibility in the Yol?u manikay tradition and the challenge of recording a complete repertoire Aaron Corn (University of Sydney) with Neparr? a Gumbula (University of Sydney) Among the Yol?u (people) of north-eastern Arnhem Land, manikay (song) series serve as records of sacred relationships between humans, country and ancestors. Their formal structures constitute the overarching order of all ceremonial actions, and their lyrics comprise sacred esoteric lexicons held nowhere else in the Yol?u languages. A consummate knowledge of manikay and its interpenetrability with ancestors, country, and parallel canons of sacred y�ku (names), bu?gul (dances) and miny'tji (designs) is an essential prerequisite to traditional leadership in Yol?u society. Drawing on our recordings of the Baripuy manikay series from 2004 and 2005, we explore the aesthetics and functions of formal flexibility in the manikay tradition. We examine the individuation of lyrical realisations among singers, and the role of rhythmic modes in articulating between luku (root) and bu?gul'mirri (ceremonial) components of repertoire. Our findings will contribute significantly to intercultural understandings of manikay theory and aesthetics, and the centrality of manikay to Yol?u intellectual traditions. 10. Australian Aboriginal song language: So many questions, so little to work with Michael Walsh Review of the questions related to the analysis of Aboriginal song language; requirements for morpheme glossing, component package, interpretations, prose and song text comparison, separation of Indigenous and ethnographic explanations, candour about collection methods, limitations and interpretative origins.maps, colour photographs, tablesyolgnu, wadeye, music and culture

The word “catheter” comes from Greek, meaning “to let or send down.” Catheters were used as early as 3,000 B.C. to relieve painful urinary retention. In those times, many materials were used to form a hollow catheter shape, including straw, rolled up palm leaves, hollow tops of onions, as well as, gold, silver, copper, brass, and lead. Malleable catheters were developed in the 11th century. In time, silver was used as the basis of catheters as it could be bent to any desired shape and was felt to have an antiseptic function. Benjamin Franklin, the inventor and colonial statesman, fashioned silver catheters for use by his older brother John. John suffered from kidney stones and needed to undergo a daily ritual of placing a bulky metal catheter into his bladder. To make these daily requirements on his brother less painful, Franklin worked with his local silversmith on his design for a flexible catheter. "It is as flexible as would be expected in a thing of the kind, and I imagine will readily comply with the turns of the passage," he wrote to John. Holes were bored into the sides of the catheter to allow for drainage. Coudé tip catheters were developed in the 18th and 19th centuries to facilitate male catheterization and continue to be used for this purpose in current medical practice. Catheters made from rubber were developed in the 18th century but were weak at body temperature, leaving debris in the bladder. The advent of rubber vulcanization, by Goodyear in 1844, improved the firmness and durability of the catheter, and allowed for mass production. Latex rubber became available in the 1930s. Dr. Frederic E.B. Foley (a St. Paul urologist) introduced the latex balloon catheter at a urologic meeting in 1935. Though he lost a legal battle with Davol for the patent, this catheter has since been known as the “Foley.” The earliest self-retaining catheters had wing tips (called Malecot) or flexible shoulders (called Pezzer), and were tied to the male penis or sutured to the female labia. Charriere’s French scale was used to describe the external diameter of a catheter. Thus the term “French (Fr)” size was coined. Joseph-Frederic-Benoit Charriere was a 19th century Parisian maker of surgical instruments. A 12 French catheter is approximately 4 mm in external diameter (0.33 mm = 1 French [Fr]). In French-speaking countries, these catheters may be referred to as the Charriere or abbreviated Ch. Catheterization of the bladder was felt to be fairly safe because of the antiseptic principles of Lister (1867). But many physicians continued to be concerned about catheter-related infections as patients were still developing “catheter fever” (systemic infection) despite antiseptic principles. After World War II, Sir Ludwig Guttman introduced the concept of sterile intermittent catheterization in patients with spinal cord injury. For many years, sterile technique was used for catheterization. In 1971, Dr. Jack Lapides of the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor introduced the clean intermittent catheterization (CIC) technique. Dr. Lapides’ theory was that bacteria weren’t the only cause of infection. He believed that chronic stagnant urine residuals and overstretching of the bladder were also responsible. But the fact that CIC was not performed in totally sterile conditions, Dr. Lapides still felt it was superior to indwelling catheters. Initially, Lapides was scorned in the urology world. Three decades after this debate, clean intermittent catheterization remains the preferred method to treat chronic urine retention and neurogenic bladder. Recent regulatory changes have recommended against the reuse of catheters for CIC in an attempt to further reduce the risk of catheter-associated urinary tract infections. https://www.urotoday.com/urinary-catheters-home/history-of-urinary-catheters.html This catheter was donated to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village by the family of Doctor William Roy Angus, Surgeon and Oculist. It is part of the “W.R. Angus Collection” that includes historical medical equipment, surgical instruments and material once belonging to Dr Edward Ryan and Dr Thomas Francis Ryan, (both of Nhill, Victoria) as well as Dr Angus’ own belongings. The Collection’s history spans the medical practices of the two Doctors Ryan, from 1885-1926 plus that of Dr Angus, up until 1969. ABOUT THE “W.R.ANGUS COLLECTION” Doctor William Roy Angus M.B., B.S., Adel., 1923, F.R.C.S. Edin.,1928 (also known as Dr Roy Angus) was born in Murrumbeena, Victoria in 1901 and lived until 1970. He qualified as a doctor in 1923 at University of Adelaide, was Resident Medical Officer at the Royal Adelaide Hospital in 1924 and for a period was house surgeon to Sir (then Mr.) Henry Simpson Newland. Dr Angus was briefly an Assistant to Dr Riddell of Kapunda, then commenced private practice at Curramulka, Yorke Peninsula, SA, where he was physician, surgeon and chemist. In 1926, he was appointed as new Medical Assistant to Dr Thomas Francis Ryan (T.F. Ryan, or Tom), in Nhill, Victoria, where his experiences included radiology and pharmacy. In 1927 he was Acting House Surgeon in Dr Tom Ryan’s absence. Dr Angus had become engaged to Gladys Forsyth and they decided he further his studies overseas in the UK in 1927. He studied at London University College Hospital and at Edinburgh Royal Infirmary and in 1928, was awarded FRCS (Fellow from the Royal College of Surgeons), Edinburgh. He worked his passage back to Australia as a Ship’s Surgeon on the on the Australian Commonwealth Line’s T.S.S. Largs Bay. Dr Angus married Gladys in 1929, in Ballarat. (They went on to have one son (Graham 1932, born in SA) and two daughters (Helen (died 12/07/1996) and Berenice (Berry), both born at Mira, Nhill According to Berry, her mother Gladys made a lot of their clothes. She was very talented and did some lovely embroidery including lingerie for her trousseau and beautifully handmade baby clothes. Dr Angus was a ‘flying doctor’ for the A.I.M. (Australian Inland Ministry) Aerial Medical Service in 1928. Its first station was in the remote town of Oodnadatta, where Dr Angus was stationed. He was locum tenens there on North-South Railway at 21 Mile Camp. He took up this ‘flying doctor’ position in response to a call from Dr John Flynn; the organisation was later known as the Flying Doctor Service, then the Royal Flying Doctor Service. A lot of his work during this time involved dental surgery also. Between 1928-1932 he was surgeon at the Curramulka Hospital, Yorke Peninsula, South Australia. In 1933 Dr Angus returned to Nhill and purchased a share of the Nelson Street practice and Mira hospital (a 2 bed ward at the Nelson Street Practice) from Dr Les Middleton one of the Middleton Brothers, the current owners of what previously once Dr Tom Ryan’s practice. Dr Tom and his brother had worked as surgeons included eye surgery. Dr Tom Ryan performed many of his operations in the Mira private hospital on his premises. He had been House Surgeon at the Nhill Hospital 1902-1926. Dr Tom Ryan had one of the only two pieces of radiology equipment in Victoria during his practicing years – The Royal Melbourne Hospital had the other one. Over the years Dr Tom Ryan had gradually set up what was effectively a training school for country general-practitioner-surgeons. Each patient was carefully examined, including using the X-ray machine, and any surgery was discussed and planned with Dr Ryan’s assistants several days in advance. Dr Angus gained experience in using the X-ray machine there during his time as assistant to Dr Ryan. When Dr Angus bought into the Nelson Street premises in Nhill he was also appointed as the Nhill Hospital’s Honorary House Surgeon 1933-1938. His practitioner’s plate from his Nhill surgery is now mounted on the doorway to the Port Medical Office at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, Warrnambool. When Dr Angus took up practice in the Dr Edward and Dr Tom Ryan’s old premises he obtained their extensive collection of historical medical equipment and materials spanning 1884-1926. A large part of this collection is now on display at the Port Medical Office at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village in Warrnambool. In 1939 Dr Angus and his family moved to Warrnambool where he purchased “Birchwood,” the 1852 home and medical practice of Dr John Hunter Henderson, at 214 Koroit Street. (This property was sold in1965 to the State Government and is now the site of the Warrnambool Police Station and an ALDI sore is on the land that was once their tennis court). The Angus family was able to afford gardeners, cooks and maids; their home was a popular place for visiting dignitaries to stay whilst visiting Warrnambool. Dr Angus had his own silk worm farm at home in a Mulberry tree. His young daughter used his centrifuge for spinning the silk. Dr Angus was appointed on a part-time basis as Port Medical Officer (Health Officer) in Warrnambool and held this position until the 1940’s when the government no longer required the service of a Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool; he was thus Warrnambool’s last serving Port Medical Officer. (Masters of immigrant ships arriving in port reported incidents of diseases, illness and death and the Port Medical Officer made a decision on whether the ship required Quarantine and for how long, in this way preventing contagious illness from spreading from new immigrants to the residents already in the colony.) Dr Angus was a member of the Australian Medical Association, for 35 years and surgeon at the Warrnambool Base Hospital 1939-1942, He served with the Australian Department of Defence as a Surgeon Captain during WWII 1942-45, in Ballarat, Victoria, and in Bonegilla, N.S.W., completing his service just before the end of the war due to suffering from a heart attack. During his convalescence he carved an intricate and ‘most artistic’ chess set from the material that dentures were made from. He then studied ophthalmology at the Royal Melbourne Eye and Ear Hospital and created cosmetically superior artificial eyes by pioneering using the intrascleral cartilage. Angus received accolades from the Ophthalmological Society of Australasia for this work. He returned to Warrnambool to commence practice as an ophthalmologist, pioneering in artificial eye improvements. He was Honorary Consultant Ophthalmologist to Warrnambool Base Hospital for 31 years. He made monthly visits to Portland as a visiting surgeon, to perform eye surgery. He represented the Victorian South-West subdivision of the Australian Medical Association as its secretary between 1949 and 1956 and as chairman from 1956 to 1958. In 1968 Dr Angus was elected member of Spain’s Barraquer Institute of Barcelona after his research work in Intrasclearal cartilage grafting, becoming one of the few Australian ophthalmologists to receive this honour, and in the following year presented his final paper on Living Intrasclearal Cartilage Implants at the Inaugural Meeting of the Australian College of Ophthalmologists in Melbourne In his personal life Dr Angus was a Presbyterian and treated Sunday as a Sabbath, a day of rest. He would visit 3 or 4 country patients on a Sunday, taking his children along ‘for the ride’ and to visit with him. Sunday evenings he would play the pianola and sing Scottish songs to his family. One of Dr Angus’ patients was Margaret MacKenzie, author of a book on local shipwrecks that she’d seen as an eye witness from the late 1880’s in Peterborough, Victoria. In the early 1950’s Dr Angus, painted a picture of a shipwreck for the cover jacket of Margaret’s book, Shipwrecks and More Shipwrecks. She was blind in later life and her daughter wrote the actual book for her. Dr Angus and his wife Gladys were very involved in Warrnambool’s society with a strong interest in civic affairs. He had an interest in people and the community. They were both involved in the creation of Flagstaff Hill, including the layout of the gardens. After his death (28th March 1970) his family requested his practitioner’s plate, medical instruments and some personal belongings be displayed in the Port Medical Office surgery at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, and be called the “W. R. Angus Collection”. The W.R. Angus Collection is significant for still being located at the site it is connected with, Doctor Angus being the last Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool. The collection of medical instruments and other equipment is culturally significant, being an historical example of medicine, administration, household equipment and clothing from late 19th to mid-20th century. Dr Angus assisted Dr Tom Ryan, a pioneer in the use of X-rays and in ocular surgery. Stainless steel catheter with hollow tip from W.R. Angus Collection. Top and end of this instrument screw together. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, dr w r angus, dr ryan, surgical instrument, t.s.s. largs bay, warrnambool base hospital, nhill base hospital, mira hospital, flying doctor, department of defence australia, australian army, army uniform, medical treatment, medical history, medical education, catheter

This is one letter in a series of eighteen letters written by various seafarers to Lillie Duncan. Lillie was a member of the Ladies' Harbour Lights Guild and, as a Guild member, was strongly involved with the social activities and events organised to entertain visiting seafarers. The Ladies' Harbour Lights Guild was an integral arm of the fundraising that enabled the building of the Mission to Seafarers. These letters provide insight into a woman who was a member of the Guild as well as offering a glimpse into the social activities and courting rituals of the time.Handwritten letter consisting of four parts including an envelope and three pages of writing on front and back.Postmark on envelope: [indecipherable]/28.5 28.5/PORT SAID Company identifier on reverse of envelope: ANCHOR-BROCKLEBANK LINE/OF CALCUTTA STEAMERSletters, handwriting, 1928, mission-to-seafarers, stamps, lillie-duncan, ladies-harbour-lights-guild, lhlg, lillie duncan, ted, ss mandasor, port said, egypt, suez canal

This helmet worn by SEC Victoria workers in the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme is a mandatory safety requirement by all personnel employed by government and statutory agencies who worked on or around "dangerous" apparatus or underground location sites. This type of pressed fibre helmet was later superseded by moulded plastic helmets. The start of the project (late 1940's) was not greatly covered by later introduced health and safety regulations. This has been demonstrated by photos of workmen outside using heavy machinery and other apparatus, see KVHS 0396, KVHS 0405 and KVHS 0392. However in the tunnels and underground safety helmets were mandatory, see KVHS 0403.This safety helmet was used by workers during construction of the generators and tunnels of the Kiewa Hydro Scheme was issued once only to each worker during his employment covering the 1940's to 1960's period. The attitude to health and safety during this period, can be summed up by this "initiation" ritual. When the helmet had been instrumental in saving a bad accident to a worker, that worker would be "invested" into the "Turtle Club". Although a safety helmet was only issued once to a worker this changed when modern moulded plastic helmets and greater Health and Safety requirements were introduced. Helmets now are replaced bi-annually.This safety helmet is made from pressed fibres with eyelets for airflow to the head. On the base of the helmet (before the rim) are 15 metal eyelets and three quarters up are six other eyelets (3 on each side). A thick leather strap is fastened by two rivettes to the main helmet. This strap has a metal bar rivetted on to affix a "safety" lamp, for underground work (Tunneling). There are two additional metal prongs and a metal bar to secure the lamp on the rim of the front of the helmet.sec vic kiewa hydro scheme, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

Booknon-fictionAn examination of the relationship between representations of ancient and contemporary goddesses, and how they are used by contemporary artists.pre-history, spirituality, frida kahlo, judy chicago, religion, mythology, anna mendieta, ritual, sacred at, women's movement

Ill, p.336.non-fictionIn the harsh Libyan desert in the middle of the second world war, Private Jim Moody, a signaller with the First Australian Machine Gun Battalion, found a starving puppy on a sand dune. Moody called the dog Horrie. Much more than a mascot, Horrie's exceptional hearing picked up the whine of enemy aircraft two minutes before his human counterparts and repeatedly saved the lives of the thousand-strong contingent. The little Egyptian Terrier's ritual of sitting, barking, then dashing for the trenches, had the gunners running for cover before their camp was strafed and bombed. Where Moody went, Horrie went too, through the battle zones of the Middle East and far beyond. As the Japanese forces began their assault in Asia Moody and his soldier mates joined the fight, but not before they had smuggled Horrie onto a troop ship and a harrowing journey back to Australia where they thought their little friend would be safe. The war over, Moody brought Horrie out of hiding to raise money for the Red Cross, and the brave little dog's story became widely known. When quarantine officers pounced and demanded that the dog be put down there was a huge public outcry. Horrie had saved a thousand lives. How could a cruel bureaucracy heartlessly kill him? But defying the authorities would mean gaol for Moody and certain death for Horrie. Was Horrie, the gunner's hero, condemned to die or could Moody devise a scheme to save him? animals - war use, australia - armed forces - mascots

This kind of tea cosy was found in just about every Dutch home in the 1950's. It took pride of place on the tea trolley and took the place of, or was an alternative to, the tea lights which also served to keep the teapot warm. It held a large teapot and although it was very effective in keeping the tea warm, after a couple of hours the tea became rather bitter and tasted "stewed". Since the Dutch are not in the habit of adding milk to their tea, the late afternoon cuppa was not always a favourite.A symbol of what the Dutch prize above all, namely "gezelligheid", which means homely cosiness. The afternoon tea ritual ("thee-uurtje") was a very important time of the day as children came home from school to a cosily lit home with their mother presiding over pouring out the tea and distributing biscuits (one at a time!) Half rounded cotton padded teapot warmer (Dutch "theemuts" = tea bonnet) with inserted plywood base. White outside with grey-blue Delft tile motifs, lined with navy blue taffeta and padded with kapok. Metal carrying handle under which there is a clasp which opens and closes the cosy.noneteapot, dutch family life, dutch, immigration, household items

Brought to Australia in the 1950s by Dutch migrants. These coffee grinders were in common use in the 1940s amd 1950s as an altrrnative to wall-mounted coffee grinders. They were operated by clamping the grinder between one' knees. The drinking of coffee is a highly social ritual among Dutch people. They brought this ritual with nthem to Australia as is evidenced by the number of coffee grinders and other coffee psraphernalia donated to the DAHC.Coffee grinder, wooden body, metal top. Wooden drawer in bottom, metal contaner for ground coffee. Metal top has circular raised section which has an opening with sliding lid to put in coffee beans. Metal handle with wooden knob in centre of top, connects with grinding mechanism inside metal top. Pe De on front above drawer.coffee grinder, kitchen ware

They walk as if on hallowed ground. They touch the stone. They speak with the dead. They come to mourn and to remember, memory mixing with grief, making an old ritual new, creating in this time another timeless moment.vietnam veterans memorial (washington, d.c. ) - pictorial works

Our contemporary Judaica collection was developed through a series of exhibitions titled Australian Contemporary Design in Jewish Ceremony I, II and III. For each of the three exhibitions, contemporary artists and crafts-makers were invited to design new objects that could be used to perform the Jewish ceremonies and rituals that had been preserved and developed by Australia’s Jewish community over the last 200 years. This collection now comprises over sixty unique and distinctive objects made using very different methods of production, including tapestry, silver-smithing, carpentry, ceramics and glass-work. These objects have been inspired by a broad spectrum of religious, spiritual, artistic and emotional responses to the ideology and practice of Jewish rituals, as well as deeply considered connections to Australia’s broader culture and landscape.jewellery, judaica