Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders in the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. VIOSH had its first intake of students in 1979. At that time the Institution was known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1990 it became known as Ballarat University College, then in 1994 as University of Ballarat. It was 2014 that it became Federation University. VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree - on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge. When VIOSH first began in 1979, Max and Dulcie Brooke were members of Staff at Ballarat Institute of Advanced Education and became part of the initial group in presenting the course. In the early 1990s, Max became ill and Dulcie retired to care for him. Max died in 1992 and Dulcie established the Max Brooke Memorial Shield in his memory. This was presented by Dulcie to the winner of the Award at the Presentation Dinner every year from 1993 to 2010. Students who received the Award were Christopher Lacey - 1993-94, Kim Alice Whytcross - 1994-95, Kathryn Mary Haseloff - 1995-96, Timothy Michael Crough - 1997-97, David Knowles - 1997-98, Robert Wator - 1998-99, Angy Henn - 1999-2000, Illona Brzezowski - 2000-2001, Leonie Chapman - 2001-2002, Phillip Sinel - 2002-2003, Shayne Arthur, Patrick Weston, and Robert Oliver - 2003-2004, Paul Luchini - 2004-2005, Keera Abbott - 2005-2006, Joanne Blurton - 2006-2007, Charles Halloran and Greg Lipka - 2007-2008, Jodi Goodall and Sam Pickering - 2008-2009, Brooke Langdon - 2009-2010.Wooden base with brass plates. Grooved sections and hanging clip on the backName of the Award on large brass plate. Small brass plate for name of student and year. 30 individual pieces.viosh, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, ballarat college of advanced education, university of ballarat, max brooke, dulcie brooke, max brooke memorial shield, presentation dinner, christopher lacey, kim alice whytcross, kathryn mary haseloff, timothy michael crough, david knowles, robert wator, angy henn, illona brzezowski, leonie chapman, phillip sinel, shayne arthur, patrick weston, robert oliver, paul lichini, keera abbott, joanne blurton, charles halloran, greg lipka, jodi goodall, sam pickering, brooke langdon

Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders on the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. VIOSH had its first intake of students in 1979. At that time the Institution was known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1990 it became known as Ballarat University College, then in 1994 as University of Ballarat. It was 2014 that it became Federation University. VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree - on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge. Ballarat College of Advanced Education had been trying for approval of a PG1 Graduate Diploma in Occupational Hazard Management during 1976 and 1977. This last application was 1978. They were hoping to introduce it in 1979. Present at this meeting held on Tuesday 8th August 1978 were representatives from: EAC Subcommittee; W J Robertson (Convenor), Dr K B Brown (Medical Officer}, Dr A J Christophers (Chief Industrial Hygiene Officer, Dept of Health, E O'Keefe (Secretary to the Committee) Ballarat CAE Course Advisory Committee; W Jinkins (Safety Engineer, Gas & Fuel), E Wigglesworth (Injury Research Unit, Royal College of Surgeons) Ballarat College of Advanced Education; D J Woolley (Head of School of Engineering), T D Norwood (Head of Dept Mechanical Engineering), D Viner (Course Co-ordinator}, G Fernandez (School of Business} Recommendation that the proposed course for the award of PG1 Graduate Diploma in Occupational Hazard Management at Ballarat College of Advanced Education be approved for introduction in 1979 at first year level. This still needs approval from the Tertiary Education Commission for the purposes of the expenditure of funds under the provision of the State Government.Ten A4 pages - typed. Four correspondence and six the Draft of course for the applicationLetterhead of Victoria Institute of Colleges and the Prime Minister, Canberra Signature: R I Viner - Minister assisting the Prime MInister in Public Service Matters Elizabeth O'Keefe - Secretary to the Academic Committee in Engineering, V.I.C.viosh, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, ballarat college of advanced education, pg1, graduate diploma in occupational hazard management, minister assisting prime minister, r i viner, elizabeth o'keefe, victoria institute of colleges, vic academic committee, w j robertson, k b brown, a j christophers, bcae advisory committee, w jinkins, e wigglesworth, bcad staff, d j woolley, t d norwood, d b viner, g fernandez, royal australian college of surgeons, department of health, gas and fuel corporation, medical officer olympic tyres, school of engineering, mechanical engineering, school of business, tertiary education committee, state government, state grants

Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders on the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. VIOSH had its first intake of students in 1979. At that time the Institution was known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1990 it became known as Ballarat University College, then in 1994 as University of Ballarat. It was 2014 that it became Federation University. VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree - on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge. Photographs were posted to Ballarat College of Advanced Education from Melbourne. At this time VIOSH was in the planning stage and it was two years later that the first Intake of students started. People known in the photographs are: E.J. Barker, E.J. Tippett, Mr Jim Reid and Barry Jones. E.J. Barker (Jack) was the Principal of SMB from 1964-1976. He then became the Foundation Director of Ballarat Institute/College of Advanced Education from 1976-1987. The Library Building at Mount Helen Campus if named after him. E.J. Tippett was a member of SMB Council from 1934-1960. He was President of the Council from 1940-1960. He was a member of the Interim Council established to plan the development of the Victorian Institute of Colleges. He then became a member of the Council of the Victorian Institute of Colleges. The Library Building at SMB is named after him. In 1975 he was recognised by the State Government and awarded an MBE. Hon Barry Jones, Member of State Government from 1972 to 1977. He then entered Federal Parliament and was a member from 1977 to 1998. During his time he was Minister for Industry, Science and Technology from1983 to 1990. Ann Tippett - wife of E.J. Tippett. Jim Reid - Federal Director of the National Safety Council of Australia.Fourteen black and white photographs taken at a dinner - Ballarat College of Advanced Education.ballarat school of mines, ballarat college of advanced education, e j barker, principal of smb, foundation director of bcae, e j tippett, president of smb council, victorian institute of colleges, hon barry jones, member of state parliament, member of federal parliament, minister for industry science and technology, ann tippett, jim reid, national safety council of australia, federal director

WT Rawleigh (1870-1952) Freeport USA began in 1889 the direct selling method to sell his products, travelling around on horse and cart in the early days from house to house selling his medicines and other lines. Rawleigh's wide range of products includes: Medicinal, Nutritional, Gourmet, Homecare, Personal Care, Animal & Plant Care Since 1889, millions of families around the world have learned to rely upon and keep Rawleigh's reliable medicines and other products on hand ready for emergencies to relieve sickness, pains, injuries and for their daily needs. By 1920, young Rawleigh had built the biggest manufacturing organisation in the world. Mr Floyd George Rawleigh who was the son of David Rawleigh, W.T.Rawleigh's brother, came to Australia, with Mr Jackson, in 1931 and set up the Rawleighs Company Business . Generations of Australians, Canadians and Americans grew up waiting for The Rawleigh Man to arrive at their front door with his sample case of goodies to add spice to their life and to heal their ailments. In World War II, most Australian soldiers posted overseas carried a tin of Rawleigh Antiseptic Salve in their kits to treat wounds and ward off infection The Rawleigh Man brought to family front doors the best materials money could buy from around the world: spices from Sumatra, Java, China, India, Africa, the West Indies; black pepper from the island of Ponapai; lemon and orange oils from California and Sicily and Vanilla from Madagascar and Java; high grade coffee beans from the Andes. Most of the herbs, roots, barks and buds used in making cough medicines and tonics came from Europe, India, Ceylon, China, North America, the West Indies, Jamaica, Honduras and Asia. From Japan came camphor and menthol for making medicines. From Tavenui, the Garden Island of Fiji, came the food grade coconut oil for Rawleigh's gold medal winning Coconut Oil Soap. Rawleigh products are still only available from Rawleigh men and women who carry on the time-honoured tradition of the Rawleigh company to give individuals a go at developing their own business supplying products to people in their homes. Only now they are also doing it in cyberspace. A clear glass jar with a metal screw lid containing Mustard Ointment made by W.T. Rawleigh Co. Ltd. .Melbourne Lid ; Rawleigh’s Front ; Rawleigh’s / Net WT. / 1 ½ oz / COMPOUND / MUSTARD OINTMENT / WILL NOT BLISTER /preferable to Mustard Plaster / MNUFACTURED BY / The W, T. Rawleigh Co Ltd / MELBOURNE. / Left side ; DIRECTIONS …….. , / Right side ; Useful pharmacy, medicines, mustard ointment, w.t. rawleigh company ltd., hospitals, nursing, containers, moorabbin, bentleigh, cheltenham, melbourne, respiratory diseases

Benjamin Rank was considered by many to be the father of plastic surgery in Australia. He was born on 14 January 1911 in Heidelberg, Victoria, where his father, Wreghitt Rank, owned a grain store and mill. His mother was Bessie née Smith. He was educated at Scotch College, Melbourne, and Ormond College, University of Melbourne, graduating with many honours and prizes. He did a two-year residency in the Royal Melbourne Hospital before going to London to specialise in surgery. There he did junior posts at St James' Hospital, Balham, but soon became fascinated by the new specialty of plastic surgery and was appointed assistant plastic surgeon at Hill End (Bart's EMS unit). Joining the Royal Australasian Army Medical Corps in 1940, he commanded their plastic surgical unit in Egypt. In 1942, he returned to Australia to set up a plastic and maxillofacial unit at Heidelberg Military Hospital. Among the patients treated there was one Flight Lieutenant John Gorton, who went on to become Prime Minister of Australia. In 1946 he was the first honorary plastic surgeon at the Royal Melbourne Hospital. He spent much time overseas and was instrumental in setting up the specialty of plastic surgery in India, for which he set up 'Interplast' - a charity supported by the Rotary Clubs to offer training and expertise to Asian and Pacific nations. He was the Sims Commonwealth Travelling Professor of the College in 1958, Moynihan lecturer in 1972, President of the British Association of Plastic Surgeons in 1965 and President of the Royal Australasian College of Surgeons from 1966 to 1968. He made important contributions to the study of Marjolin's ulcer, radiation carcinoma, and the transition from benign to malignant melanoma. He also made a major contribution to hand surgery, and his textbook Surgery of repair as applied to hand injuries (Livingstone, 1953) ran to four editions. He wrote extensively, including an autobiography, and was a talented painter. He was a tireless campaigner for no-fault motor accident insurance and was President of the St John Ambulance Association. He married Barbara Lyle Facy in 1938. They had one son Andrew, and three daughters, Helen, Julie and Mary (one of whom became a nurse). He died on 26 January 2002. Reference; https:livesonline.rcseng.ac.uk surgeon, sir benjamin rank, heidelberg military hospital, plastic surgery, royal melbourne hospital

Situated at the eastern end of York Street, Eltham, 'Shinrone', the former home of Professor William (Mac) MacMahon Ball was one of the first in the Shire of Eltham to incorporate mud-brick. Professor MacMahon Ball, a political scientist, writer, broadcaster and diplomat and family moved to York Street, Eltham in 1945 into a timber cottage built around the 1890s and in poor repair. Mac asked Alistair Knox to renovate the home and he expanded the living area and added verandahs. In 1948 Montsalvat artist and sculptor Sonia Skipper supervised the building of most of the mud-brick studio. Neighbour Gordon Ford made the mud-bricks. Mac also asked John Harcourt, who had worked with him as a journalist in shortwave broadcasting, to build a pise (rammed earth) and stone addition to the largely timber house. Harcourt built two bedrooms - including an attic bedroom - a balcony with a shower and toilet, a nd a fireplace and chimney of local stone. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p141 At the eastern tip of York Street, Eltham, stands Shinrone, the former home of one of Australia’s intellectual leaders. Professor William Macmahon Ball, was one of the first to bring Asia as a foreign policy issue to the Australian public.1 He was a political scientist, writer, broadcaster and diplomat. The house was one of the first in Eltham Shire to incorporate mud-brick,2 because of the acute shortage of building materials after World War Two. Its novice builders later become leaders in Eltham’s built and garden design. Mac (as he was usually called), who was the son of a Church of England minister, was born in Casterton, Victoria in 1901 and died in 1986. In 1945 he helped establish the United Nations, as political consultant to the Australian Delegation at the San Francisco Conference.3 Then in 1946 Mac was appointed British Commonwealth Representative on the Allied Council for Japan, which is recorded in detail in his diary.4 In 1948 Mac led an Australian Government Goodwill Mission to South East Asia. However, Mac was perhaps most successful as an academic and public speaker.5 He was a commentator on the Australian Broadcasting Commission, from the early 1930s to the early 1960s. He was also Controller of the Short-Wave Broadcasting Unit during World War Two, which later became Radio Australia. From 1923 he taught at The University of Melbourne, then became foundation Professor of Political Science in 1949 and was Chair until his retirement in 1968.6 In 1942, as the government expected a Japanese invasion, Mac’s wife Katrine and their only child Jenny, moved from Kew to Eltham as temporary evacuees. However Mac and Katrine lived in Eltham for almost the rest of their lives. After staying with friends, they rented a house in Reynolds Road, where, as it was wartime, they needed to keep horses for transport and a cow and poultry for milk and eggs. In 1945 the family moved to the house at York Street, which was then a timber cottage, built around the 1890s and in poor repair. The underground well, cellar and part of the garden are all that remain of what stood on the original 18 acre (7.3ha) allotment. Thanks largely to Katrine’s hard work, the house was gradually renovated and extended. The long rambling house was partially built by several young neighbours, who were inspired by the cheap mud-brick and stone building style of Montsalvat, the Eltham artists’ colony. Mac asked Alistair Knox to renovate Shinrone, named after an Irish village near Katrine’s family home. Knox later popularised the mud-brick style of house construction, for which Eltham became known. He expanded the living area and added verandas. In 1948 Montsalvat artist and sculptor Sonia Skipper supervised the building of most of the mud-brick studio. Another neighbour, Gordon Ford, who was to have a major influence on the Australian garden style, made the mud-bricks. Mac also asked John Harcourt, who had worked with him as a journalist in short-wave broadcasting, to build a pisé (rammed earth) and stone addition to the largely timber house. Harcourt built two bedrooms – including an attic bedroom – a balcony with a shower and toilet, and a fireplace and chimney of local sandstone. With pioneering work naturally came mistakes, including one particularly dramatic incident when Harcourt was building walls with unsupported sections. Jenny Ellis, Mac’s daughter, remembers being awakened from sleep by a thundering shudder. The wall of her room had fallen down – fortunately away from her! In 1950 artist Peter Glass – another neighbour and later landscape designer – built Katrine a mud-brick pottery. As a result, the house features at one end Harcourt’s characteristic steep gable roof, while at the other the flatter construction characteristic of Knox. Mac referred to the home as the Eltham ‘experimental building site’.7 Surprisingly, the combination works, perhaps partly because it has the warm inviting feel of timber, mud-brick and stone.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham, alistair knox, gordon ford, john harcourt, mudbrick construction, pise construction, professor macmahon ball, shinrone, sonia skipper, york street

The Common Buzzard is part of the buteo genus (Latin for buzzard or hawk) which indicates it is part of the raptor group whose features include a medium to large build, a strong body and larger wings. The family includes birds of prey such as hawks and buzzards. Like their name suggests, Common Buzzards are very ‘common’ in the UK but can also be found in other parts of Europe, Africa and Asia. The birds’ habitat consists of woodland, shrubland, forest, wetlands and countryside, and they can live in cold, tropical and temperate climate zones. Similar to other raptor species, Common Buzzards make their nests in tree branches or tree forks. With finely tuned hearing, they are able to detect small marsupials, and their diet consists of small amphibians, birds and mammals. Normally solitary, these raptors can occasionally be seen with others. Common Buzzards are classified as of ‘Least Concern’ on the IUCN Red List. While there is some noticeable fading of this particular taxidermy specimen’s plumage, it is relatively well presented. The completely black eyes and string through the nose of the specimen seem to be taxidermy/curatorial choices, as this is not something that is normally found on living versions today, and the eyes of Common Buzzards are normally golden eyes with black pupils. It is interesting to note, when considering the selected artificial eyes, that the original swing tag labeled this specimen as Saleo tinnunculus Lina, a form of kestrel (known to have complete black eyes), which perhaps explains this taxidermist choice. As a Common Buzzard, this particular specimen could have had its frame and breast area bulked out a little more, as birds within the buteo genus are generally recognised to be of medium to large build. Overall however, this is a fairly reasonable and accurate representation of the species. This specimen is part of a collection of almost 200 animal specimens that were originally acquired as skins from various institutions across Australia, including the Australian Museum in Sydney and the National Museum of Victoria (known as Museums Victoria since 1983), as well as individuals such as amateur anthropologist Reynell Eveleigh Johns between 1860-1880. These skins were then mounted by members of the Burke Museum Committee and put-on display in the formal space of the Museum’s original exhibition hall where they continue to be on display. This display of taxidermy mounts initially served to instruct visitors to the Burke Museum of the natural world around them, today it serves as an insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century.This specimen is part of a significant and rare taxidermy mount collection in the Burke Museum. This collection is scientifically and culturally important for reminding us of how science continues to shape our understanding of the modern world. They demonstrate a capacity to hold evidence of how Australia’s fauna history existed in the past and are potentially important for future environmental research. This collection continues to be on display in the Museum and has become a key part to interpreting the collecting habits of the 19th century.With similar colourings and features to a range of raptor species, the Common Buzzard can often be mistaken for other varieties of buteo and raptor. The bird’s plumage generally varies by location, but normally includes a variety of shades of brown, commonly with darker brown on its back and lighter coloured feathers on its breast, underbelly areas and face. These birds normally have fine bands on their tail and darker tipped wings. Common Buzzards have smaller heads with a band of yellow around the base of their small curved beaks and golden yellow eyes. This particular specimen’s feathers have faded and he stands upon a wooden perch with an identifying tag hanging from its right leg.Swing Tag: Swing tag obverse seems to read: ‘…io [? First few symbols aren’t clear]/ Saleo /tinnunculus/ Lina [there is also another illegible symbol on the tag in the centre on the second line] Swing tag reverse: illegible sections of text and the beginning of a number ‘403…[?]. Metal tag: 1032[?]taxidermy mount, taxidermy, animalia, burke museum, beechworth, australian museum, skin, reynell eveleigh johns, bird, common buzzard, buteo, hawks, raptors, birds of prey, buzzards

Framed photo collage of Australian involvement in Vietnam.In the centre of the collage there is a bronze plaque wich reads: VIETNAM The Vietnam War was a military conflict that occurred in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia from 1959 to 30 April 1975. The was was fought between the communist North vietnam, supported by its communist allies, and the government of South Vietnam, supported by the united States and other member nations of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) The United States entered the war to prevent a communist takeover of South Vietnam as part of their wider strategy of containment. Military advisors arrived beginning n 1950. U.S. involvemeny escalated in the early 1960s and combat units were deployed beginning in 1965. Invollvement peaked in 1968 at the time of the Tet Offensive. Despite a peace treaty signed by all parties in january 1973, fighting continued. In response to the anti-war movement, the U.S. Congress passed the Case-Church Amendment in June 1973 prohibiting furtherdirect U.S. military intervention without Congressional authorization yet the U.S.was still heavily invested in the war until 1975, when North Vietnam captured Saigon. North and South Vietnam were reunified the following year. The war exacted a huge human cost in terms of facilities, including 3 to 4 million Vietnamese from both sides, 1.5 to 2 million Laotians and Cambodians, and 58,159 U.S. soldiers. AUSTRALIAN INVOLVEMENT: For a decade from 1962 to 1972, Australian forces were actively involved in the bitter war that tore Vietnam apart. they served with distinction, and in battles such as the decisive Battle of Long Tan they proved that they were more than a match for the Viet Cong.photo collage, australian involvement, southeast asia treaty organization (seato), tet offensive, u.s. congress, battle of long tan, saigon

The badge represents the Emergency Services section of the Red Cross Society. The Australian Red Cross was formed on 21st August 1914 at the outbreak of the First World War. The badge was made by K.G. Luke Pty. Ltd. in Melbourne. Kenneth George Luke, began work as an apprentice in 1910 at Stokes & Sons Pty. Ltd. in Melbourne and stayed with the company for eleven years. He then became a partner in a metalworking business, wholly owning this successful Carlton business in 1925. From 1935-1945 his products included silverware and supplies for military needs. The firm was K.G. Luke Pty. Ltd. by 1936, making buttons, badges, brooches, and heated food trolleys at his office and factory in North Fitzroy, and selling from his showroom in Elizabeth Street Melbourne. His customers included the Australian Red Cross, Victoria Police, TAA Airline, and the military forces of Australia and the United States. Seventeen years later the company was K.G. Luke (A/Asia) Ltd, then twenty-three years on it was Luke Ltd. until in 1983 it was taken over by National Consolidated Ltd. Sir Kenneth George Luke was also a V.F.L. football administrator. This badge is one of a set of badges collected by Dr W R Angus from the organisations in which he was involved. The set of badges is now part of Flagstaff Hill’s comprehensive W.R. Angus Collection, donated by the family of Dr W R Angus, surgeon and oculist. The W.R. Angus Collection: - The W.R. Angus Collection includes historical medical equipment, surgical instruments and material belonging to Dr Edward Ryan and Dr Thomas Francis Ryan, (both of Nhill, Victoria) and Dr Angus’ own belongings. The Collection’s history spans the medical practices of the two Doctors Ryan, from 1885-1926 plus that of Dr Angus, up until 1969. It includes historical medical and surgical equipment and instruments from the doctors Edward and Thomas Ryan of Nhill, Victoria. Dr Angus married Gladys in 1927 at Ballarat, the nearest big city to Nhill where he began as a Medical Assistant. He was also Acting House surgeon at the Nhill hospital where their two daughters were born. During World War II He served as a Military Doctor in the Australian Defence Forces. Dr Angus and his family moved to Warrnambool in 1939, where Dr Angus operated his own medical practice. He later added the part-time Port Medical Officer responsibility and was the last person appointed to that position. Both Dr Angus and his wife were very involved in the local community, including the planning stages of the new Flagstaff Hill and the layout of the gardens there. Dr Angus passed away in March 1970.This badge is significant for connecting Doctor Angus with organisations that he supported. The W.R. Angus Collection is significant for still being located at the site it is connected with, Doctor Angus being the last Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool. The Collection includes historical medical objects that date back to the late 1800s.Badge, rectangular metal and enamel badge, with a blue band across the top and bottom, and a white and gold band in the middle similar to a belt with the buckle of a red cross. The badge has a horizontal pin on the back. Inscriptions on top and bottom bands and on the reverse. It is the badge of the Red Cross Emergency Service, made by K.G. Luke of Melbourne.This badge is part of a set of badges collected by Dr W R Angus. the set represents organisations that he was involved in, and is part of the W.R. Angus Collection.Printed on front; “RED CROSS” above “EMERGENCY / SERVICE”. Embossed on back “8029” “K.G. LUKE / MELB” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime village, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, w.r. angus, badge, organisation badge, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, australian red cross, charity, volunteer organisation, red cross, k.g. luke pty. ltd., kenneth george luke, north fitzroy, stokes & sons, w.r. angus collection

Theodore Jesse Hoover, brother of the 31st President of the United States, was born in West Branch, Iowa, on January 28, 1871. He attended Stanford and received the Bachelor of Arts degree in Geology and Mining in 1901. Following graduation his professional career started with the position of assayer for the Keystone Consolidated Mining Company. After one year, he became assistant manager for the Standard Consolidated Mine, and a year later he was promoted to manager of the operation. In 1907 Hoover went to London as general manager of Minerals Separation, Ltd. This company was developing the froth flotation process for recovering minerals from ores. Hoover took an active part in the development of the flotation concentration process and authored one of the first books on the concentration of ores by flotation. After four years with Minerals Separation, Ltd., Hoover entered private practice as a consulting mining and metallurgical engineer with offices in London and in San Francisco. He was very successful and held positions of consulting engineer, managing director, director, and president of many mining companies in America, Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia. He returned to Stanford in 1919 as Professor of Mining and Metallurgy and Executive Head of the Department of Mining and Metallurgy. His experience and ability in organization made him a natural leader. He was influential in the formation of the School of Engineering at Stanford. The School was formed in 1925 and he was made dean, a position he held until his retirement in 1936. As dean of engineering, he promoted a broad fundamental training program for undergraduate engineering students. Under his guidance, emphasis was placed upon graduate work and he was responsible for developing strong graduate engineering curricula at Stanford. While dean he continued teaching and his course, "The Economics of Mining," developed into a book which was published in 1933. He became interested in the functions of engineers and, with Professor Fish, wrote a book entitled "The Engineering Profession" which was published in 1940 and revised in 1950. In addition to his academic activities he was generous in his hospitality. Faculty and students alike enjoyed the annual field day and barbecue at his Rancho del Oso, near Santa Cruz. He was widely read and had a lively interest in all the things he encountered. He speculated on the antiquity of man and man's early production processes. To verify an idea regarding flint tools, he studied their shapes and became proficient in making arrow heads. He was also interested in wild life, and was one of the founding members of the Cooper Ornithological Society. (http://engineering.stanford.edu/about/bio-hoover)Blue hard covered book of 547 pages including an index. Contents include mine valuation (sampling, ore deposits, ore reserves, financial provisions, sale of mineral product, metal prices, reports) and Mining Organization (Co-operative effort, Mining Companies, Promoting Mining Enterprises, fluctuations of share prices, valuation of mining shares, fakes and fallacies, the mining Engineer and the law) and Mine Management (Organization of staff, mine manager, efficiency, industrial relations, training and discipline, safety).inside cover 'Charles Bacon Mackay School of Mines'.mining, economics, hoover, stanford, mackay school of mines, mackay, bacon

Bendigo Operatic Society White Paper Cover Black & White Text Programme Booklet Production 'South Pacific' Opening 10th August 1962 for six nights. Does not state where performed. With the permission of Chappells Ltd Bendigo Operatic Society presents 'South Pacific.' A Beatrice Oakley Production. Music & Lyrics Rogers & Hammerstein II. Book Hammerstein II & Joshua Logan. Musical Director Mr Max O' Loghlen. South Pacific's plot is based on James A. Michener's Pulitzer Prize-winning 1947 book Tales of the South Pacific and combines elements of several of those stories. Rodgers and Hammerstein believed they could write a musical based on Michener's work that would be financially successful and, at the same time, would send a strong progressive message on racism. South Pacific focuses on an American nurse stationed on a South Pacific island during World War II, who falls in love with a middle-aged expatriate French plantation owner but struggles to accept his mixed-race children. A secondary romance, between a U.S. lieutenant and a young Tonkinese woman, explores his fears of the social consequences should he marry his Asian sweetheart. The issue of racial prejudice is candidly explored throughout the musical, most controversially in the lieutenant's song, "You've Got to Be Carefully Taught". Supporting characters, including a comic petty officer and the Tonkinese girl's mother, help to tie the stories together. Because he lacked military knowledge, Hammerstein had difficulty writing that part of the script; the director of the original production, Logan, assisted him and received credit as co-writer of the book. Cast: Ray Austin, John Boromeo, Ruth Lyon, Carol Crane, Roger Sprawson, Patricia McCracken, John Stephens, Patricia Lyon, Kenneth Nicholls, Victor White, Alfred Annison, Brain Whetstone, Fred Trewarne, Peter Houston, John Gow, Ian Beckwith, Gerry Gleeson, John Reed, Roy Cronin, Reginald Boromeo, Len Carr, Denis Cremen, Daryl Walker, George Steele, Barry Washington, Joan Crane, Dawn Beckwith, Annette Wilson, Emily Houston, Jill Angwin, Carole McKenzie, Greta Smyth, Rhonda Scott, Lorraine Brennan, Mary Speedy, Katherine Alexander, Bronwen Townsend, Ferd. Lorenz. Songs Include: ''Bali Hai'', ''I'm in Love with a Wonderful Guy,'' ''Younger Than Springtime,'' ''This Nearly Was Mine,'' '' Some Enchanted Evening,'' ''There is Nothing Like a Dame,'' ''I'm Gonna Wash That Man Right Out of My Hair,'' and many others.Arthur Hocking Press.clubs and associations, theatre, bendigo operatic society

A honing steel, sometimes referred to as a sharpening steel, whet steel, sharpening stick, sharpening rod, butcher's steel, and chef's steel, is a rod of steel, ceramic or diamond-coated steel used to restore keenness to dulled blade edges. They are flat, oval, or round in cross-section and up to 30 centimetres (1 ft) long. The steel and ceramic honing steels may have longitudinal ridges, whereas the diamond-coated steels are smooth but embedded with abrasive diamond particles. Non-abrasive honing rods such as smooth ceramic or ribbed steel are able to remove small amounts of metal via adhesive wear. In normal use, the rod is applied to the blade at a slightly higher angle than that of the bevel, resulting in the formation of a micro-bevel. The term "hone" is associated with light maintenance performed on a blade without the effort and precision normally associated with sharpening, so the name "hone" was borrowed. In the 1980s, ceramic abrasives became increasingly popular and proved an equal, if not superior, method for accomplishing the same daily maintenance tasks; manufacturers replaced steels with ceramic (and later, manufactured diamond abrasive) sharpening "steels" that were actually hones. Use Honing steels are used by lightly placing the near edge of the blade against the base of the steel, then sliding the blade away from yourself along the steel while moving it down – the blade moves diagonally, while the steel remains stationary. This should be done with the blade held at an angle to the steel, usually about 20°, and repeating on the opposite side at the same angle. This is repeated five to ten times per side. Steeling It is often recommended that steeling be performed immediately before or after using a knife and can be done daily. By contrast, knives are generally sharpened much less frequently. A traditional smooth honing steel is of no use if the edge is blunt, because it removes no material; instead it fixes deformations along the edge of a sharp blade, technically known as burnishing. There has long been speculation about the efficacy of steeling (re-aligning the edge) vs honing (removing minor deformation with abrasives); studies tend to favour abrasives for daily maintenance, especially in high-carbide-volume "stainless" steels (such as the popular CPM S30V steel, which tends to "tear out" when steeled rather than re-forming an edge.) Small honing steel for outdoor activities Usage trends Steels have traditionally been used in the West, especially in heavy-use scenarios (e.g. butchering, where the edge deforms due to forceful contact with bone). These scenarios also lead Western trends toward blades tempered to a lower level of hardness (and thus lower brittleness). In East Asia, notably Japan, harder knives are preferred, so there is little need for steeling intra-day, as the edge does not deform as much. Instead, the blade is honed as needed on a waterstone. While tradition has kept the practice of steeling alive in Western kitchens, the majority of honing steels sold are abrasive rather than smooth, and knives are harder and more frequently made of stainless steel, which does not respond to traditional steeling techniques as well as high-carbon/low alloy tool steels.The sharpening steel is essential to maintain the sharpness of carving and other knives.Steel knife sharpener with bone handle. Part of a carving set.None.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, sharpening steel, carving set, kitchen equipment

The book was used by Charles Bacon who studied at the University of Nevada in the late 1930s/early 1940s. Bacon worked at Bunker Hill Mines and Kellogg Idaho, before arriving in Australian in 1951. He worked for CN Myers, a company involved with paper converting. CN Myers was a family business (on Charles Bacon's maternal line). The Mackay School of Mines, Nevada was established in 1908. At the time of writing this mook T.J. Hoover was Professor of Mining and Metallurgy and Dean of the School of Engineering at Stanford University. Theodore Jesse Hoover, brother of the 31st President of the United States, was born in West Branch, Iowa, on January 28, 1871. He attended Stanford and received the Bachelor of Arts degree in Geology and Mining in 1901. Following graduation his professional career started with the position of assayer for the Keystone Consolidated Mining Company. After one year, he became assistant manager for the Standard Consolidated Mine, and a year later he was promoted to manager of the operation. In 1907 Hoover went to London as general manager of Minerals Separation, Ltd. This company was developing the froth flotation process for recovering minerals from ores. Hoover took an active part in the development of the flotation concentration process and authored one of the first books on the concentration of ores by flotation. After four years with Minerals Separation, Ltd., Hoover entered private practice as a consulting mining and metallurgical engineer with offices in London and in San Francisco. He was very successful and held positions of consulting engineer, managing director, director, and president of many mining companies in America, Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia. He returned to Stanford in 1919 as Professor of Mining and Metallurgy and Executive Head of the Department of Mining and Metallurgy. His experience and ability in organization made him a natural leader. He was influential in the formation of the School of Engineering at Stanford. The School was formed in 1925 and he was made dean, a position he held until his retirement in 1936. As dean of engineering, he promoted a broad fundamental training program for undergraduate engineering students. Under his guidance, emphasis was placed upon graduate work and he was responsible for developing strong graduate engineering curricula at Stanford. While dean he continued teaching and his course, "The Economics of Mining," developed into a book which was published in 1933. He became interested in the functions of engineers and, with Professor Fish, wrote a book entitled "The Engineering Profession" which was published in 1940 and revised in 1950. In addition to his academic activities he was generous in his hospitality. Faculty and students alike enjoyed the annual field day and barbecue at his Rancho del Oso, near Santa Cruz. He was widely read and had a lively interest in all the things he encountered. He speculated on the antiquity of man and man's early production processes. To verify an idea regarding flint tools, he studied their shapes and became proficient in making arrow heads. He was also interested in wild life, and was one of the founding members of the Cooper Ornithological Society. (http://engineering.stanford.edu/about/bio-hoover) Blue hard covered book of 547 pages including an index. Contents include mine valuation (sampling, ore deposits, ore reserves, financial provisions, sale of mineral product, metal prices, reports) and Mining Organization (Co-operative effort, Mining Companies, Promoting Mining Enterprises, fluctuations of share prices, valuation of mining shares, fakes and fallacies, the mining Engineer and the law) and Mine Management (Organization of staff, mine manager, efficiency, industrial relations, training and discipline, safety). Inside front cover 'Charles Bacon Mackay School of Mines"charles bacon, mining engineering, metallurgy, university of nevada, mackay school of mines, stanford, bacon, mining, economics, divining, theodore hoover

Rev Dr Djiniyini Gondarra OAM, was born in Milingimbi, eastern Arnhemland in 1945. He was educated at Milingimbi Mission School and pursued his theological education as a youth leader and Sunday School teacher through the Methodist Church, before attending college in Brisbane. In 1969 he trained as a Minister in Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands under the Uniting Church, before returning to Arnhemland to minister his own people at the Galiwin’ku parish, firstly as a lay pastor (1971-1972) and then as a Minister from 1976-1982. In 1983-84, Rev Djiniyini worked as a Lecturer in Theology at Nungalinya College, Darwin. He was honoured with a Diploma of Theology (Honorary) from there in 1984, and in 1991 received a Cultural Doctorate in Literature (Honorary) from the World University, Roundtable, Arizona USA. Rev Djiniyini was awarded the Order of Australia Medal (OAM) in 1995. As well as being the Chairman of ALPA since 1993, Rev Djiniyini is currently the Director of Duduy’ngu Pty Ltd, which provides consultancy and cross-cultural services. He is also Director of Yirrkala Business Enterprises. Over the years, Rev Djiniyini has served on many committees and councils including: Member of the Steering Committee of the Australian Indigenous Cultural Network (1998-2001), CEO of Aboriginal Resource and Development Services Inc (1998-2001), CEO of the Northern Regional Council of the Uniting Aboriginal and Islander Christian Congress (1998-2001), Director of Reconciliation Australia Limited (2000-2001), Member of Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation (1998-2000), Chairman of Uniting Aboriginal and Islander Christian Congress (1995-2000 & 1990-1993), Member of Central Committee of the World Council of Churches (1991-1994), Moderator of Northern Synod, Uniting Church in Australia (1985-1987), Secretary of newly formed Aboriginal Presbytery, Northern Synod, Uniting Church in Australia (1985), and Vice-President of Uniting Aboriginal and Islander Christian Congress Uniting Church in Australia (1983-1987). Rev Dr Djiniyini Gondarra OAM has also been extensively published, and his works include: • Information Papers (co authored), Aboriginal Resource and Development Services: • Confusion Between Cultures (1998) • MHead & Shoulders of Djiniyini Gondarra facing right of picture."Rev. Djiniyini Gondarra 1986. Moderator Northern Synod and Vice President of Uniting Aboriginal and Islander Christian Conference."gondarra, djiniyini, uaicc, northern synod uca

This depiction of Major George Devine Treloar (1884-1980) by artist Lis Johnson was commissioned by the George Devine Treloar Memorial Committee an initiative of Merimna Kynon of Oceania, Central Portian Pontion Association of Melbourne and Victoria Pontiaki Estiaâ and the City of Ballarat. Treloar was appointed as the League of Nations Commissioner for Refugees in Greece in 1922 where he worked to provide food, aid and comfort to what would eventually total over 100,000 refugees from the collapsing Ottoman Empire. This memorial grew from the desire of the descendants of refugees to honour his memory and his humanitarian work. Bronze statue of George Treloar and a child on granite plinthFront: Major George Devine Treloar (Born Ballarat 1884 - Died Dalkeith 1980) Artist: Lis Johnson Commissioned by the George Devine Treloar Memorial Committee an initiative of Merimna Kynon of Oceania, Central Portian Pontion Association of Melbourne and Victoria ‘Pontiaki Estia’ and the City of Ballarat. Unveiled by Ballarat Mayor Councillor Samantha McIntosh on 8 September 2019 His glory lies not in the earth, but in the hearts of men (After Thucydides, 460-395 BCE) Back: Ballarat’s George Devine Treloar – Soldier and Refugee Helper Born in 1884, George Devine Treloar the son of Jane and Thomas Treloar, grew up in Ballarat attending St Patrick’s College. Treloar began his military career by joining the British Army during WWI and transferred to the elite Coldstream Guards where his bravery earnt him the Distinguished Service Order and Military Cross. Treloar was appointed as the League of Nations Commissioner for Refugees in Greece in 1922 where he worked tirelessly – with his wife and family – to provide food, aid and comfort to what would eventually total over 100,000 refugees from the collapsing Ottoman Empire. Based in the town of Komotini and then Thessaloniki, he created new villages to accommodate refugees. For his efforts Treloar would earn the praises of those he had helped. One of the new towns he had helped create was named in his honor – Thrylorion. He was awarded the Greek Gold Cross of the Order of the Redeemer in 1923. This memorial grew from the desire of the descendants of refugees assisted by Major George Devine Treloar in Greece to honor his memory. Without his help their ancestors would not have survived, making their way from across the former Ottoman Empire, from Pontus and Asia Minor to Australia. Here in the town of his birth stands his memorial, dedicated to his memory and good works, created by the people of Ballarat and the descendants of the refugees he saved.treloar, george devine, refugee, asia minor

This rug was a gift and gesture of friendship from the local Muslim community to the City of Greater Bendigo. It was presented to Mayor, Cr Rod Fyffe on behalf of the people of Bendigo at a 2016 'Thank You Bendigo' dinner. In 2014 approval for a planning application from the Bendigo Islamic Association to build a community centre and mosque in East Bendigo prompted a series of public protests that captured widespread media attention. During this tumultuous period the Council identified the need for a community-wide plan to promote diversity and help address potentially divisive cultural issues. These events led to the COGB becoming the first local government area (LGA) formally accredited under Australia’s Welcoming Cities Standard. Community leaders emerged who wanted to show that the anti-mosque protesters did not reflect the views of the majority of Bendigo residents. The community lead ‘Believe in Bendigo’ movement gained momentum, and the Council and other local organisations joined forces to present a unified message that Bendigo residents do not tolerate racism. Muslims have made Central Victoria their home since the Goldrush, contributing to the community and the economy for the past 120 years. Traditional Islamic rugs, especially their patterns and motifs are intrinsically linked with the design of the Bendigo Mosque and Bendigo Islamic Community Centre providing important points of reference for the architects of the project. Typically, mosques are linked with specific cultural groups but not in the case of Bendigo where the Muslim community is made up of multi-ethnic groups. This meant the building's design was not fixed to a specific style or cultural iconography but instead needed to encompass many. The small local Muslim community selected a specific Australian architect because of their interest and knowledge of Islamic design and iconography gained through family collection of Islamic textiles. In thinking about the design of the mosque and community centre the architects wanted to acknowledge the role of Afghans in Australian history, especially tribal Afghans who helped build connections across the interior of Australia between First Nations communities, European settlers and Central Asian migrants. The gift of this Turkmen rugto the Bendigo community thus symbolises collaborative partnerships across faith and cultural groups based on friendship and mutual benefit. A Turkman rug was specifically chosen as it is the pinnacle of nomadic arts of the Islamic world. It was also important to the architects and the local Muslim community that the gift was a female artistic product as it was mainly a female Muslim architecture team that designed the mosque in Bendigo and there was a desire to select something that celebrated female artistry. This hand-woven rug is an engsi, made for a woman in preparation for marriage. Design work and weaving is a shared experience, between many generations of women and each rug hold the personal story of the woman it is made for and her family and thus holds deep symbolic meaning. There are often songs and poetry that are recited as the rug is made – helping the makers to memorisze the mathematical structure of the design. An engsi is put on the doorway to a yurt as part of a wedding ceremony. During the ceremony the groom turns the engsii upside down to check the quality of the rug makers weaving skills. The nomadic lifestyle of Yomut Turkman tribes determines the size of the rug as the loom can’t be carried. Its size is also restricted by the dimensions of the doorway of the yurt. This rug is dated as c 1880 because of the types of patterns used, the use of natural dyes (synthetic dyes were introduced to the area in 1890s) and with the smoother weaving on the back indicating the quality of craftsmanship dating to this time period. The Yomut engsi rug was made in Turkmenistan c1880 by Yomut Turkmen Tribes people and is designed to fit over the doorway of a yurt during a wedding ceremony. The main field motif is related to Turkoman jewelery design. The women and girls of the tribe spin the wool and design and weave the rugs. The men shear the sheep, dye the wool and clip the rug after it has been woven. The word “Turkoman” is thought to have been derived from Turk-iman, meaning the first nomadic Turkic tribes that began to follow Islam. Dyes used are natural including orange from madder root. bendigo mosque, bendigo islamic association, city of greater bendigo community partnerships, city of greater bendigo community groups

The chair has been used since antiquity, although for many centuries it was a symbolic article of state and dignity rather than an article for ordinary use. "The chair" is still used as the emblem of authority in the House of Commons in the United Kingdom and Canada, and in many other settings. In keeping with this historical connotation of the "chair" as the symbol of authority, committees, boards of directors, and academic departments all have a 'chairman' or 'chair'. Endowed professorships are referred to as chairs. It was not until the 16th century that chairs became common. Until then, people sat on chests, benches, and stools, which were the ordinary seats of everyday life. The number of chairs which have survived from an earlier date is exceedingly limited; most examples are of ecclesiastical, seigneurial or feudal origin. Chairs were in existence since at least the Early Dynastic Period of Egypt (c. 3100 BC). They were covered with cloth or leather, were made of carved wood, and were much lower than today's chairs – chair seats were sometimes only 10 inches (25 cm) high. In ancient Egypt, chairs appear to have been of great richness and splendour. Fashioned of ebony and ivory, or of carved and gilded wood, they were covered with costly materials, magnificent patterns and supported upon representations of the legs of beasts or the figures of captives. Generally speaking, the higher ranked an individual was, the taller and more sumptuous was the chair he sat on and the greater the honour. On state occasions, the pharaoh sat on a throne, often with a little footstool in front of it.[ The average Egyptian family seldom had chairs, and if they did, it was usually only the master of the household who sat on a chair. Among the better off, the chairs might be painted to look like the ornate inlaid and carved chairs of the rich, but the craftsmanship was usually poor. The earliest images of chairs in China are from 6th-century Buddhist murals and stele, but the practice of sitting in chairs at that time was rare. It was not until the 12th century that chairs became widespread in China. Scholars disagree on the reasons for the adoption of the chair. The most common theories are that the chair was an outgrowth of indigenous Chinese furniture, that it evolved from a camp stool imported from Central Asia, that it was introduced to China by Christian missionaries in the 7th century, and that the chair came to China from India as a form of Buddhist monastic furniture. In modern China, unlike Korea or Japan, it is no longer common to sit at floor level. In Europe, it was owing in great measure to the Renaissance that the chair ceased to be a privilege of state and became a standard item of furniture for anyone who could afford to buy it. Once the idea of privilege faded the chair speedily came into general use. Almost at once the chair began to change every few years to reflect the fashions of the day. Thomas Edward Bowdich visited the main Palace of the Ashanti Empire in 1819, and observed chairs engrossed with gold in the empire. In the 1880s, chairs became more common in American households and usually there was a chair provided for every family member to sit down to dinner. By the 1830s, factory-manufactured “fancy chairs” like those by Sears, Roebuck, and Co. allowed families to purchase machined sets. With the Industrial Revolution, chairs became much more available. The 20th century saw an increasing use of technology in chair construction with such things as all-metal folding chairs, metal-legged chairs, the Slumber Chair,[ moulded plastic chairs and ergonomic chairs. The recliner became a popular form, at least in part due to radio and television. The modern movement of the 1960s produced new forms of chairs: the butterfly chair (originally called the Hardoy chair), bean bags, and the egg-shaped pod chair that turns. It also introduced the first mass-produced plastic chairs such as the Bofinger chair in 1966. Technological advances led to moulded plywood and wood laminate chairs, as well as chairs made of leather or polymers. Mechanical technology incorporated into the chair enabled adjustable chairs, especially for office use. Motors embedded in the chair resulted in massage chairs. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ChairThe chair is one of the most commonly used items providing comfort.Chair wooden varnished dark brown. Spokes for back support, front legs and spokes joining legs are patterned turned wood. Back rest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.Back rest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, chair, dining, carpentry

The chair has been used since antiquity, although for many centuries it was a symbolic article of state and dignity rather than an article for ordinary use. "The chair" is still used as the emblem of authority in the House of Commons in the United Kingdom and Canada, and in many other settings. In keeping with this historical connotation of the "chair" as the symbol of authority, committees, boards of directors, and academic departments all have a 'chairman' or 'chair'. Endowed professorships are referred to as chairs. It was not until the 16th century that chairs became common. Until then, people sat on chests, benches, and stools, which were the ordinary seats of everyday life. The number of chairs which have survived from an earlier date is exceedingly limited; most examples are of ecclesiastical, seigneurial or feudal origin. Chairs were in existence since at least the Early Dynastic Period of Egypt (c. 3100 BC). They were covered with cloth or leather, were made of carved wood, and were much lower than today's chairs – chair seats were sometimes only 10 inches (25 cm) high. In ancient Egypt, chairs appear to have been of great richness and splendour. Fashioned of ebony and ivory, or of carved and gilded wood, they were covered with costly materials, magnificent patterns and supported upon representations of the legs of beasts or the figures of captives. Generally speaking, the higher ranked an individual was, the taller and more sumptuous was the chair he sat on and the greater the honour. On state occasions, the pharaoh sat on a throne, often with a little footstool in front of it.[ The average Egyptian family seldom had chairs, and if they did, it was usually only the master of the household who sat on a chair. Among the better off, the chairs might be painted to look like the ornate inlaid and carved chairs of the rich, but the craftsmanship was usually poor. The earliest images of chairs in China are from 6th-century Buddhist murals and stele, but the practice of sitting in chairs at that time was rare. It was not until the 12th century that chairs became widespread in China. Scholars disagree on the reasons for the adoption of the chair. The most common theories are that the chair was an outgrowth of indigenous Chinese furniture, that it evolved from a camp stool imported from Central Asia, that it was introduced to China by Christian missionaries in the 7th century, and that the chair came to China from India as a form of Buddhist monastic furniture. In modern China, unlike Korea or Japan, it is no longer common to sit at floor level. In Europe, it was owing in great measure to the Renaissance that the chair ceased to be a privilege of state and became a standard item of furniture for anyone who could afford to buy it. Once the idea of privilege faded the chair speedily came into general use. Almost at once the chair began to change every few years to reflect the fashions of the day. Thomas Edward Bowdich visited the main Palace of the Ashanti Empire in 1819, and observed chairs engrossed with gold in the empire. In the 1880s, chairs became more common in American households and usually there was a chair provided for every family member to sit down to dinner. By the 1830s, factory-manufactured “fancy chairs” like those by Sears, Roebuck, and Co. allowed families to purchase machined sets. With the Industrial Revolution, chairs became much more available. The 20th century saw an increasing use of technology in chair construction with such things as all-metal folding chairs, metal-legged chairs, the Slumber Chair,[ moulded plastic chairs and ergonomic chairs. The recliner became a popular form, at least in part due to radio and television. The modern movement of the 1960s produced new forms of chairs: the butterfly chair (originally called the Hardoy chair), bean bags, and the egg-shaped pod chair that turns. It also introduced the first mass-produced plastic chairs such as the Bofinger chair in 1966. Technological advances led to moulded plywood and wood laminate chairs, as well as chairs made of leather or polymers. Mechanical technology incorporated into the chair enabled adjustable chairs, especially for office use. Motors embedded in the chair resulted in massage chairs. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ChairThe chair is one of the most commonly used items providing comfort.Chair wooden varnished dark brown. Spokes for back support, front legs and spokes joining legs are patterned turned' wood. Backrest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.Back rest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, chair, dining, carpentry

The chair has been used since antiquity, although for many centuries it was a symbolic article of state and dignity rather than an article for ordinary use. "The chair" is still used as the emblem of authority in the House of Commons in the United Kingdom and Canada, and in many other settings. In keeping with this historical connotation of the "chair" as the symbol of authority, committees, boards of directors, and academic departments all have a 'chairman' or 'chair'. Endowed professorships are referred to as chairs. It was not until the 16th century that chairs became common. Until then, people sat on chests, benches, and stools, which were the ordinary seats of everyday life. The number of chairs which have survived from an earlier date is exceedingly limited; most examples are of ecclesiastical, seigneurial or feudal origin. Chairs were in existence since at least the Early Dynastic Period of Egypt (c. 3100 BC). They were covered with cloth or leather, were made of carved wood, and were much lower than today's chairs – chair seats were sometimes only 10 inches (25 cm) high. In ancient Egypt, chairs appear to have been of great richness and splendour. Fashioned of ebony and ivory, or of carved and gilded wood, they were covered with costly materials, magnificent patterns and supported upon representations of the legs of beasts or the figures of captives. Generally speaking, the higher ranked an individual was, the taller and more sumptuous was the chair he sat on and the greater the honour. On state occasions, the pharaoh sat on a throne, often with a little footstool in front of it.[ The average Egyptian family seldom had chairs, and if they did, it was usually only the master of the household who sat on a chair. Among the better off, the chairs might be painted to look like the ornate inlaid and carved chairs of the rich, but the craftsmanship was usually poor. The earliest images of chairs in China are from 6th-century Buddhist murals and stele, but the practice of sitting in chairs at that time was rare. It was not until the 12th century that chairs became widespread in China. Scholars disagree on the reasons for the adoption of the chair. The most common theories are that the chair was an outgrowth of indigenous Chinese furniture, that it evolved from a camp stool imported from Central Asia, that it was introduced to China by Christian missionaries in the 7th century, and that the chair came to China from India as a form of Buddhist monastic furniture. In modern China, unlike Korea or Japan, it is no longer common to sit at floor level. In Europe, it was owing in great measure to the Renaissance that the chair ceased to be a privilege of state and became a standard item of furniture for anyone who could afford to buy it. Once the idea of privilege faded the chair speedily came into general use. Almost at once the chair began to change every few years to reflect the fashions of the day. Thomas Edward Bowdich visited the main Palace of the Ashanti Empire in 1819, and observed chairs engrossed with gold in the empire. In the 1880s, chairs became more common in American households and usually there was a chair provided for every family member to sit down to dinner. By the 1830s, factory-manufactured “fancy chairs” like those by Sears, Roebuck, and Co. allowed families to purchase machined sets. With the Industrial Revolution, chairs became much more available. The 20th century saw an increasing use of technology in chair construction with such things as all-metal folding chairs, metal-legged chairs, the Slumber Chair,[ moulded plastic chairs and ergonomic chairs. The recliner became a popular form, at least in part due to radio and television. The modern movement of the 1960s produced new forms of chairs: the butterfly chair (originally called the Hardoy chair), bean bags, and the egg-shaped pod chair that turns. It also introduced the first mass-produced plastic chairs such as the Bofinger chair in 1966. Technological advances led to moulded plywood and wood laminate chairs, as well as chairs made of leather or polymers. Mechanical technology incorporated into the chair enabled adjustable chairs, especially for office use. Motors embedded in the chair resulted in massage chairs. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ChairThe chair is one of the most commonly used items providing comfort.Chair varnished dark brown. Spokes for back support, front legs and spokes joining legs are patterned turned wood. Back rest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.Back rest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, chair, dining, carpentry

Shepherding is among the oldest occupations, beginning some 5,000 years ago in Asia Minor. Sheep were kept for their milk, meat and especially their wool. Over the next thousand years, sheep and shepherding spread throughout Eurasia. Henri Fleisch tentatively suggested the Shepherd Neolithic industry of Lebanon may date to the Epipaleolithic and that it may have been used by one of the first cultures of nomadic shepherds in the Beqaa Valley. Some sheep were integrated in the family farm along with other animals such as chickens and pigs. To maintain a large flock, the sheep must be able to move from pasture to another pasture. This required the development of an occupation separate from that of the farmer. The duty of shepherds was to keep their flock intact, protect it from predators and guide it to market areas in time for shearing. In ancient times, shepherds also commonly milked their sheep, and made cheese from this milk; few shepherds still do this today. In many societies, shepherds were an important part of the economy. Unlike farmers, shepherds were often wage earners, being paid to watch the sheep of others. Shepherds also lived apart from society, being largely nomadic. It was mainly a job of solitary males without children, and new shepherds thus needed to be recruited externally. Shepherds were most often the younger sons of farming peasants who did not inherit any land. In other societies, each family would have a family member to shepherd its flock, often a child, youth or an elder who couldn't help much with harder work; these shepherds were fully integrated in society. Shepherds would normally work in groups either looking after one large flock, or each bringing their own and merging their responsibilities. They would live in small cabins, often shared with their sheep, and would buy food from local communities. Less often shepherds lived in covered wagons that travelled with their flocks. Shepherding developed only in certain areas. In the lowlands and river valleys, it was far more efficient to grow grain and cereals than to allow sheep to graze, thus the raising of sheep was confined to rugged and mountainous areas. In pre-modern times shepherding was thus centred on regions such as the Middle East, Greece, the Pyrenees, the Carpathian Mountains, Scotland and Northern England. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shepherd The Shetland Sheepdog, often known as the Sheltie, is a breed of herding dog that originated in the Shetland Islands of Scotland. The original name was Shetland Collie, but this caused controversy amongst Rough Collie breeders of the time, so the breed's name was formally changed. This diligent small dog is clever, vocal, excitable and willing to please. They are incredibly trustworthy to their owners to the point where they are often referred to as "shadows" due to their attachment to family. This breed was formally recognized by The Kennel Club (UK) in 1909. Like the Shetland pony, Shetland cattle and the Shetland sheep, the Shetland Sheepdog is a hardy but diminutive breed developed to thrive amidst the harsh and meagre conditions of its native islands. While the Sheltie still excels at herding, today it is often raised as a working dog and/or family pet. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shetland_Sheepdog The Rough Collie (also known as the Long-Haired Collie) is a long-coated dog breed of medium to large size that, in its original form, was a type of collie used and bred for herding sheep in Scotland. More recent breeding has focused on the Collie as a show dog, and also companion. The breed specifications call for a distinctive long narrow tapered snout and tipped (semiprick) ears, so some dogs have their ears taped when young. Rough Collies generally come in shades of sable and white (sometimes mahogany), blue merle, tri-coloured, and colour-headed white. There is a smooth-coated variety known as a Smooth Collie; some breed organisations, including both the American and Canadian Kennel Clubs, consider smooth-coat and rough-coat collies to be variations of the same breed. Rough Collies closely resemble the smaller Shetland Sheepdogs or "Shelties", but the two breeds do not have an exclusive linear relationship. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rough_Collie This picture shows a typical Scottish scene with a shepherd in kilt and his two sheepdogs.Picture, print of old Scotsman sitting on a stone slab with his dogs nearby. Framed, glass covered colour print. Marked "A SHEPHERD AND HIS FRIENDS", "1897" , "Drummonds" (on picture). Marked "A SHEPHERD AND HIS FRIENDS", "1897" , "Drummonds" (on picture). flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, print, picture, wall decoration, shepherd and dogs, a shepherd and his friends, shetland sheep dog, rough collie

Bill Cahill in conversation at Victoria Hall Melton South July 1974 Chaff Mills Melton’s hey day, as I call it in the days when more hay was grown in Melton and Rockbank than, I’d say in any where in Victoria. We had two chaff mills. If I can remember rightly I’m sure of this, that in one month the amount of hay and chaff that went from Melton to Melbourne was about 1800 tons, that’s hay and chaff. There was a lot of hay went from the Melton Railway Station. I have often seen whole train load going down the Schutt and Barrie, that’s Bonnie’s father’s mill at West Footscray. The mills in those days employed up to from 18- 20 men in each, that was before electricity when the mills were run on steam then, there was no power. At times those chaff mills they got a lot of shipping orders, to the Philipines and other Asian countries. They’d work shifts at night on the second shift at night time they would have an old hurricane lamp hanging above from the ceiling just over the chaff cutter, you could hardly see yourself, or see the anything. Well they worked through the whole night they might have an order come in for perhaps 100tons up 500 tons of chaff to go a boat would be in and be waiting to be loaded in Melbourne and they’d have to go and work two shifts. Then they brought in casual labour to help them through and get the order cut and get it down by rail to ship board to send it away. Talking about the hay I’ve seen wagons of hay in the farmers carting to both mills and also hay going down to West Footscray. There would be a quarter of a mile without exaggeration wagons and teams would be waiting to get into the mill, they would come down at the weighbridge at about 3-4- o’clock, 2 o’clock waiting for the bridge to open to weigh their loads, the ones that would be running late would be there at the weighbridge about half past 7 - 8 o’clock. They would be lucky to get away by night before getting their load off. A funny episode I remember well was a farmer from up, Alan Hurley you would remember him, Sam McCorkell he would put on his load in the afternoon or evening leave it up the yard, and would leave Toolern Vale about 12 or 1 o’clock in the morning and he would get down to the weighbridge and when it was breaking day he would bring half of his fowl yard down with him. The fowls would hop up on top of the load and have a ride down and when it came daylight they’d hop off and away they’d go, and I suppose everybody had some of McCorkells poultry. [laughter from the audience] That always tickled my fancy and everybody would be laughing about the fowls getting off his load of hay. I reckon that was about one of the funniest things I’ve ever heard of. The Victoria Hall, where we are tonight was originally known as the Exford Hall. I believe Bonnie’s father was the original builder and owner of the chaff mills here round the corner which is known as Wards today. Later on I understand that his father had a chaff mill here were this hall is, then Dixon Bros were just a bit on the other side. I believe Bonnie’s father sold it to Dixon Bros, and they shifted this part of the mill here and took it over and joined it up. That’s the history of the early chaff mills. Is that right Bonnie? You might like to correct, I’m about right am I? Bonnie answers yes. The original audio tape was recorded on the reel to reel tape recorder by Bon Barrie using his own tape recorder. Transferred to CD by Tom Wood using computer technology capable of adjusting the recording to a legible speed for reproduction to compact disk. Bill Cahill article featured in the The Mail Expresslocal identities

We don?t leave our identities at the city limits: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people living in urban localities Bronwyn Fredericks Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who live in cities and towns are often thought of as ?less Indigenous? than those who live ?in the bush?, as though they are ?fake? Aboriginal people ? while ?real? Aboriginal people live ?on communities? and ?real? Torres Strait Islander people live ?on islands?. Yet more than 70 percent of Australia?s Indigenous peoples live in urban locations (ABS 2007), and urban living is just as much part of a reality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as living in remote discrete communities. This paper examines the contradictions and struggles that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people experience when living in urban environments. It looks at the symbols of place and space on display in the Australian cities of Melbourne and Brisbane to demonstrate how prevailing social, political and economic values are displayed. Symbols of place and space are never neutral, and this paper argues that they can either marginalise and oppress urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, or demonstrate that they are included and engaged. Juggling with pronouns: Racist discourse in spoken interaction on the radio Di Roy While the discourse of deficit with regard to Australian Indigenous health and wellbeing has been well documented in print media and through images on film and on television, radio talk concerning this discourse remains underresearched. This paper interrogates the power of an interactive news interview, aired on the Radio National Breakfast program on ABC Radio in 2011, to maintain and reproduce the discourse of deficit, despite the best intentions of the interview participants. Using a conversation-analytical approach, and membership categorisation analysis in particular, this paper interrogates the spoken interaction between a well-known radio interviewer and a respected medical researcher into Indigenous eye health. It demonstrates the recreation of a discourse emanating from longstanding hegemonies between mainstream and Indigenous Australians. Analysis of firstperson pronoun use shows the ongoing negotiation of social category boundaries and construction of moral identities through ascriptions to category members, upon which the intelligibility of the interview for the listening audience depended. The findings from analysis support claims in a considerable body of whiteness studies literature, the main themes of which include the pervasiveness of a racist discourse in Australian media and society, the power of invisible assumptions, and the importance of naming and exposing them. Changes in Pitjantjatjara mourning and burial practices Bill Edwards, University of South Australia This paper is based on observations over a period of more than five decades of changes in Pitjantjatjara burial practices from traditional practices to the introduction of Christian services and cemeteries. Missions have been criticised for enforcing such changes. However, in this instance, the changes were implemented by the Aboriginal people themselves. Following brief outlines of Pitjantjatjara traditional life, including burial practices, and of the establishment of Ernabella Mission in 1937 and its policy of respect for Pitjantjatjara cultural practices and language, the history of these changes which commenced in 1973 are recorded. Previously, deceased bodies were interred according to traditional rites. However, as these practices were increasingly at odds with some of the features of contemporary social, economic and political life, two men who had lost close family members initiated church funeral services and established a cemetery. These practices soon spread to most Pitjantjatjara communities in a manner which illustrates the model of change outlined by Everett Rogers (1962) in Diffusion of Innovations. Reference is made to four more recent funerals to show how these events have been elaborated and have become major social occasions. The world from Malarrak: Depictions of South-east Asian and European subjects in rock art from the Wellington Range, Australia Sally K May, Paul SC Ta�on, Alistair Paterson, Meg Travers This paper investigates contact histories in northern Australia through an analysis of recent rock paintings. Around Australia Aboriginal artists have produced a unique record of their experiences of contact since the earliest encounters with South-east Asian and, later, European visitors and settlers. This rock art archive provides irreplaceable contemporary accounts of Aboriginal attitudes towards, and engagement with, foreigners on their shores. Since 2008 our team has been working to document contact period rock art in north-western and western Arnhem Land. This paper focuses on findings from a site complex known as Malarrak. It includes the most thorough analysis of contact rock art yet undertaken in this area and questions previous interpretations of subject matter and the relationship of particular paintings to historic events. Contact period rock art from Malarrak presents us with an illustrated history of international relationships in this isolated part of the world. It not only reflects the material changes brought about by outside cultural groups but also highlights the active role Aboriginal communities took in responding to these circumstances. Addressing the Arrernte: FJ Gillen?s 1896 Engwura speech Jason Gibson, Australian National University This paper analyses a speech delivered by Francis James Gillen during the opening stages of what is now regarded as one of the most significant ethnographic recording events in Australian history. Gillen?s ?speech? at the 1896 Engwura festival provides a unique insight into the complex personal relationships that early anthropologists had with Aboriginal people. This recently unearthed text, recorded by Walter Baldwin Spencer in his field notebook, demonstrates how Gillen and Spencer sought to establish the parameters of their anthropological enquiry in ways that involved both Arrernte agency and kinship while at the same time invoking the hierarchies of colonial anthropology in Australia. By examining the content of the speech, as it was written down by Spencer, we are also able to reassesses the importance of Gillen to the ethnographic ambitions of the Spencer/Gillen collaboration. The incorporation of fundamental Arrernte concepts and the use of Arrernte words to convey the purpose of their 1896 fieldwork suggest a degree of Arrernte involvement and consent not revealed before. The paper concludes with a discussion of the outcomes of the Engwura festival and the subsequent publication of The Native Tribes of Central Australia within the context of a broader set of relationships that helped to define the emergent field of Australian anthropology at the close of the nineteenth century. One size doesn?t fit all: Experiences of family members of Indigenous gamblers Louise Holdsworth, Helen Breen, Nerilee Hing and Ashley Gordon Centre for Gambling Education and Research, Southern Cross University This study explores help-seeking and help-provision by family members of Indigenous people experiencing gambling problems, a topic that previously has been ignored. Data are analysed from face-to-face interviews with 11 family members of Indigenous Australians who gamble regularly. The results confirm that substantial barriers are faced by Indigenous Australians in accessing formal help services and programs, whether for themselves or a loved one. Informal help from family and friends appears more common. In this study, this informal help includes emotional care, practical support and various forms of ?tough love?. However, these measures are mostly in vain. Participants emphasise that ?one size doesn?t fit all? when it comes to avenues of gambling help for Indigenous peoples. Efforts are needed to identify how Indigenous families and extended families can best provide social and practical support to assist their loved ones to acknowledge and address gambling problems. Western Australia?s Aboriginal heritage regime: Critiques of culture, ethnography, procedure and political economy Nicholas Herriman, La Trobe University Western Australia?s Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972 (WA) and the de facto arrangements that have arisen from it constitute a large part of the Aboriginal ?heritage regime? in that state. Although designed ostensibly to protect Aboriginal heritage, the heritage regime has been subjected to various scholarly critiques. Indeed, there is a widespread perception of a need to reform the Act. But on what basis could this proceed? Here I offer an analysis of these critiques, grouped according to their focus on political economy, procedure, ethnography and culture. I outline problems surrounding the first three criticisms and then discuss two versions of the cultural critique. I argue that an extreme version of this criticism is weak and inconsistent with the other three critiques. I conclude that there is room for optimism by pointing to ways in which the heritage regime could provide more beneficial outcomes for Aboriginal people. Read With Me Everyday: Community engagement and English literacy outcomes at Erambie Mission (research report) Lawrence Bamblett Since 2009 Lawrie Bamblett has been working with his community at Erambie Mission on a literacy project called Read With Me. The programs - three have been carried out over the past four years - encourage parents to actively engage with their children?s learning through reading workshops, social media, and the writing and publication of their own stories. Lawrie attributes much of the project?s extraordinary success to the intrinsic character of the Erambie community, not least of which is their communal approach to living and sense of shared responsibility. The forgotten Yuendumu Men?s Museum murals: Shedding new light on the progenitors of the Western Desert Art Movement (research report) Bethune Carmichael and Apolline Kohen In the history of the Western Desert Art Movement, the Papunya School murals are widely acclaimed as the movement?s progenitors. However, in another community, Yuendumu, some 150 kilometres from Papunya, a seminal museum project took place prior to the completion of the Papunya School murals and the production of the first Papunya boards. The Warlpiri men at Yuendumu undertook a ground-breaking project between 1969 and 1971 to build a men?s museum that would not only house ceremonial and traditional artefacts but would also be adorned with murals depicting the Dreamings of each of the Warlpiri groups that had recently settled at Yuendumu. While the murals at Papunya are lost, those at Yuendumu have, against all odds, survived. Having been all but forgotten, this unprecedented cultural and artistic endeavour is only now being fully appreciated. Through the story of the genesis and construction of the Yuendumu Men?s Museum and its extensive murals, this paper demonstrates that the Yuendumu murals significantly contributed to the early development of the Western Desert Art Movement. It is time to acknowledge the role of Warlpiri artists in the history of the movement.b&w photographs, colour photographsracism, media, radio, pitjantjatjara, malarrak, wellington range, rock art, arrernte, fj gillen, engwura, indigenous gambling, ethnography, literacy, erambie mission, yuendumu mens museum, western desert art movement

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

TBATBATwo boxes, paper. 1. Anti-Hanging Committee - regarding hanging. 1962. 2. Ballarat Banking Co. Ltd. Chairman's address and 145th report. August 1954. 3. Country Municipal Association circular regarding conference on centralisation, Ballarat. 22 November 1916. 4. Geelong Town Band's weekly performance programme. n.d. 5. Ironmasters' Association of Victoria rules and regulations agreed upon at the General Iron Trades' Conference, Melbourne. 1891. 6. Melbourne Eight Hours Anniversary programme. 1901. 7. Museum of Applied Science of Victoria, on gas from our brown coal. n.d. 8. New Australian Trade Unionist Committee regarding rally to protect shooting of Polish workers. 195-? 9. Circular from Ballarat Trades and Labour Council to Ironmoulders' Society regarding the Congress. 1891. 10. List of subjects to be discussed at Congress. 11. Circular from Melbourne Trades Hall Council regarding financial help for Congress. 1891. 12. 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Riley. 7 May 1954. ballarat trades and labour council, ballarat trades hall, unions, anti-hanging committee, hanging, ballarat banking co. ltd., country municipal association, geelong town band, ironmasters' association of victoria, general iron trades' conference, museum of applied science of victoria, new australian trade unionist committee, ironmoulders' society, melbourne trades hall council, btlc, intercolonial trades and labor union congress, 7th., trade mark committee report, committee on federation report, australasian federation of labor, asian and pacific regions peace conference, australian bureau of census and statistics, abs, australian bureau of statistics, trade marks bill, actu, australian council of trade unions, australian labor party, alp, australian textile union, w.a. baker, building workers' industrial union, carters and drivers' union, tom dougherty, eight hours' anniversary sports programme, labour and industrial statistics, workers' trade marks, building workers, santamaria, arthur w. fadden, federated clerks' union, fennessy, braun, greater ballarat association, h.e. langridge, metal trades federation, municipal association of victoria, ballarat east, plumbers and gasfitters employees' union of australia, menzies, w.g. spence, new unionism, universal business directories, victoria apprenticeship commission, victorian labor college, w.f. williams, workers' industrial union of australia. preamble, classification and rules. melbourne, 1919?, amalgamated engineering union, american economist, australian worker, building workers' organiser, building trades federation, economic information service, the courier, ballarat star, the clerk, common cause, miners' federation of australia, evening echo, evening post, industrial herald, labor call, labor supplement, light journal, locomotive journal, australian federated union of locomotive enginemen, people's tribune supplement, railways union gazette, frank hyett, rehab news, central ex-servicemen's office, sheet metal worker, sheet metal working, agricultural implement and stovemaking union of australia, socialist comment, tocsin, tribune, un world, eight hour anniversary, electoral rolls, progress, freemasonry, st patrick's gazette, hrh duke of edinburgh, incentive payments, wages, f.j. riley