Three issues of "Tram Tracks - The Electric Traction Monthly" of the Australian Electric Traction Association. Each issue has a standard cover, of the magazine name etc, and featuring a front end photo of Victorian Railways tram No. 52 with the destination of Elwood but are in different colours, all have been saddled stapled with a single staple. The Volume and date details have been over printed. Back covers inside covers have the same advertisements. The three issues contain advertisements for the Wee Folks productions, Wattle Park, G&R model railway parts, Richard Noble model electric motors, Hobbyco, Fleet scale model railway equipment, Masseys Sports, Lloyd's Hobbycraft, John Martin Ltd, Johnson's Variety Store, the ARLHS, Barnes Tennis Centre, The Model Dockyard, the American Subscription Agency, Robilt Models, Meadmore Model Engineering and Austral Bronze Pty Ltd, Hearns Hobbies, Christie Scale Model Railway Products and Traction Publications. 2466.1 - Vol. 3 No. 10 - 20 pages, Oct. 1948, with cover printed in red ink. Has articles on anti-tram propaganda, Alphington - Heidelberg duplication and Sydney's early electric trams - C and D class. Also has news items on Brisbane, Newcastle, Sydney, Melbourne, Sandringham - Black Rock, Hobart, Launceston, Perth, Sydney and Melbourne electric trains, Launceston Trolley Buses, AETA notes, and a caricature of the Editor, Jack Richardson. 2466.2 - Vol. 3 No. 11 - 24 pages, Nov. 1948, with cover printed in blue ink. Has articles on construction of tram track in Melbourne (Victoria Parade), Bourke St., tram-bus controversy, (Reg Ansett, Noel Gipps and USNR Commander Quinby), Sydney's early electric trams - C and D class continued. Also news items on Last tram to Mayfield, Sydney, Latrobe St. Melbourne, Adelaide, opening to Alamein, Melbourne show traffic, VR Trams and AETA notes. 2466.3 - Vol. 3 No. 12 - 16 pages, Dec. 1948, with cover printed in green ink. Has articles on Sydney's electric railways, Brisbane Tramways and an AETA Melbourne tour. News items cover Sydney, Newcastle, Melbourne, Geelong, Bendigo, Kalgoorlie, Melbourne and Sydney trains and AETA news. 2466.4 - Vol 3 - No. 7 - 20 pages - July 1948 with cover printed in red ink. Has articles on cost of building trams for Brisbane, Sydney and Melbourne, abandonment of VR trams, Newcastle, Sydney, centre page photo of Y1 611, Sydney Electric train system including map and AETA news. 2466.5 - Vol 3 - No. 9 - 20 pages - Sep 1948 with cover printed in blue ink. Has articles on Mr. T. G. Patterson, Acting Director of Commonwealth Road Transport and Chairman of Federal Road Safety Council (very anti tram), news from Brisbane, Launceston, Sydney, Newcastle, Burwood, cost of trams, impressions of transport in Europe and North America, Melbourne and Sydney electric trains, tramways of Newcastle and model notes and AETA news. 2466.6 - Vol. 3, No. 1 - Jan 1948 - 16 pages with photo of Brisbane 407, political news, direct Melbourne to Footscray line proposal, new trams, bogie trams in Ballarat, article on Melbourne cable trams, electric trains, AETA outing in Melbourne and various adverts for model railways. 2466.7 - Vol 3 No. 2 - Feb. 1948 - 16 pages - political news, Ballarat news, traffic in Sturt St and new bogie cars, Christchurch closure, cartoon by Mercier on Sydney Honesty box, Brisbane suburban electrification, general tramway and electric railway news and various adverts for model railways. 2466.8 - Vol. 3 No. 3 - March 1948, with photo of VR 52 on front cover, 16 pages, political news, closures, Reg Ansett offer to buy the Melbourne bus system, Newcastle News, SEC Transfer of cars between the three systems, tramways in the Maribyrnong area, map of Melbourne trams, cartoon by Mercier, Brisbane train electrification and general news. 2466.9 - Vol. 3 No. 6 - June 1948 - 12 pages - MMTB political news, new trams for Sydney, tramways of Newcastle, Invercargill, Sydney Suburban trains, and AETA General news. .6 to .9 added 24-3-18 - from consolidation of Melbourne Tram Museum and BTM collections - ex AETA. trams, tramways, electric traction, aeta, models, australian tramways, melbourne, sydney, brisbane, newcastle, costs, ballarat, footscray

Badge campaigning against the Victorian Liberal government's widespread privatisation of the public health service (and other public services) in the 1990s, which resulted in job cuts and site closures throughout the state. The Australian Nursing Federation, the union representing nurses in Victoria, was a strong opponent of these cuts and closures, that resulted in pressure applied on an already overstretched and poorly resourced group of workers. "In a context of high unemployment and an ideological commitment to small government, there were widespread job losses and people affixed stickers to their cars saying 'I've been Jeffed', i.e. made redundant. The cuts were not confined to government employees and many staff of private enterprises also lost their jobs. This was the era of the 'consulting poor' as professional staff struggled to make a living as independent consultants, rather than employees. They were well paid for short term contracts, but continuity of work was hard to find." (Sally Wilde, 'The History of Prahran 1990-1994', 2000)Circular blue, red and white plastic badge. Silver metal, plastic-coated, with safety pin fastener adhered to back. Badge printed with 'I've been 'Jeffed' and I'm paying the Penalty!' and 'ANF [Australian Nursing Federation] VIC. [Victorian] BRANCH'. 'Jeffed' refers to the then Victorian Premier Jeff Kennett (1992-1999).nursing, nurses, victoria, jeff kennett, 1990s, badges, buttons, pins, trade unions, labour history, protest, rationalisation, australia, politics, privatisation, australian nursing federation

Thank-you card given to Australian Nursing Federation (Victorian Branch) staff member Catherine Hutchings by staff at the Bundaberg Branch of the Queensland Nurses Union. In 1993, Victorian Branch staff travelled throughout Queensland, Western Australia and the Northern Territory for a series of meetings on recent events impacting nurses' conditions in Victoria. The meetings were strategically held ahead of the 1993 Federal election to discourage the election of a Coalition government. The election of the Coalition government in Victoria in 1992 had seen the introduction of the Employee Relations Act, which saw the end of the state award system in Victoria. This gave employers greater powers to establish wages and conditions and less power to the Industrial Relations Commission, foreshadowing what would later occur at a Federal level. An article in the Victorian Branch newsletter 'On the Record' from April 1993 describes the 'tour'. Entitled 'Vic. Nurses Spreading the Word in Queensland, Western Australia and the Northern Territory', it explains: "Catherine Huntchin[g]s and Elizabeth Hulme recently spent a week in Queensland informing nurses about the effect of a Liberal Government on nurses. As well, Tracy Austin visited WA to talk to nurses there about life under Kenneyt [sic]. Catherine and Liz held a total of 23 meetings from Cairns to Brisbane, as well as giving media interviews. It was well worth the effort and certainly there was much support given to nurses in Victoria. Perhaps the most interesting issue was that many nurses did not realise that they may find themselves in the same situation if we have a change in Federal Government. In February, Catherine went to the NT to talk to nurses in Darwin, Alice Springs and Katherine and despite some minor hiccoughs (the Health Department banned all the meetings so alternative venues had to be found) the turnout was gratifying - you have to be dedicated to attend a meeting held in a carpark in 32 C heat! Catherine says that the reception she received in both QLD and the NT was superb. "Everyone went out of their way to make us feel very welcome, and to shower us with sympathy over the situation. More important, is the fact that the information was distributed so no matter how the votes go on March 13 [1993, federal election] - they will be informed votes." she said. Catherine, Liz and Tracy extend sincere thanks to all interstate nurses who made their visits a success."Typed card given with flower bouquet. Printed on one side with personalised, typed message 'DEAR CATHERINE, UNITED WE STAND DEVIDED [sic] WE BEG THANKS FOR SPEAKING UP FOR US. FROM B'BERG [Bundaberg] BRANCH Q.N.U. [Queensland Nurses Union]'.nursing, nurses, unionism, solidarity, victoria, queensland, bundaberg, campaigning, 1993 federal election, 1992 victorian election, australian nursing federation, trade unions, politics, queensland nurses union, qnu, anf

Owned by long-time Australian Nursing and Midwifery Federation (Victorian Branch) Professional Officer Catherine Hutchings.Colour flyer advertising union-led protest ahead of the 1998 Australian federal election. Image depicts 'scab' labour used in 1998 waterfront dispute. along with an authorisation and the following text: 'feeling relaxed & comfortable in John Howard's Australia? protest against Howard's IR laws 10 am Wed. 30 Sept. Trades Hall Cnr. Lygon & Victoria St. Carlton'.victoria, australia, john howard, 1998 federal election, protest, industrial relations, unions, trade unions, trades hall, carlton, politics, political history, waterfront dispute, events, labour history, solidarity

The construction on Lake Kerferd began in 1862 however it wasn't completed until 1874 due to engineering and funding issues. The lake was named after George Briscoe Kerferd (1831–1889) who was responsible for Beechworth's water scheme. George Briscoe Kerferd was born on 21 January 1831 in Liverpool, England and arrived in Melbourne April 1853. He spent his first years in Australia in Bendigo before settling down in Beechworth as a wine and spirits merchant. He married Ann Martindale on 17th December 1853 at St James Cathedral, Melbourne and between them they had three sons and five daughters. Kerferd began his political and legal career in Beechworth when he was first elected to the Municipal Council in May 1857. Later he would be elected to the Legislative Assembly for the Ovens District in November 1864, and continued to represent the area until February 1886. This photograph is historically significant as it provides insight into the water reserves of Victoria. It also demonstrates the political identity of George Briscoe Kerferd and the Beechworth Municipal Council.Sepia rectangular postcard printed on paperObverse: Reverse: 83-131-1/ Post Card/ Correspondence / Address Only / BMM2997 / 53 / [Kodak Australia Stamp] lake kerferd, beechworth, water scheme, water reserve, reservoir, legislative assembly, hon. george briscoe kerferd, catchments, beechworth water reserve, beechworth catchments, municipal council, st. james cathedral, lakes, reserve, water supply, political projects

The construction on Lake Kerferd began in 1862 however it wasn't completed until 1874 due to engineering and funding issues. The lake was named after George Briscoe Kerferd (1831–1889) who was responsible for Beechworth's water scheme. George Briscoe Kerferd was born on 21 January 1831 in Liverpool, England and arrived in Melbourne April 1853. He spent his first years in Australia in Bendigo before settling down in Beechworth as a wine and spirits merchant. He married Ann Martindale on 17th December 1853 at St James Cathedral, Melbourne and between them they had three sons and five daughters. Kerferd began his political and legal career in Beechworth when he was first elected to the Municipal Council in May 1857. Later he would be elected to the Legislative Assembly for the Ovens District in November 1864, and continued to represent the area until February 1886. The postcard holds Historic significance due to its connection to Beechworth and its Lake Kerford. It demonstrates the interactions between nature and colonialists, especially how the lake has somewhat been 'protected' with the man made fencing. It also presents information on the environmental development or degradation for the area, with possible changes to the environment that may have been caused by human physical forces, natural decay or Global Warming.Sepia rectangular postcard printed on paper.Obverse: The Rose Series P. 10542 / Copyright / Evening lights, Lake Kerferd, Beechworth, VIC Reverse: Farley / Published by the Rose Stereograph Co., / Armadale Victoria. / 84-132-1 / Post card / The "Rose" Series De Luxe / A Real Photograph Produced in Australia / BMM299 lake kerferd, beechworth, water scheme, water reserve, reservoir, legislative assembly, hon. george briscoe kerferd, catchments, beechworth water reserve, beechworth catchments, municipal council, st. james cathedral, lakes, reserve, water supply, political projects, rose series, postcard, rose series stereograph

Edward George Dyson was born on 4 March 1865 at Morrison, near the Ballarat goldfields, the son of a miner. Dysons first collection of poetry, Rhymes from the Mines and Other Lines, was published in 1896 by Angus and Robertson. A second poetry collection Hello, Soldier!: Khaki Verse was published in 1919. Many of these verse were originally printed in the “Bulletin,” others in “Punch,” “The Leader” and Melbourne “Herald.” The book we hold at the RSL is the original edition and is No. 146 in our museum collection. Dyson contracted encephalitis in 1919 He died at his home in the Melbourne suburb of Elwood on 22 August 1931. Although a highly successful writer in his day, Dyson has since been overshadowed by contemporaries like Henry Lawson and A. B. Paterson , and also by the achievements of his brother Will Dyson , one of the leading political cartoonists of the early twentieth century.Hardback rectangular book. Khaki in colour."HELLO, SOLDIER!"on the front, with "HELLO,SOLDIER!" by Edward Dyson on the spine

Booklet produced in 1940 for members of the 2nd AIF by the Australian Comforts Fund Victorian Division. The 128-page pocket-sized book could be carried everywhere and provided Australian soldiers with a wide range of useful information about the requirements of war service and many other important details such as: The Laws and Customs of War - including Geneva Convention guidelines, notes on spies and insignia of rank; Things a Soldier should Know - including over 60 points; Signaling - including flags, morse code, shipboard bell times and time zone; Decorations Awarded to Australians in the Great War; Arabic and Japanese words; First Aid for gas injuries etc.; Australian Historical Events, facts and figures etc.; and Conduct Overseas - including expectations of behaviour when representing Australia. non-fictionaustralian comforts fund (victoria), second world war 1939-1945, hugh george ferguson

Medical practitioner Sir Stanley Seymour Argyle (1867-1940) was a man ‘much admired’ for his civic contribution to Kew. To ensure ‘pure [uncontaminated]’ milk for Kew, he co-foundered the Willsmere Certified Milk Company in 1898. His mayoralty of Kew, 1902-04, exhibited superior leadership. In association with local chartable institutions and churches he ensured the unemployed of Kew were not distressed. He also agitated for the removal of the Kew Lunatic Asylum. After a long stint as a doctor in the Army Medical Corps with the Australian Expeditionary Force, Kew formally welcomed him back home in 1918. However, in 1919 he left his two-storey red brick home, on the ‘corner of Gellibrand Street’ for Toorak. He went on to have an outstanding career in radiology at the Alfred Hospital and in Victorian politics. He was cremated following a State funeral. (SMcW)An important photograph of local and statewide historical significance showing Sir Stanley Argyle, Mayor of Kew. Argyle was later to be Premier of Victoria. This is a commemorative photograph, presented by Argyle to the Town of Kew.An early, important photograph of the Kew Councillors at a meeting in the Council Chamber of the Kew Town Hall in Walpole Street. The framed photograph was donated by Sir Stanley Seymour Argyle (1867-1940) who was Mayor of Kew in 1902-03 and 1903-04. Stanley Argyle, later to be Premier of Victoria, is in the mayoral chair wearing his robes of office. The photograph was once displayed in the Kew Town Hall. Brass Plaque: "Presented by / Cr Stanley S. Argyle / Mayor 1902-3 & 1903-4".sir stanley argyle (1867-1940), kew town council, council chamber (kew town hall)

Speeches printed after a dinner to honour Legatee Stan Savige. The dinner on Saturday 4 November 1939 was held to celebrate Brigadier Savige's appointment to Command the 17th Infantry Brigade, 6th Division, 2nd AIF. The speeches were given by Legatee Eric Russell as Legacy President in 1939, Sir John Gellibrand and a response by Stan Savige. The introduction by Legatee Russell mentions that Legacy Patron, Sir John Gellibrand 'had the inspiration which caused the Legacy movement' and Stan Savige was revered as the Founder of Legacy. Savige's response includes that he received the inspiration from Gellibrand in a letter (not as is commonly related that he visited Hobart). Savige's subsequent exploits in WWII are detailed in Chapter 4 of 'There goes a man' by W.B. Russell, which chronicles not only battles fought but also the politics which blighted his command until the end of the war.An important link to Legatee Stan Savige, the founder of Legacy as well as the famous soldier, at a watershed moment in his life.Cream booklet x 2 copies of speeches at a dinner held for Stan Savige in 1939.stan savige, speeches, legatee function, dinner

Emily Floyd is a Melbourne-based artist who works across sculpture, printmaking and public installation. In It’s Time (Again), Floyd graphically presents Gough Whitlam’s election speech, delivered before he became Prime Minster in 1972. Floyd’s training as a graphic designer is evident in the way in which the text’s presentation ties form to meaning. For example, the circular arrangement of the words resembles a vinyl record to be played again and again, implying the speech is worth revisiting. The circular arrangement also references other forms of timekeeping, such as the growth rings of a tree; the face of a clock; the cyclical nature of time, with its diurnal, lunar, seasonal and annual cycles. Floyd's work implies that social and political issues are cyclical in nature. It emphasises the necessity, once again, for proactive measures to ensure a quality, human-centered existence for everyone.

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Hugh Mahon (1857-1931) was a resident of Ringwood at the time of his death and was buried in Box Hill cemetery.Full title: Hugh Mahon, Patriot, Pressman, Politician by Jeff Kildea - Volume 2: Politician: the years from 1901 to 1931."This book, the second part of a to-volume biography of Mahon, covers the period from his election to parliament in 1901 until his death in 1931. It describes his almost 20 years as a backbencher and a ministe during which he gained a reputation as one of the brainiest men in parliament as well as one of the most controversial. It provides an insight into his reluctant decision to oppose conscription in 1916 and examines in depth his commitment to Irish self-government and the circumstances of his dramatic expulsion from parliament in 1920. The volume also looks at Mahon's career as managing director of the Catholic Church Property Insurance Co. and his intervention in Irish politics dujring the debatge over the Anglo-Irish treaty. It is the story of a flawed genius who simultaneously evoked high praise and damning criticism."

William Rutledge [born 1806, Ireland] was a self-made, larger-than-life man who involved himself prominently in business, municipal, political, community and social aspects of life. Eldest son of James and Martha [nee Forster], William arrived in Australia from Ireland in 1829 and within six years had sufficiently established himself to purchase land in New South Wales. He married Eliza Kirk in Sydney in august 1840. They had two sons and five daughters. In 1843 he began his association and life in Port Fairy and soon became prominent and influential in almost all aspects of that developing town. His interests encompassed mercantile, civic, pastoral, shipping, importing, exporting, immigration, politics and social aspects with in the district and colony. He was a major contributor to the building of St John’s Anglican Church, Port Fairy. He acquired three special surveys with historical importance in Victoria. In south west Victoria that interest being especially the Farnham Survey of 5120 acres between Dennington and Tower Hill/Killarney. This was farmed by immigrant tenant and lessee farmers, some of whom were brought to the Australia at William Rutledge’s own expense and by whom he was considered a kind and considerate landlord. His endeavours were not without failures and in 1862 his Port Fairy Company failed with debts of over £170,000. This debt was redeemed in full within a year. According to reported accounts, William Rutledge had a tempestuous manner with an “explosive” temper, although he did not hold grudges. This is countered by accounts of his kindness, generosity, honesty and practical, progressive outlook in all his undertakings. After the failure and closure of his Company, William Rutledge moved to his property at Farnham Park near Warrnambool where he concentrated his interest in breeding sheep and horses. Throughout his life his home was reputed to be convivial and hospitable. William Rutledge died at Farnham Park on June 1st, 1876. William Rutledge's place in the history of settlement in south west Victoria gives importance to this memorial.Stained glass window, south wall, main nave, depicting Jesus bearing the Cross. The background is quite floral. A medallion shape holds the title as printed on a ribbon: "By thy cross and passion good Lord deliver us".In Latin: In Memoriam Gulielmi Rutledge qui A.D. MDCCCVI underimo ante Kal: Feb: natus vitam posuit/ Kal: Jun: MDCCCLXXVI Filae amantissimae hanc fenestram pietatis indirio posueruntrutledge, william rutledge, farnham survey, port fairy, christ church warrnambool

Fairfield Hospital opened in 1904 as the Queen's Memorial Infectious Diseases Hospital, the first purpose-built isolation hospital for infectious diseases in Victoria. Its 22-acre site was located on a bank of the Yarra River. It was renamed Fairfield Hospital in 1948. In its later years, the hospital was a centre for AIDS treatment in Victoria, and a passionate campaign fought against its planned closure in the 1990s. Fairfield Hospital finally closed in June 1996. One section of the site was gazetted as a Public Park and Memorial Garden (containing an AIDS Garden).Circular white and red plastic badge. Silver metal, plastic-coated, with safety pin fastener adhered to back. Badge printed with the red text 'SAVE FAIRFIELD HOSPITAL'. Silver metal, plastic-coated, with safety pin fastener adhered to back.medicine, health, public institutions, fairfield, victoria, city of darebin, melbourne, politics, political protest, public protest, campaigning, badges, buttons, pins, public health, infectious diseases, aids

Owned by long-time Australian Nursing and Midwifery Federation (Victorian Branch) Professional Officer Catherine Hutchings.1998 federal election campaign material by Victorian Trades Hall. Full colour bi-fold brochure, using images depicting 1998 Australian waterfront dispute. Text on front: 'Welcome to John Howard's Australia. In 1996, John Howard promised that under his industrial relations laws, 'no worker would be worse off'. In 1998, his government cheered on the illegal sacking of 2000 workers. His laws have changed our system from one of fairness and decency to a system that encourages conflict and division. John Howard's laws are undermining Australian wages and working conditions by attacking unions, encouraging individual contracts and dismantling the award system and the Industrial Relations Commission. On October 3rd [1998], use your vote wisely Your job may depend on it.' Text on rear: 'Five Facts About Industrial Relations Under John Howard Workers have lost award conditions and legal protections. Australian wages are being undermined by individual contracts and non-union agreements. Companies can use corporate law to sack workforces and not pay wages owed. Workers have been sacked because they belong to a Union. Conflict and Division in the workforce has increased. On October 3rd [1998], use your vote wisely. Your job may depend on it.'victoria, australia, john howard, liberal party, 1998 federal election, protest, industrial relations, unions, trade unions, trades hall, carlton, politics, political history, waterfront dispute, events, labour history, solidarity

This book is an autobiography of George Meudell (1860-1936). He spent about six years in Warrnambool as a young boy when his father came to Warrnambool as the Manager of the Bank of Victoria. Meudell went to the Warrnambool Common School 646. He later became well-known in Melbourne in social, economic and political affairs. He was a company promoter, stockbroker and writer and an acquaintance of most of the influential and wealthy people of the time. In 1928 Meudell wrote an article for the Royal Historical Society of Victoria Journal detailing his memories of Warrnambool and this article is now a very important piece of local social history. He was enthusiastic about the benefits of living in Warrnambool in the 1860s and 70s. Meudell’s book, ‘The Pleasant Career of a Spendthrift, was an important publication as it gave a complete account of the commercial morality of the power brokers in the financial world - those concerned with the land boom and the banks’ crash of 1886-1893. The book was so inflammatory that it was initially withdrawn from sale. This book is of considerable interest as it was written by George Meudell who lived in Warrnambool in the 1860s and 70s and played a part in Warrnambool’s history by writing about these years. The book is also of wider interest as it has some information on people connected with Warrnambool’s history, including John Archibald and Thomas Bent. The signature in the front of the book is of no known relevance to Warrnambool.This is a hard cover book of 282 pages. The cover is red with black printing and the spine is very faded. The book has a foreword and twelve chapters of text. The first page contains a signature and notes written in pencil.‘Gordon Leitch Christmas 1942’ george meudell, victoria’s land boom (19th century), history of warrnambool

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.Although this photo details the eating facilities of the construction workers at the power station it was not only a postcard for the people employed in the Hydro Scheme is was also provided to tourists visiting the area and thus used for promotional purposes.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap. The men shown in this photograph would have been employed by the S.E.C. under the Kiewa Hydro-Electricity Scheme.This item is a scanned black and white photograph of a construction worker walking from stairs leading down from the men's mess building, in 1950. See 0480 (A) -(C), (E) - (F) for other photos of similar postcards"MEN'S MESS No.4 POWER STATION AREA, KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT" "ARGUS PHOTO V.IIkiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, secv

This book is a "snapshot" in time (1950s) detailing life in Australia covering a time when a "man's word and handshake" were his moral and quasi legal bond, and the now relative defunct saying "smoko" (having a "time out" from work for a cigarette and tea or coffee). The book spans an era where the male was still the "head" of the family even though for a majority of families the women took on the many "male only" roles during the World War II period. This shift in the leadership of the family hierarchy is mentioned, so ever slightly, (not to offend the still predominant macho male image) in both rural and city environments. The effects of the war, and later the push for women's emancipation and equality in both family, social, workplace and political areas of life, since this book was published, is now finally resolved. However there are still some sections of the recent migrate population where this male dominance is causing a few problems.The significance of this book is not only because it was donated by Mrs C. Roper ( from the Roper Family, a pioneer Kiewa Valley and surrounding Region family - originally beef cattle graziers) but also a Kiewa Valley resident and family, experiencing the shift in the social and economical life of post World War II rural Australia. The strong heritage link to this region of many families still residing within its boundaries, is a clear affirmation of the bond that the Kiewa Valley and its Regions have upon family unity. This unity within the rural environment is something that is attracting more and more families from sometimes alienating city life.This printed coloured sketched, or painted paper sleeve of the book is freely wrapped over a dark red hard cover. Into the front of the cover is pressed a standing pose of a farmer with long sleeves rolled up over his elbows. Behind him and to the right are what appears to be three sacks of wheat and next to him is a merino sheep. To the left and down are two dogs one with a fox in its jaws. The book contains 240 pages, 300 illustrations in gravure and 25 pictures in full colour. The inside fly leaf is a colour photograph of a rural scene with dirt road running in the centre and to the left a farm house and a five bay open storage barnOn the tittle page is a signature "C Roper"country life, australian "outback", rural industries, life on the land, swag-man of the bush

This VHS was produced by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria, to show the pristine state of the Kiewa River and Valley post the completion of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme (Circa 1950s), The late 1970s on wards was the beginning of deeper social scrutineering by pro environmental groups such as the Australian Wilderness Society (1976) and the Greens (political Party), before, during and after the construction phases of any man made structures in forest/bush areas which may or could damage or adversely affect the natural flora and fauna of sites. This promotional VHS, which was produced in the 1990s, was to project that unlike the Tasmanian State Electricity Commission (Franklin Dam issue), the Victorian State Electricity Commission acted in a way to protect the environment to the maximum level possible. With the passage of time since, and the issue of the global push to minimise carbon pollution, and as an alternative to coal fired power stations, the use of hydro electricity can now be seen as a highly efficient alternative to "coal powered" electricity. This VHS is a snap shot in time (1990) when the Kiewa Valley was still relatively under populated and holiday houses owned by city bound workers was still relatively insignificant. As more and more holiday makers retire to a small but friendly region(Kiewa Valley and Mount Beauty) the increase in visitor numbers will affect the local rural bush scene more and more. The changes that will occur (in time) can be measured against the scenes presented in this video. The additional resources provided by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria of "alpine bush" fire control and management, together with an ongoing educational scheme for school children in learning about what constitutes the Alpine country's unique environment, are a very important offshoot, benefitting to both the communities within the Kiewa Valley and regional Victoria.This VHS tape is stored within its own plastic cover which has a front side covered by a coloured photograph(both front and back cover) of the Kiewa River, just to the north east of the Mount Beauty township. The VHS tape is nestled within a formed inner structure which not only prevents the tape from moving to and fro but also unnecessary intrusion of foreign particles.Front cover "KIEWA" on the spine top circle with lines projecting out and below this "SEC". Middle of spine "KIEWA" and bottom of spine "VHS"secv, kiewa valley, dale-bromley, cy-duff, chris- harding, michael-glucz, forestation education, wilderness photography, nature film.