Seventy two page photocopied document within card covers and outer plastic covers with an additional introduction page between front clear plastic cover and card cover bound with a white comb binder. Book titled "Tramway Permanent Way" presenting a series of lectures by MMTB Per Way officers in 1928 at Hawthorn Depot. Contents in order: 1. Handwritten note from Chris Jacobson on Metropolitan Transit Authority of Victoria memo paper forwarding a copy to Warren Doubleday of the BTPS in Feb. 1988, with date received stamp at depot of 19/2/1988. 2. Photocopy of a memo on Metropolitan Transit letterhead from K. C. Painter dated 20/7/1987 to the Civil Engineering Design drafting staff forwarding a copy of the 1928 lectures to the then current staff. 3. Photocopy of a circular from J.P. Strickland, Chief Engineer to track inspectors, sub overseers, overseers and senior gangers advising that a series of weekly lectures on track work would be held at Hawthorn Depot commencing 23/1/1928. 4. Lecture notes: 1. Interpretation of Drawings 2. Alignment etc 3. Alignment continued and special work 4. The drainage system 5. Concrete 6. Rails and Fastenings 7. Welding 8. Timber 9. Paving and paving materials 10. Track cross sections. Second copy added 27/11/2010 - ex PPW holdings. Both items transferred to Box 99.\ Scanned copy added 15-12-2016.trams, tramways, trackwork, mmtb, lectures, tramway per way, training

The papers in this work are focused on Thomas Brassey (1836-1918) who was born and educated in England. They include the period from 1872 to 1893, just before he accepted the position of Governor of Victori, Australia, in 1895. During that time, he'd won a seat in parliament, which he held for 18 years, and for periods was a civil lord and parliamentary secretary for the Admiralty. He was passionate about the sea and addressed his naval and maritime concerns in public lectures, letters, pamphlets and books. He was also for a time lord-in-waiting to Queen Victoria and president of the Institute of Naval Architects. This book is from Flagstaff Hill's ‘Pattison Collection’, a collection of books and records that was originally owned by the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute, which was founded in Warrnambool in 1853. It was edited by Rear Admiral Sir Sydney Marow Eardley-Wilmot (1847 1929) of the Royal Navy, and published by Longmans, Green and Co. of London, The Longmans, Green and Co. was originally founded in 1724 in London by Thomas Longman under the name Longman. In August of that year, he bought the two shops and goods of William Taylor and set up his publishing house there at 39 Paternoster Row. The shops were called Black Swan and Ship, and it is said that the 'ship' sign was the inspiration for Longman's Logo. After many changes of name and management, the firm was incorporated in 1926 as Longmans, Green & Co. Pty Ltd. The firm was acquired by Pearson in 1968 and was known as Pearson Longman or Pearson PLC. Interestingly, the logo in some books, such as “Steam Turbines 2nd edition, published in 1922” has the year “1724” but the logo in books such as “Advanced Agriculture, published in 1894” has the year “1726” in the logo.The book is significant for publishing historical papers and addresses by Lord Thomas Brassey, former Governor of Victoria before Australia’s Federation. Brassey was passionate about naval and maritime matters in public and government capacities. The work is important for its connection with the publisher Longmans, Green and Co., of London, a firm that has been established for over two centuries, renowned for publishing encyclopedias, dictionaries, books on English grammar, textbooks, poetry, reference books, novels, magazines and more. The book has additional importance for its connection to the Pattison Collection, which, along with other items at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, was originally part of the Warrnambool Mechanics' Institutes’ Collection. The Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute book collection has historical and social significance for its strong association with the Mechanics Institute movement and its important role in people's intellectual, cultural and social development throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. The collection of books is a rare example of an early lending library and its significance is enhanced by the survival of an original collection of many volumes. The Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s publication collection is of both local and state significance.Papers and Addresses Naval and Maritime from 1872 to 1893 Vol 1 Author: Lord Brassey Arranged and Edited: Captain S. Eardley-Wilmot Publisher: Longmans Green and Co. Date: 1894 One of a set of six books. Part of the Pattison Collection. Green hardback cover with embossed gold text and label on spine. Inscriptions include a label on the spine, stamp, stickers and black handwriting.Label "PAT 359 BRA" Sicker "Warrnambool Mechanics Institute and Free Library" Sticker "Corangamite Regional Library Service" Handwritten pen inscriptions; "(crossed out) G 467 232" and "M" "236" and 7"flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, pattison collection, ralph eric pattison, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, mechanics’ institute library, warrnambool library, free library, corangamite regional library service, longmans green and co., thomas longman, paternoster row london, thomas brassey (1836-1918), lord brassey, earl brassey, governor of victoria, politician, civil lord of the admiralty, publicist, naval affairs, maritime affairs, public lectures, parliamentary addresses, author, lord-in-waiting to queen victoria, president of the institute of naval architects, captain s. eardley-wilmot, papers and addresses, naval and maritime, 1872 to 1893, vol 1

The papers in this work are focused on Thomas Brassey (1836-1918) who was born and educated in England. They include the period from 1871 to 1893, just before he accepted the position of Governor of Victori, Australia, in 1895. During that time, he'd won a seat in parliament, which he held for 18 years, and for periods was a civil lord and parliamentary secretary for the Admiralty. He was passionate about the sea and addressed his naval and maritime concerns in public lectures, letters, pamphlets and books. He was also for a time lord-in-waiting to Queen Victoria and president of the Institute of Naval Architects. This book is from Flagstaff Hill's ‘Pattison Collection’, a collection of books and records that was originally owned by the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute, which was founded in Warrnambool in 1853. It was edited by Rear Admiral Sir Sydney Marow Eardley-Wilmot (1847 1929) of the Royal Navy, and published by Longmans, Green and Co. of London, The Longmans, Green and Co. was originally founded in 1724 in London by Thomas Longman under the name Longman. In August of that year, he bought the two shops and goods of William Taylor and set up his publishing house there at 39 Paternoster Row. The shops were called Black Swan and Ship, and it is said that the 'ship' sign was the inspiration for Longman's Logo. After many changes of name and management, the firm was incorporated in 1926 as Longmans, Green & Co. Pty Ltd. The firm was acquired by Pearson in 1968 and was known as Pearson Longman or Pearson PLC. Interestingly, the logo in some books, such as “Steam Turbines 2nd edition, published in 1922” has the year “1724” but the logo in books such as “Advanced Agriculture, published in 1894” has the year “1726” in the logo.The book is significant for publishing historical papers and addresses by Lord Thomas Brassey, former Governor of Victoria before Australia’s Federation. Brassey was passionate about naval and maritime matters in public and government capacities. The work is important for its connection with the publisher Longmans, Green and Co., of London, a firm that has been established for over two centuries, renowned for publishing encyclopedias, dictionaries, books on English grammar, textbooks, poetry, reference books, novels, magazines and more. The book has additional importance for its connection to the Pattison Collection, which, along with other items at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, was originally part of the Warrnambool Mechanics' Institutes’ Collection. The Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute book collection has historical and social significance for its strong association with the Mechanics Institute movement and its important role in people's intellectual, cultural and social development throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. The collection of books is a rare example of an early lending library and its significance is enhanced by the survival of an original collection of many volumes. The Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s publication collection is of both local and state significance.Papers and Addresses Naval and Maritime from 1871 to 1893 Vol 2 Author: Lord Brassey Arranged and Edited Captain S. Eardley-Wilmot Publisher: Longmans Green and Co. Date: 1894 One of a set of six books. Part of the Pattison Collection. Green hardback cover with embossed gold text and label on spine. Inscriptions include a label on the spine, a stamp, stickers and black handwriting.Label: "PAT 359 BRA" Sticker "Warrnambool Mechanics Institute and Free Library" Sticker "Corangamite Regional Library Service" Stamp "Warrnambool Free Library" Handwriting on Fly: "(crossed out) G 468 228" and "M" "237" "7"flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, pattison collection, ralph eric pattison, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, mechanics’ institute library, warrnambool library, free library, corangamite regional library service, longmans green and co., thomas longman, paternoster row london, thomas brassey (1836-1918), lord brassey, earl brassey, governor of victoria, politician, civil lord of the admiralty, publicist, naval affairs, maritime affairs, public lectures, parliamentary addresses, author, lord-in-waiting to queen victoria, president of the institute of naval architects, captain s. eardley-wilmot, papers and addresses, naval and maritime, 187 to 1893, vol 2

Civil engineer and geologist Ferdinand Moritz Krause lecturered at the Ballarat School of Mines from 1880 to 1895. He was born at Kassel, Germany on 24 February 1841, the youngest son of Frederich Wilhelm Krause. Ferdinand Krause married Amy Augusta Dimock. He died in South Africa 16 June 1918. In June 1880 Krausé was appointed to the Ballarat School of Mines as lecturer in 'geology, palaeontology, mineralogy, electricity, magnetism, scientific mining, geological and topographical surveying' and as museum curator. In 1881 he was appointed Professor of Geology and in 1892 was elected president of the Staff Association. He was held in high repute by his students and also known as a keen musician. He resigned from the School of Mines to be lecturer in mining at the University of Melbourne from June 1895 to January 1897. Whilst at Ballarat in 1887-90 he had completed geological maps and reports on the parishes of Haddon, Carngham, Scarsdale, Lillerie, Smythesdale and Comeralghip; these were published in 1898. The Institute of Surveyors elected him a member in 1891. His Introduction to the study of Mineralogy for Australian readers was published in Melbourne in 1896. In January 1897 he became manager of the General Gordon mine near Kalgoorlie. In 1900 he contributed an article to the Ballarat School of Mines Students' Magazine on the mining geology of Kalgoorlie. Invited by a former student, George Denny, Krausé left for South Africa in 1901. His last work was a geological map of the Barberton area, Transvaal, published in March 1918. He died on 16 June, survived by his wife, three sons and a daughter. (http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/krause-ferdinand-moritz-3971, accessed 20 November 2018) Black and White photograph of the head and shoulders of Professor Ferdinand Krause of the Ballarat School of Mines.ballarat school of mines, ferdinand krause, geology, fm krause, krause, ballarat school of mines museum

The Edina was one of the longest serving steam vessels anywhere in the world. Built on the Clyde by Barclay, Curle & Co. she was an iron hull single screw steamer of 322 tons with three masts. In 1855 Edina was requisitioned by the Admiralty from her owners the Leith, Hull & Hamburg Steam Packet Co. to carry stores and horses to the Black Sea during the Crimean War. After return to her owners Edina traded around the UK and Mediterranean before being purchased and used as a blockade runner during the American Civil War carrying cotton from the Confederate states in 1861. Edina arrived in Melbourne under sail in March 1863 and was purchased by Stephen Henty for use from ports in western Victoria and later carried gold prospectors across the Tasman to New Zealand. After a refit in 1870 she was used in the coastal trade along the Queensland coast for Howard Smith until returning to Victoria and the Melbourne-Geelong trade as a cargo-passenger vessel. The Edina had two narrow escapes from destruction in 1898 and 1899 when she collided with other steamers, both being sunk. A further refit in 1917 altered her appearance with a new mast, funnel, bridge and promenade deck. By 1924 Edina had made over 12,000 Melbourne-Geelong passages and carried over one million people on the service. A further collision in July 1931 which sank the tug Hovell forced Edina onto a mudbank on Port Phillip Bay. She was taken out of service in 1938 but was later renamed Dinah and used as a lighter until 1958 when she was broken up and her remains used as land-fill.Model of a Coastal Trader & Passenger Ship with hull painted red and black. Red flag and black flag with S attached to flag pole. On forward of ship - Edinageelong, transport, ship model, water transport

"A plan to turn the Gregory Street silos into apartments is no more.Developers Eleveno Pty Ltd have abandoned plans to transform the Lake Wendouree silos into a giant apartment complex, despite previously being given the green light from the Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal.Director Richard Sykes yesterday confirmed the silos would be demolished."The plans are not proceeding. The plan now is to create residential houses," he said.The planning permit for an 18-lot subdivision was approved by Ballarat City Council on July 22, despite objections lodged against the application.Mr Sykes said it wasn't feasible to turn the silos into 27 units and there were many factors behind the decision."They're being demolished for various reasons, there were just better solutions," he said.Bold plans to transform the former Joe White Maltings silos into apartments were first submitted to Ballarat City Council in January 2007.However, developers took the proposal to VCAT in September 2008 after council failed to make a decision in the required 60-day timeframe.A hearing was held in early 2009 and the development was approved in March last year.Mr Sykes said it was found that the building would most likely be out of place in the region."We found the market didn't really want that sort of development," he said."They're probably more suited for inner-city development, rather than regional areas."Mr Sykes did not put a price on either the proposed development or the demolition, but said it would "cost a fair amount of money".He said once the demolition permit has been passed, works were expected to begin in November." (Ballarat Courier, 03 August 2010)Joe White Maltings Silos in Gregory Street Ballarat under demolition, to make way for a housing development. The silos were built on the banks of Lake Wendouree. joe white maltings, silo, eleveno pty ltd, lake wendouree, demolition, gregory street ballarat, wendouree parade, architecture

David Miller (Dave) Mair (1879-1938) married Lily Vipond Deakin (1890-1945) in 1910. They had 5 children: Geoffrey David (1913-1970), Beryl (1916-1976), Gwynneth (1917-1997), Isabel Lillian (1921-1997) and Shirley Inez (1928-1968). Personal communication from Laurie Newton, Beryl's daughter: Dave and Beryl initially lived in East Melbourne after they married. Geoffrey, Beryl and Gwynneth were born in East Melbourne. They subsequently moved to Louise Avenue, Mont Albert and Isabel may have been born while they were there. Later they purchased 20 Barton Street, Mont Albert. Shirley was born after they moved to Barton Street. The children attended Mont Albert Central School. Lily's sister Alice married Hector Williamson (1892-1981) in 1921. Hector was a civil servant and worked at the Melbourne Museum, where accommodation was provided. They had one daughter Margaret. Another sister Minnie (Min) married Hector's brother Charles (Charlie) Prosser Williamson (1893-1961). Charlie was an engineer and ran a hardware business in Whitehorse Road (near the tram terminus). They lived at 12 Barloa Road and had one son, Donald Williamson, born 1924. Donald (Service number VX146389) entered RMC on 28 February 1942 and graduated on 14 December 1943. He enlisted the following day as a Lieutenant with the 2/32 Infantry Battalion. He was mentioned in Despatches "for exceptional service in the field S.W.P. area". Promulgated in the Commonwealth of Australia Gazette 6 March 1947; was killed in action in Brunei on 3 July 1945. Williamson was buried in grave B.C.10 in Labuan War Cemetery, Borneo, Malaysia.This is part of a large donation related to the Deakin, Mair and Young families with connections to the Surrey Hills / Mont Albert area.A sepia coloured photo with a cream border of 2 girls in either a front or back garden. One is sitting on a cane chair and holding a young baby; the other is standing close by. The fence behind appears to be of constructed of posts with a metal horizontal support and wire mesh. REAR: In blue biro "Isabel Beryl / Margaret Williamson / (cousin) / Auntie Alice & Uncle Hec / her mother & father" The handwriting is believed to be that of Beryl Mair. margaret williamson, beryl mair, isabel mair, children

Joseph William Cairnduff (1876-1929) was born in Hobart, Tasmania. He married Ann Walker in 1900. When he enlisted on 19 August 1914 he was given SERN 4. At the time he was living at 'Tyne', 96 Guildford Road, Surrey Hills. He was 5'5", 38 years old and employed as a civil servant. He had served for 5 years in the Senior Cadets and 3 years in the Australian Signallers. He was given the rank of sergeant in the Divisional Signal Company 1 and embarked for Egypt from Melbourne on board HMAT A10 Karroo on 20 October 1914. Surviving service on Gallipoli and the Western Front, he returned to Melbourne leaving on board HT 'Wiltshire', 12 November 1916. He was discharged medically unfit. Joseph and Ann had a large family before he left for WW1: Ann Mary b.1901; James William Cotter b. 1903; Mathew Norman Banks b. 1904; Doris Jean b.1906; Claude James b, 1908; Elsie Edna b. 1910; Clive Bruce b. 1912 and Gladys Janet b. 1914. After his return he and Ann had more 2 daughters - Sylvia McLaren b. 1917 and Mavis Morley b. 1918, who commenced at Chatham Primary School in 1927 and 1928 respectively. Joseph and Ann are buried in Box Hill Cemetery (M-NS-0492). Joseph's twin brother, James Banks Cairnduff (SERN 571) also served in the AIF and is also buried in Box Hill Cemetery (M-NS-0003). A studio portrait of a soldier in AIF uniform and a peaked cap. He is short and is standing with one arm straight and the other bend. He is holding what looks like a whip in the hand of the bent arm.In the hand of the donor: "1914" in ink in top RH corner. The centre: "Joseph W. Cairnduff / Before leaving for overseas / in 1914, firstly to Egypt / then Gallipoli, then Western / Front."joseph william cairnduff, first world war, signals company, guildford road, 'tyne', (miss) ann walker, (mrs) ann cairnduff, (mrs) mavis good

Joseph William Cairnduff (1876-1929) was born in Hobart, Tasmania. He married Ann Walker in 1900. When he enlisted on 19 August 1914 he was given SERN 4. At the time he was living at 'Tyne', 96 Guildford Road, Surrey Hills. He was 5'5", 38 years old and employed as a civil servant. He had served for 5 years in the Senior Cadets and 3 years in the Australian Signallers. He was given the rank of sergeant in the Divisional Signal Company 1 and embarked for Egypt from Melbourne on board HMAT A10 Karroo on 20 October 1914. Joseph was on Gallipoli from 5/4/1915; he proceeded from there to Alexandria on 24/10/1915. Surviving service on Gallipoli and the Western Front, he returned to Melbourne leaving on board HT 'Wiltshire', 12 November 1916. He was discharged medically unfit. Joseph and Ann had a large family before he left for WW1: Ann Mary b.1901; James William Cotter b. 1903; Mathew Norman Banks b. 1904; Doris Jean b.1906; Claude James b, 1908; Elsie Edna b. 1910; Clive Bruce b. 1912 and Gladys Janet b. 1914. After his return he and Ann had more 2 daughters - Sylvia McLaren b. 1917 and Mavis Morley b. 1918, who commenced at Chatham Primary School in 1927 and 1928 respectively. Joseph and Ann are buried in Box Hill Cemetery (M-NS-0492). Joseph's twin brother, James Banks Cairnduff (SERN 571) also served in the AIF and is also buried in Box Hill Cemetery (M-NS-0003). A black and white photo of a group of 2 Australian soldiers sitting on wooden boxes under a slatted wooden low roof. They are at work on equipment of some kind. In the background are shelves with stores including a roll of cording and other materials in tins and boxes.On the rear in the hand of the donor: ""Repairing telephones / in Gallipoli" (in trench) / Dad on the left"joseph william cairnduff, first world war, signals company, guildford road, 'tyne', (miss) ann walker,, (mrs) ann walker, (mrs) mavis good, gallipoli, trenches

Leslie William Cole was born on 31 January 1920 in Albury, the first child of William James Cole and Gwendoline Fair. Les spent most of his childhood living with his grandparents in Bethanga, Victoria. In 1934 when he finished school, Les moved into Wodonga. His first job was at Mates Timber Yard. He later worked for Mylons of Wodonga driving taxis and buses. In 1939 after completing militia training, Les applied to enlist with the RAAF and eventually trained as an Aircraft Mechanic. He was posted to the 6th Squadron, serving in Port Moresby, Milne Bay and Goodenough Island before returning to the RAAF base in Sale, Victoria. On discharge. Les returned to Wodonga and resumed working with Mylons. After a range of jobs, Les and his wife Lorna operated a shop in Ariel Street, Wodonga. In the community, Les was a founding member of Wodonga Lions Club. He also joined the Civil Defence which was a predecessor off the SES. He became the Communications Officer and trained other members. Les became the first Controller of the Wodonga Branch of the State Emergency Service, a position he held for 17 years. The new SES headquarters was named in his honour. In retirement he also worked as a Volunteer Community Driver. Les was also named Wodonga Citizen of the Year in 1984. Les continued living in Wodonga until the age of 103 in 2023, when he moved to Melbourne to be closer to his children. He passed away on 12 December 2023. This torch was part of a collection of items donated to Wodonga Historical Society by Les Cole. The RSL emblem on this item was first introduced in 1990.A small tin containing an aluminium torch and 2 batteries in foam packing. The emblem of the Australian Returned Services League is etched on the lid. On side of torch: RETURNED & SERVICES LEAGUE AUSTRALIArsl australia, memorabilia

Leslie William Cole was born on 31 January 1920 in Albury, the first child of William James Cole and Gwendoline Fair. Les spent most of his childhood living with his grandparents in Bethanga, Victoria. In 1934 when he finished school, Les moved into Wodonga. His first job was at Mates Timber Yard. He later worked for Mylons of Wodonga driving taxis and buses. In 1939 after completing militia training, Les applied to enlist with the RAAF and eventually trained as an Aircraft Mechanic. He was posted to the 6th Squadron, serving in Port Moresby, Milne Bay and Goodenough Island before returning to the RAAF base in Sale, Victoria. On discharge. Les returned to Wodonga and resumed working with Mylons. After a range of jobs, Les and his wife Lorna operated a shop in Ariel Street, Wodonga. In the community, Les was a founding member of Wodonga Lions Club. He also joined the Civil Defence which was a predecessor off the SES. He became the Communications Officer and trained other members. Les became the first Controller of the Wodonga Branch of the State Emergency Service, a position he held for 17 years. The new SES headquarters was named in his honour. In retirement he also worked as a Volunteer Community Driver. Les was also named Wodonga Citizen of the Year in 1984 Les continued living in Wodonga until the age of 103 in 2023, when he moved to Melbourne to be closer to his children. He passed away on 12 December 2023. The Lions Club of Wodonga was chartered in 1965 with 18 Founding Members including Les Cole. Lions Australia was first formed in Lismore, NSW in September and has grown to be Australia’s largest service club organisation.A small purple and gold fringed banner with the emblem of Wodonga Lions ClubAt the top centre: The logo of Lions International Across the centre of banner: Lions Club of Wodonga / District 201C Australia In semi-circle below Water Tower: Melbourne/ Falls Creek/Lake Hume/ Snowy Mountains/ Sydneyles cole, wodonga lions club, lions international

This item is from the ‘Pattison Collection’, a collection of books and records that was originally owned by the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute, which was founded in Warrnambool in 1853. By 1886 the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute (WMI) had grown to have a Library, Museum and Fine Arts Gallery, with a collection of “… choice productions of art, and valuable specimens in almost every branch and many wonderful national curiosities are now to be seen there, including historic relics of the town and district.” It later included a School of Design. Although it was very well patronised, the lack of financial support led the WMI in 1911 to ask the City Council to take it over. In 1935 Ralph Pattison was appointed as City Librarian to establish and organise the Warrnambool Library as it was then called. When the WMI building was pulled down in 1963 a new civic building was erected on the site and the new Warrnambool Library, on behalf of the City Council, took over all the holdings of the WMI. At this time some of the items were separated and identified as the ‘Pattison Collection’, named after Ralph Pattison. Eventually the components of the WMI were distributed from the Warrnambool Library to various places, including the Art Gallery, Historical Society and Flagstaff Hill. Later some were even distributed to other regional branches of Corangamite Regional Library and passed to and fro. It is difficult now to trace just where all of the items have ended up. The books at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village generally display stamps and markings from Pattison as well as a variety of other institutions including the Mechanics’ Institute itself. RALPH ERIC PATTISON Ralph Eric Pattison was born in Rockhampton, Queensland, in 1891. He married Maude Swan from Warrnambool in 1920 and they set up home in Warrnambool. In 1935 Pattison accepted a position as City Librarian for the Warrnambool City Council. His huge challenge was to make a functional library within two rooms of the Mechanics’ Institute. He tirelessly cleaned, cleared and sorted a disarrayed collection of old books, jars of preserved specimens and other items reserved for exhibition in the city’s museum. He developed and updated the library with a wide variety of books for all tastes, including reference books for students; a difficult task to fulfil during the years following the Depression. He converted all of the lower area of the building into a library, reference room and reading room for members and the public. The books were sorted and stored using a cataloguing and card index system that he had developed himself. He also prepared the upper floor of the building and established the Art Gallery and later the Museum, a place to exhibit the many old relics that had been stored for years for this purpose. One of the treasures he found was a beautiful ancient clock, which he repaired, restored and enjoyed using in his office during the years of his service there. Ralph Pattison was described as “a meticulous gentleman whose punctuality, floorless courtesy and distinctive neat dress were hallmarks of his character, and ‘his’ clock controlled his daily routine, and his opening and closing of the library’s large heavy doors to the minute.” Pattison took leave during 1942 to 1945 to serve in the Royal Australian Navy, Volunteer Reserve as Lieutenant. A few years later he converted one of the Museum’s rooms into a Children’s Library, stocking it with suitable books for the younger generation. This was an instant success. In the 1950’s he had the honour of being appointed to the Victorian Library Board and received more inspiration from the monthly conferences in Melbourne. He was sadly retired in 1959 after over 23 years of service, due to the fact that he had gone over the working age of council officers. However he continued to take a very keen interest in the continual development of the Library until his death in 1969. The Pattison Collection, along with other items at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, was originally part of the Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s collection. The Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute Collection is primarily significant in its totality, rather than for the individual objects it contains. Its contents are highly representative of the development of Mechanics' Institute libraries across Australia, particularly Victoria. A diversity of publications and themes has been amassed, and these provide clues to our understanding of the nature of and changes in the reading habits of Victorians from the 1850s to the middle of the 20th century. The collection also highlights the Warrnambool community’s commitment to the Mechanics’ Institute, reading, literacy and learning in the regions, and proves that access to knowledge was not impeded by distance. These items help to provide a more complete picture of our community’s ideals and aspirations. The Warrnambool Mechanics Institute book collection has historical and social significance for its strong association with the Mechanics Institute movement and the important role it played in the intellectual, cultural and social development of people throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. The collection of books is a rare example of an early lending library and its significance is enhanced by the survival of an original collection of many volumes. The Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s publication collection is of both local and state significance. War Letters of General Monash Edited by F M Cutlack Publisher: Angus & Robertson Date: 1934Label on spine cover with typed text PAT 923.5 MON Pastedown front endpaper has sticker from Warrnambool Mechanics Institute and Free Library Front loose endpaper has a sticker from Corangamite Regional Library Service On a type written page inside book is written General Monash: 1865 - 1931 …. Australian soldier of Jewish birth, was born in Melbourne, graduating at Melbourne University..Began practising as a civil engineer in 1884, and became President of the Victorian Engineering Institute .. In 1887 entered the Australian Army, in which he rapidly rose to the rank of Col. At outbreak of World War 1 , he became Chief Censor, and then was sent in command of 4th Brigade to Gallopoli... Later commonded 3rd Australian Division in France, and in June 1918 took command of the Australian Corps. After armistice, Director general of Demob. for Australia.. Knighted in 1918 and published Australian Victories in France two years later.warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, shipwrecked-artefact, book, pattison collection, warrnambool library, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, ralph eric pattison, corangamite regional library service, warrnambool city librarian, mechanics’ institute library, victorian library board, warrnambool books and records, warrnambool children’s library, great ocean road, f m cutlack, war letters of general monash, general monash, victorian engineering institute, 4th brigade, gallopoli, 3rd australian division, australian corps

In the early 1880s the Ballarat School of Mines Council introduced a three year course of training under the professors to qualify students in the following professions: 1. Mining Engineering 2. Metallurgy 3. Geology 4. Electricity [45] Each of these courses had an additional, but optional, fourth year of study. The prescribed subjects of study for an Associateship was set out in the Calendar of the Ballarat School of Mines in each year. Any student who passed the prescribed examinations in any of the above courses was issued with a Certificate of Competency, and conferred with the distinction of Associate. By the 1890s the professorial staff had drawn up a curriculum leading to an Associateship of the Ballarat School of Mines. The first two years work was to be common to all courses, but in the third and subsequent years the student wold be devoted to a specialised branch of study. The Associateship was to be conferred in one of another of the following Courses: Agriculture, Civil Engineering, Electrical Engineering, [Geology], Metallurgy and Mining Engineering. All were three year courses except for Agriculture which was two years. Each course was conducted in accordance with a prescribed curriculum and syllabus. During the 1910s there was an expectation that candidates for the Associate course should have attained the age of sixteen, and have received preparatory training equivalent to University Matriculation at least in the subjects of Elementary Mathematics, English Grammar and Composition, or have passed through Junior Technical School. In 1960 an new procedure for admission to graduate status as Associates was introduced to the Ballarat School of Mines where Associateship would be conferred at a public ceremony. After 01 July 1976 graduates of Ballarat College of Advanced Education and Ballarat College of Advanced Education were admitted in major studies relating to mining for Australian accreditation and overseas purposes. Ballarat School of Mines Associates could ascribe ASMB after their name.Black and white photograph of Associatedsof the Ballarat School of Mines from 1951-1957.Associates of the Ballarat School of Mines :Lists names 1989-1964ballarat school of mines, smb campus, electrical engineering 1958, brian w. schreenan civil engineering 1958, clifford j. restarick metallurgy 1958, john t h. clelland metallurgy 1958, donald c. stevens mining engineering 1958, john g. wolfe civil engineering 1959, james e. mcneil electrical engineering 1959, patrick h. nally civil engineering 1959, graham j. willey metallurgy 1959, stanley p. kisler civil engineering 1959, donald j. overall electrical engineering 1959, brian j. mclennan civil engineering 1959, philip j. davis art 1959, bruce v. mcdougall mining engineering 1959, lancelot j. matthews mechanical engineering 1959, alan w. wilson mechanical engineering 1959, alan w. wilson electrical engineering 1959, george a r. lewis art 1959, noel e. meagher electrical engineering 1960, john l. collier mining engineering 1960, john l. collier civil engineering 1960, frank andrewartha mechanical engineering 1960, norman leckie art 1960, lansell j. groat civil engineering 1960, boon thiam lu mining engineering 1960, oswyn n. hails civil engineering 1960, john a. watts applied chemistry 1960, thomas b. gallagher civil engineering 1960, brian a. bellingham civil engineering 1961, alan c leviston applied chemistry 1961, walter j wynd civil engineering 1961, francis d benjamin civil engineering 1961, leonard e fox mechanical engineering 1961, yan kai chung applied chemistry 1961, george d mcgrath mechanical engineering 1961, john r sawyer mechanical engineering 1961, ronald horgan applied chemistry 1961, douglas j vendy civil engineering 1961, john a barnes electrical engineering 1961, brian w smith metallurgy 1961, william r carlyon metallurgy 1961, chris p livitsanos metallurgy 1961, lawrence g trevan civil engineering 1961, richard g dunlop mechanical engineering 1961, ronald m ingleton mechanical engineering 1961, peter m robinson mechanical engineering 1961, david j jelbart mechanical engineering 1961, john g hollway mechanical engineering 1961, george m hetherington civil engineering 1961, david w brown mechanical engineering 1961, john r gowan civil engineering 1961, geoffrey a christian civil engineering 1961, arthur c burrow mechanical engineering 1961, john n mcarthur applied chemistry 1961, graeme r bromley mechanical engineering 1961, william davison civil engineering 1961, ben a johnson electrical engineering 1961, ben a johnson civil engineering 1961, allan j tinney civil engineering 1961, thomas h j coad applied chemistry 1961, brian h duthie civil engineering 1961, basil c bautovich mechanical engineering 1961, reece pullen electrical engineering 1961, john d carmichael electrical engineering 1961, william j spencer civil engineering 1961, neil a brogden civil engineering 1961, michael villani civil engineering 1961, ralph j hepburn mechanical engineering 1961, peter w linaker mechanical engineering 1961, peter j matthews mechanical engineering 1961, edgar mca bartrop mining engineering 1961, donald j stewart, brian schreenan

Gould manufacturing company was founded in 1848 at Seneca Falls, New York when Seabury S. Gould purchased an interest in Downs, Mynderse & Co. and the firm became Downs & Co. Wooden pumps were produced at the time in an old cotton factory building. In 1869, the name of the company was changed from Downs & Company to Goulds Manufacturing Company. Seabury S. Gould was regarded as a man of unusual vision, and as the founder of Goulds Manufacturing Company he was keen to start producing cast iron pumps. An iron pump, he believed, would overcome all the disadvantages of a wooden pump. It would be strong and efficient and provide fresh flowing water for the pioneers. He ran the company until after the American Civil War and because Goulds Manufacturing had a foundry, they also produced all kinds of cast iron products such as corn shellers, bells, sad irons, sinks, tools, and a line of fire engines. From 1848 to 1964 a Gould family member had always been President of the company. However, the company ownership in 1964 was transferred from family-owned stock to public offerings and employee ownership of stock. The subject item called the "N e w Deluge" was an improved bilge pump for vessels having not more than 25 feet depth of hold. It was also used by contractors for pumping out excavations and was well adapted for irrigation use. This hand pump was designed to be used where a hand pump of large capacity was desired. Goulds made many different types of pumps to suit differing pumping situations such as. Well Pumps, Hydraulic Rams, Diaphragm Pumps, Tank Pumps, Sprayers and Small Capacity Power rumps. Goulds Triplex, Centrifugal, Rotary and Deep Well Power Pumps The subject item was first introduced to the market in the Goulds catalogue of 1915 and became a very popular pump used in Australia and the USA. It is manufactured by a company still trading today with offices in Australia and many other countries.Hand Pump cast iron with long reversable pumping lever and cylindrical casing there are 4 metal holes for fastening to floor surface. Painted black. Embossed "NEW DELUGE" "- - -" and "No 16" or "No 18".warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, pump, hand pump, goulds manufacturing

Mount Pleasant Primary School 1435 was formerly known as Clayton's Hill, and evolved from a tent school, commenced in 1855 by William McIntosh. When changed from a Wesyleyan day school to a Common School it was given the number 424, received State funding and was conducted by William H. Nicholls. On 01 January 1873 the school became a non-vested school under control of the Education Department until 31 August 1873. The State then leased the school until 31 July 1874, with the current brick school, Mount Pleasant No.1436, opening on 01 August 1874. The Head Teacher of the new school was William H. Nicholls, remained at the school until 1887. His assistants were Thomas Gray, Jane Shaw, Jane Tratham, Catherine J. Berriman, John Blight, Herbert Berchaivaise and Annie Hicks, all who had worked at Mount Pleasant No. 424. William Nicholls and his assistant Gray established after school classes to enable students to gain Exhibitions and Scholarships to matriculate for the University of Melbourne, and courses enabling entry to teaching, pharmacy and civil service. Before the establishment of State Secondary and Technical Educaiton over 100 pupils from Mount Pleasant Primary School has matiriculated and entered the various professions. (Visions and Realisations, Vol. 2, pg 653 and 767) William Henry Williams became the first classifier of teachers for the Victorian Education Department. He died aged 51 while Head Teacher at Yarra Park Primary School on 01 April 1899. Some former students of this school include: J.G. Eagleston (County Court Judge); H.E. Starke (Judge of the High Court of Australia ); Bernard O'Dowd (parliamentary draughtsman and poet); Albert Coates (Surgeon and Medical Officer in Burmese Prisoner of War Camps). Gold was discovered at Caylton's Hill in 1853.Black and white photograph of a primary school in the Ballarat suburb of Mount Pleasant. The brick school is sat on bluestone foundations.mount pleasant primary school, mount pleasant state school, mount pleasant, mt pleasant, education, clayton's hill, bluestone, william h. nicholls, thomas gray, jane shaw, jane tratham, catherine j. berriman, john blight, herbert berchaivaise, annie hicks, albert coates, h.e. starke, j.g. eagleston

John COLLIER (1937- 2012) John Collier was born at Ballarat in 1937. He received a Diploma of Mining and a Diploma of Civil Engineering at the Ballarat School of Mines (SMB), later graduating from the University of Melbourne with a Bachelor of Engineering (Mining). Early in his career he received a Diploma of Accountancy from the Australian Society of Accountants. Collier believes his experience at SMB had a profound influence on his life, especially what he learnt in Geology, Engineering, Chemistry, etc., all of which he found beneficial to his later working life and he is proud of that association. Through his experience in the world-wide mining industry John Collier has made a major impact on the mining industry. He has been exploration leader for a large number of worldwide discoveries and farm-ins both major and minor. He has experience in every facet of the mining industry, and his record in identifying diamond opportunities include Australian (Argyle), Canada (Diabik), Zimbabwe, and the Brazil Pipe (Collier Falls). His success in diamond exploration may be unparalleled. John Collier also has significant success with lead-zinc, iron ore, coal, copper, gold-silver, petroleum, heavy minerals, nickel, uranium, industrial minerals, rare earths, and tin. In 2006 John Collier was made a Legend in Mining by the Australian Mining Industry. Over his last 10 years, he had become a passionate painter, holding several successful solo exhibitions. His naive style featured beautiful and unexpected colour combinations. Many of his most lauded paintings depicted mining scenes, harking back to his Ballarat days. This item is part of the Federation University Art Collection. The Art Collection features over 2000 works and was listed as a 'Ballarat Treasure' in 2007.Two artworks by John Collier inspired by his alma mater, the Ballarat School of Mines. art, artwork, john collier, ballarat school of mines, alumni

Joseph William Cairnduff (1876-1929) was born in Hobart, Tasmania. He married Ann Walker in 1900. When he enlisted on 19 August 1914 he was given SERN 4. At the time he was living at 'Tyne', 96 Guildford Road, Surrey Hills. He was 5'5", 38 years old and employed as a civil servant. He had served for 5 years in the Senior Cadets and 3 years in the Australian Signallers. He was given the rank of sergeant in the Divisional Signal Company 1 and embarked for Egypt from Melbourne on board HMAT A10 Karroo on 20 October 1914. Joseph was in Egypt from 24/10/1915 to 17/6/1916, but only in Giza from 21/02/1916 to 6/03/1916. Surviving service on Gallipoli and the Western Front, he returned to Melbourne leaving on board HT 'Wiltshire', 12 November 1916. He was discharged medically unfit. Joseph and Ann had a large family before he left for WW1: Ann Mary b.1901; James William Cotter b. 1903; Mathew Norman Banks b. 1904; Doris Jean b.1906; Claude James b, 1908; Elsie Edna b. 1910; Clive Bruce b. 1912 and Gladys Janet b. 1914. After his return he and Ann had more 2 daughters - Sylvia McLaren b. 1917 and Mavis Morley b. 1918, who commenced at Chatham Primary School in 1927 and 1928 respectively. Joseph and Ann are buried in Box Hill Cemetery (M-NS-0492). Joseph's twin brother, James Banks Cairnduff (SERN 571) also served in the AIF and is also buried in Box Hill Cemetery (M-NS-0003). A black and white photo of a group of 7 Australian soldiers and 2 Egyptians gathered around a pole. The context is not able to be discerned. One of the soldiers is marked with an 'X' and is smoking a pipe. He has a cap-like object on his head. The other soldiers are wearing slouch hats. The Egyptians are dressed in long white garments and are wearing turbans.On the rear in the hand of the donor: "Dad had written on the original (photo) / "The 1st and only Telegraph ffice / erected on the top of the Pyramids, / it was erected by me during our / sojourn in Egypt"joseph william cairnduff, first world war, egypt, signals company, telegraph office, pyramids

Martin Romuld was born near Trondheim in Norway on September 26, 1905. He started jumping on skis at age 6 or 7 and became very good at it. He completed his degree in Civil Engineering at the University of Trondheim and decided to come to Australia. He arrived on 7 March 1928 and found a job with the SEC. The SEC wanted to investigate the possibility of a hydrological surveys necessary to determine the flow of water over a period of years. These surveys started in 1934 and continued until 1941. He lived at Wilkinson’s hut for most of the time during those years both in summer and winter. In his role with the SEC, Martin visited all the various creeks to measure water flow rates as often as was necessary. These skis were used on his winter rounds during the time he spent in the area. Martin also competed in skiing during the 1930s. He won the combined Australian title 3 or 4 times. He was unbeatable in cross country, probably due to the continual practice in his job. Before migrating to Australia, Martin had been runner up in the 1926 European Jump Championships held in France. Jumping was his favourite thrill and he would often construct a jump for practice near the Scout Hut (or Rover Chalet) quite near to Wilkinson’s. In 1941 Martin joined the Royal Australian Air Force and after the War skied mainly at Mt Buller. He maintained his involvement in competitive skiing as an official. In 1958 Martin was the main judge of the National jump which was held to the left of the Nissen tow. He also designed the jumping course at the Donna Buang snow fields. Martin Romuld was Co Vice-President of the Federation of Victorian Ski Clubs in 1949, along with Tom Mitchell M.L.A. Martin Romuld died on 14 July 1998 in Prahran, Victoria,These skis are significant because they belonged to a pioneer of Falls Creek and the sport of skiing in Australia.A set of skis made for Martin Romuld. They are made from American hickory which arrived in Australia via Norway in October 1933. Andy Broad made the skis and they were furnished with steel edges. There was enough hickory for 18 pairs of skis and a pair of competition cross country skis were also made for Martin Romuld. martin romuld', falls creek pioneers, australian skiing history

Likely from WWIPair of miniature flags on small black flag poles with wooden caps. The Australian Red Ensign, or the Australian Civil Ensign, is simply a red version of the Australian National flag. It is for use only at sea and officially never on land, but can be used by private citizens. At sea, it is the only flag allowable for merchant ships registered in Australia under the Navigation and Shipping Act 1912 and The Shipping Registration Act 1981. Pleasure craft, however, may fly either the Red Ensign or the National Flag. The history of the Red Ensign is intertwined with the history of the Australian National flag. From 1901 to 1954 the Red Ensign was used as the National Flag by State and Local Governments, private organisations and individuals. The Blue Ensign was for Government use only, reflecting British practice with its ensigns. The design of the Australian Red Ensign was always kept in step with the Blue Ensign (i.e. with respect to the number of points on the stars, etc.) but there was often public confusion about which was the `correct′ flag to fly. Many thought the choice was merely one of fashion or preference. In 1941, Australia′s Prime Minister Robert Menzies stated that there should be no restrictions on private citizens using the Blue Ensign on land and, in 1947, Prime Minister Ben Chifley reaffirmed this position but it wasn’t until the passage of the Flags Act 1953 that the restriction on civilians flying the Blue Ensign was lifted after which, use of the Red Ensign on land became a rarity. Since 2008, 3 September has been officially commemorated as both Australian National Flag/Merchant Navy Day which allows the Australian Red Ensign to be flown on land for the occasion as a matter of protocol. The blue flag is the New Zealand National Flag.flag, ensign, anzac, new zealand, navy, naval

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Produced for Enola Gay's participation in Hiroshima Day, Sat 6 August 1983, assembling at Belmore Park at 10 am under the Enola Gay banners. 0:00: Introduction and song; 3:50: Japanese instrumental music; 9:08: Commentary resumes - history of the bombing of Hiroshima, 6 Aug 1945, and Nagasaki 3 days later; 15:30: Music Tomorrow never comes until it's too late; 19:45: Commentary including accounts from survivors; 26:58: Music, Take the toys from the boys; 29:25: Commentary regarding arms race, including voice of Fabian LoSchiavo regarding dissident religious views in the USA; 33:05: Music, California dreaming; 36:10: Commentary re the practicalities of bomb shelters; 38:00: Music, Cancer, cancer; 41:40: Commentary re peace marches in Europe, health effects of radiation, civil defense in nuclear war, music; 47:35: Music, Universal soldier (cut off towards end), anti-war parody of Yankee Doodle Uncle Sam with Australian refs (Omega, Pine Gap etc); 59:10: Commentary regarding nuclear bomb testing at Marilinga (SA) and Monte Bello islands; 1:01:15: Music, 'But I aint a marchin' any more'; 1:04:05: Commentary re costs of arms race - refs to gay and feminist anti-war groups overseas; 1:05:58: Music, Down by the riverside/Aint gonna study war no more, promo for Enola Gay and prep for Hiroshima Day, instrumental music, music US forces (Midnight Oil), Soft touch (Poison Girls); 1:26:56: Music, Thank Christ for the bomb, eerie instrumental music, Maralinga (Midnight Oil), Not another bomb song, ending at 1:39:00.Maxwell UD XL I - C90 cassette tapeInscribed in biro on label: "ENOLA GAY Disarmament Special - Gaywaves 2SER 4/8/83."anti-nuclear activism, gay and lesbian activism, hiroshima day

Ryan was an Irish politician. He was elected to the First Dáil at the 1918 general election and, apart from the Third Dáil (1922–1923), held his seat for Wexford until his retirement at the 1965 general election. During his long career he served as Minister for Agriculture (1932–1947), Minister for Health and Social Welfare (1947–1948 and 1951–1954) and Minister for Finance (1957–1965). (Wikipedia) While studying at university in 1913 Ryan became a founder-member of the Irish Volunteers and was sworn into the Irish Republican Brotherhood the following year. During the Easter Rising in 1916 Ryan was the medical officer in the General Post Office (GPO). He was, along with James Connolly, one of the last people to leave the GPO when the evacuation took place. Following the surrender of the patriots Ryan was deported to Stafford Jail in England and subsequently at Frongoch. He was released in August 1916. Ryan rejoined the Volunteers immediately after his release from prison, and in June 1917 he was elected Commandant of the Wexford Battalion. His political career began the following year when he was elected as a Sinn Féin candidate for the constituency of Wexford South in the 1918 general election. Like his fellow Sinn Féin MPs Ryan refused to attend the Westminster Parliament. Instead he attended the proceedings of the First Dáil on 21 January 1919. As the War of Independence went on Ryan became Brigade Commandant of South Wexford and was also elected to Wexford County Council, serving as chairman on one occasion. In September 1919 he was arrested by the British and interned on Spike Island and later Beare Island until he was released after the truce with the other TDs to attend the deliberations of the Dáil concerning the Anglo-Irish Treaty which he voted against. Ryan was later imprisoned again during the subsequent Civil War, however, while interned he won back his Dáil seat as an abstentionist Sinn Féin TD at the 1923 general election. (Wikipedia)Image of a bearded man known as James Ryan.

John COLLIER (1937- 2012) John Collier was born at Ballarat in 1937. He received a Diploma of Mining and a Diploma of Civil Engineering at the Ballarat School of Mines (SMB), later graduating from the University of Melbourne with a Bachelor of Engineering (Mining). Early in his career he received a Diploma of Accountancy from the Australian Society of Accountants. Collier believes his experience at SMB had a profound influence on his life, especially what he learnt in Geology, Engineering, Chemistry, etc., all of which he found beneficial to his later working life and he is proud of that association. Through his experience in the world-wide mining industry John Collier has made a major impact on the mining industry. He has been exploration leader for a large number of worldwide discoveries and farm-ins both major and minor. He has experience in every facet of the mining industry, and his record in identifying diamond opportunities include Australian (Argyle), Canada (Diabik), Zimbabwe, and the Brazil Pipe (Collier Falls). His success in diamond exploration may be unparalleled. John Collier also has significant success with lead-zinc, iron ore, coal, copper, gold-silver, petroleum, heavy minerals, nickel, uranium, industrial minerals, rare earths, and tin. In 2006 John Collier was made a Legend in Mining by the Australian Mining Industry. Over his last 10 years, he had become a passionate painter, holding several successful solo exhibitions. His naive style featured beautiful and unexpected colour combinations. Many of his most lauded paintings depicted mining scenes, harking back to his Ballarat days. This work and subject matter was painted for the artist's alma mater, the Ballarat School of Mines (now Federation University Australia). This item is part of the Federation University Art Collection. The Art Collection features over 2000 works and was listed as a 'Ballarat Treasure' in 2007.Colourful acrylic on canvas painting depicting the Port Phillip Gold Mining Company, Clunes.art, artwork, john collier, port phillip cold mine, clunes, clunes, available, alumni, mining

A form for application for membership to the ILC. It shows the declaration required by the nominator and candidate. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee. An example of the formality of membership required to be part of the Intermediate Legacy Club. The ILC was active from 1929 to 1974.White foolscap application form with black type for membership of the ILC.ilc, membership, junior legatee