Documents. Connelly, Tatchell & Dunlop Legal Papers. 1 - 1886 - Letter from Brown G Harp--? 2 - 1886 - Letter from Morrow Thomas, General Mercantile, Auctioneer, Stock Station & Estate Salesman, Inglewood. 3 - 1886 - Letter from Bennett, Attenborough, Wilks & Nunn, Melbourne. 4 - 1886 - Post Office Telegraph re McClean. 5 - 1886 - Letter from Office of Titles - Gibbs Rich - Registrar of Titles. 6 - 1886 - Letter from Bennett, Attenborough, Wilks & Nunn re Brierley Dr. 7 - 1886 - Letter from Scott Henry, Cooma Via Tatura re Scott David, Deceased. 8 - 1886 - Letter from Merrifield G, Solicitor, Castlemaine re Best & North Beehive Co. 9 - 1886 - Letter from Bennett, Attenborough, Wilks & Nunn re Budd H H. 10 - 1886 - Postcard from Inspector of Accounts, to Bennett, Attenborough, Wilks & Connelly, Sandhurst.cottage, miners, connelly, tatchell & dunlop, brown g harp?, morrow t, bennett attenborough wilks & nunn, mcclean, gibbs r, brierley dr, scott h, scott d, merrifield g, best & north beehive co, budd h h

Document. Various legal papers. 1 - 1915 -1920 - Moxom Mrs M (Kamarooka, later Bendigo) re costs. 2 - 1920 - Manning Mrs Jane (Bright) re costs Will. 3 - 1920 - Mann Arthur (Nullawill) re costs Weaver. 4 - 1919 - McCormick D (Prairie) re costs. 5 - 1920 - Mann J & N (Bendigo) re costs. 6 - 1919 - 1920 - McManus John & Ors. (Farmers Sea Lake) and McManus William H (Sea Lake). Re costs Lindsay, Weller & C). Contains handwritten letters by William H McManus. 7 - 1920 - Michelson Mrs A I (Bendigo) re costs Leggo. 8 - 1920 - Kerr R H (Runnymede East) Re costs. Re G Kerr. Estate Federal Land Tax. 9 - 1919 - Hartley Bros Pty Ltd (Bendigo) Re costs. Re Butterworth & Rhodes Motor Cycle Coy, Simes, Roberts, Stolen Bicycle. Other names: Simes, Roberts.bendigo, business, connelly tatchell and dunlop, connelly, tatchell & dunlop, moxom mrs jane, mann arthur, weaver, mccormick d, mann j & n, mcmanus john & ors, mcmanus william h, lindsay, weller & c, michelsen mrs a i, leggo, kerr r h, kerr g, hartley bros, butterworth & rhodes motor cycle co

Contents: 1: Introduction 2: Data on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander over-representation in the criminal justice system 3: Explanations for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander over-representation in the criminal justice system PART TWO : CASE STUDIES 4 : Poor Practice Case Studies - 5 : Best Practice Case Studies PART THREE: ANALYSIS OF THE RECOMMENDATIONS AND THEIR IMPLEMENTATION 6: Adequacy of Information -7: Aboriginal and Police Community Relations 8: Responding to Public Drunkenness 9: Police Practices and Procedures 10: Imprisonment as a Last Resort 11: Court Processes, Legislation and Aboriginal Legal Representation 12: Aboriginal Young People and the Juvenile Justice System PART FOUR 13: Conclusion APPENDIXES Appendix 1: The recommendations of the Royal Commission most proximate to reducing the over-representation of Aboriginal people in custody Appendix 2: Methodological issues in determining over-representation Appendix 3: Details of Federal funding related to State agencies for the implementation of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody recommendations.b&w illustrations, tablesaboriginal deaths in custody, criminal justice system

This item was donated as a photograph of Louisa Morrison. Louisa (or Luisa) Rosanna Morrison nee Haag came from an early settler family in the farming community of Wandin. The woman photographed is in her old age. If this is indeed Louisa Morrison, the photograph would date from the early 1940s, since she died in 1946 at the age of 70. However the costume and the style of the photo suggest an earlier date, possibly the early 1900s. This could be Louisa's mother, Emma Martha Haynes, or mother-in-law Margaret (McNeil) Morrison. The woman is shown in a garden, probably because the family were farmers/orchardists. Louisa married Daniel McNeil Morrison, who was nine years her senior , in 1900. They had four children and farmed Morrisons' Orchard in Old Hereford Road, Mt Evelyn. The Morrison home was to become the important community house in Mt Evelyn, Morrison House. Morrison Reserve is part of their land, as was Yarra Hills Secondary College, Mt Evelyn Special Developmental School and the Reserve and Athletics facilities, including a tennis club. In 1981 the land title was changed to the Shire of Lillydale, who purchased the land and established the Morrison House Community House from 1976 (ie before they legally owned the land).This picture is of social significance as it is the only reputed picture of Louisa Morrison nee Haag.Brown round cornered frame with gold colour on inner frame. Painted plaster on frame chipped on top right. Coloured (painted) photograph of seated woman in upholstered chair with large brown cushion behind her. Garden setting. Black floor length dress, high necked, long sleeved. White cap on head. White cloth showing at neck.Bottom right hand corner, signature "F. RAPHAEL". Reverse: four inscriptions, one on each straight side, stamped in ink. Top: "MADE IN / AUSTRALIA". Right side: "THIS MOUNTING IS SPECIALLY DESIGNED AND / SELECTED WORKMANSHIP AND MATERIALS / GUARANTEED". Bottom: Table, 1 row, 2 columns. 1st cell: "STYLE / 1". 2ND CELL: "PRICE / 3 GNS". Left: box with 2 columns, 1 row. Left most column is divided horizontally into two, as is the 2nd column, but at a lower level. This creates four cells. Top left: "STYLE 1". Bottom left "PRICE 2 GNS". Top right: "TO BE SOLD AT PRICE MARKED OPPOSITE ONLY ON CONDITION THAT SAME IS MOUNTED ON ONE OF OUR SAMPLE STUDIES". Bottom left: "EMPIRE ART COMPANY LIMITED".louisa, morrison, haag, morrison house, farming, orchard, mt evelyn, photograph, wandin

Absentee landlords were common in Ireland and for many landlords the primary focus was income rather than the conditions of their tenants. Many landlords realized that they could get a higher income by turning their properties to pasture than to continue with the old practice of collecting rents from tenant farmers. Evictions was the most common way of getting rid of unwanted tenants. The tenant frequently built his cottage himself from local materials. However, his rent was higher if he had windows, if his door was over a certain height and if he made any type of improvements or enlargements to the dwelling. The landlords practiced "Rack Renting" in order to get rid of unwanted tenants. Rents were raised to the point that the tenant could not afford to pay them. The landlord then had the tenant evicted for non payment of rent. There were no appeals and no mercy shown. Although the only legal reason for eviction was non payment of the rent there were numerous examples of landlords who evicted tenants if they did not conform to the landlord's wishes.[http://www.maggieblanck.com/Mayopages/Eviction.html, accessed 13/12/2013] This image was also printed in he Illustrated London News, April 17, 1886, with the title 'all that is left, scene at a Mayo Eviction. A barefoot woman sits on a table in the rain, outside a cottage with thatched roof. She is surrounded by her possessions.ballarat irish, eviction, rent, cottage, tenant, homeless, mayo

The Boer War took place from 11 October 1899 – 31 May 1902. Also known as the Anglo–Boer War, or the South African War, the conflict was fought between the British Empire and the two Boer Republics (the South African Republic and the Orange Free State) over the Empire's influence in Southern Africa. As part of the British Empire, the Australian colonies offered troops for the war. Samuel McGowan was born in North Ireland in 1845, immigrating to Australia in 1870. He arrived in Bendigo 1871 and having worked in a large engineering works at home was quickly able to find management work in foundries, later opening a legal manager's office growing this into one of the largest of its type in Bendigo. Samuel McGowan was elected a member of the City Council in 1883 and was elected Mayor in 1885 and again in 1899, resigning as a councillor in 1901. He was the treasurer of the Bendigo Hospital, a senior member of the Zenith Lodge and president of the Bendigo Agricultural and Horticultural Society. Samuel McGowan and Kate Goyne from Epsom married on 29th August 1874. Samuel died in 1921 aged 76 and Kate in 1930 aged 78. This plaque was probably attached to a commemorative board such as an honour board, however its whereabout are unknown. Engraved plaque in the shape of a flag and flag pole. Four small holes indicate that it was previously attached to a larger commemorative board.Flag; Special functions by / Mayor & Mrs McGowan / entertainment and distribution of Comforts to the / Bendigo Soldiers Contingent prior to their / departure for the Boer War. / Reception at the Town Hall / Ball to the Citizens. / Entertainment of distinguished visitors, etc.etc.etc / Flag pole; F. Prescottmayor mcgowan, councillor s h mc gowan, mayoress mcgowan

Documents. Connelly, Tatchell & Dunlop - Legal Papers. 1 - 1886 - Letter from Arnoldt D W, Wedderburn. 2 - 1886 - Letter from Cuthbert & Co, Law & General Stationers, Lithographers & Printers, 55 Chancery Lane. 3 - 1886 - Letter from Pickles Thos P, Railway Workshops, Newport. Letter has letterhead - G F Pickles & Sons, Carriage Manufacturing Company Limited. Manufacturers of Carriages, Buggies, Pleasure & Business Wagons. Importers of American and English Carriage Materials. Sandhurst. Repository & Show Rooms, Latrobe Street West, Melbourne. 4 - 1886 - Letter to Spence James, Gannawarra, Cohuna from Bennett, Attenborough, Wilks & Connelly, Solicitors, Albion Chambers, Sandhurst. Also contains returned reply from Spence James. Mentions Geugnagel Charles, Baker, Sandhurst. 5 - 1886 - Post Office Telegraph from Kilbride Peter, Rochester to Wilkinson, Albion Chambers re Brown & Ellison case. 6 - 1886 - Post Office Telegraph from Bennett & Co, Market St re Sterry & Trestrail.cottage, miners, connelly, tatchell & dunlop, arnoldt d w, cuthbert & co, pickles thos p, g f pickles & sons, spence james, bennett attenborough wilks & connelly, geugnagel charles, kilbride peter, wilkinson, brown, ellison, bennett & co, sterry, trestrail

Newspaper - The City Weekly, issue 14, April 25 to May 1, 2002, containing an article titled "Tram Etiquette" and "Commuter fare blitz". Printed in full colour on gloss paper with a front cover in cartoon form of the things you should not do on a tram - Cartoon by Golding. Was a free newspaper. Magazine of Newspaper Covers City Real Estate, out on the town, Health and Beauty, entertainment, classifieds and careers. Page 6 - article titled "Commuter fare blitz" - about proposed checking of Metcards, but there were many complaints and issues with machines not working and legal challenges. Pages 8 and 9 - article "Tram Etiquette", with the sub-headings "in the absence of conductors, have we become confused about public behaviour on privatised trams". Looks at issues at how people use the tram system with photos of people using trams. Also has a side item with people's photographs titled "What's getting up people's noses on Melbourne trams?" Written by Bridget McManus, Pictures by Peter Weaving and Robert Hudson. Two copies held.trams, tramways, passengers, behaviour, trams, public transport, tickets, metcard, cartoons

13 x receipts issued by Connelly, Tatchell in 1889. Names include Huish, Henry O'Neill, Jas Hardiman, Henderson, W. Fairclough, D. J. Luxton, W. Gissing, D. Lazarus, J. Tamlyhn, Watts, Jorgensen, Sin Tong, Renwick & Co., Mcmahon, Conlon, McIndoe.The fronts have a green one penny stampbusiness, legal, connelly, tatchell, huish, henry o'neill, jas hardiman, henderson, w. fairclough, d. j. luxton, w. gissing, d. lazarus, j. tamlyhn, watts, jorgensen, sin tong, renwick & co., mcmahon, conlon, mcindoe.

Otto Schott, a chemist and glass engineer, had the vision of uniform production ie making glass items that would resemble one another. At the end of the eighteenth century, with most glass items still created by hand, the quality of output was still a guessing game. Schott was the first to render this an industrial certainty. 1884 Otto Schott, Ernst Abbe and Carl and Roderich Zeiss found the Schott & Associates Glass Technology Laboratory in Jena, Germany. Glastechnisches Laboratorium Schott & Gen was born. Production started in 1886. Original products included optical and thermometer glasses. The following year, a crucial discovery was made: borosilicate, a heat and chemically resistant glass. By it’s 25th year anniversary, the company had grown from an experimental glass factory into an internationally renowned manufacturer of optical and industrial glasses. Soon to be added was fiolax, tube-shaped glass used for vials, ampoules and syringes thus allowing the company to play a significant role in supplying Europe's nascent pharmaceutical industry. Post WW2 USA Army opens new factory in Mainz, West Germany and factory in Jena , East Germany taken over by the DDR State both using same trade name. Legal action for 30 years resolved in 1980 - split name. Berlin Wall 1989, Factories reunited 1991A pharmaceutical clear glass beaker with graduation 100ml -300ml DURAN 50Front : DURAN 50 / SCHOTT & GEN / MAINZ / JENA (ER) GLAS 300 Back : PYREX 300pharmacy, medications, medicines, glass manufacturing, glass works, early settlers, moorabbin, bentleigh, cheltenham, jenaer glaswerk schott & gen company, west germany, east germany, berlin wall, ww2 1939-45, schott otto, zeiss roderich

The St Kilda Presbyterian Church is now part of the St Kilda & Balaclava Presbyterian Church. Its first service was inaugurated by the Free Church Synod of Victoria in May 1855, in a building at the corner of High Street and Alma Road. In October 1855 the congregation moved to a wooden building in Inkerman Street, purchased from the Independent (Congregational) Church. The present church site was purchased and the first church opened in 1860. The foundation stone for the present church building, the second to be built on the site, was laid by the Governor of Victoria, Sir Henry Brougham Loch, on 27 January 1885. The building was opened on 30 May 1886. Wilson and Beswicke were the architects. Ralph Wilson designed the Methodist church on the corner of Princes and Fitzroy Streets and lived diagonally opposite the Presbyterian church. Charles Beswicke had toured Britain and the Continent in 1886 armed with a camera and returned to Australia with photographs of what he considered the greatest examples of architecture. He was responsible for the town halls in Brighton, Malvern, Hawthorn and Essendon and Wesleyan churches in Camberwell and Dandenong. Thomas Corley was the builder. The lofty spire was ‘a landmark to the mariner’ used by sea captains sailing up Port Phillip Bay. On a prominent position, the highest point in St Kilda, the church attracted wealthy people with legal, merchant and pastoral backgrounds.colour photographst kilda, churches, presbyterian church, balaclava

In the late 1970s, the must-have gadget in every forest office could be best characterised by the fax machine. Millions of people bought them because they represented a miracle. With a fax machine, you could send a sheet of paper to someone, anywhere in the country, or anywhere in the world, complete with a signature, in seconds. E-mail really didn't exist yet (except in military and university environments), so the fax machine was simply amazing. During the "golden age" of the fax machine, people faxed everything. Office lunch orders went to the local Chinese takeaway by fax rather than being phoned in, while fire maps, timesheets and other urgent documents, could all be sent out straight away. Nearly every legal document got faxed once it was signed. People also traded recipes, jokes, funny pictures and personal letters by fax rather than sending them in the snail mail. With the early machines, the output was printed onto a roll of thermal paper that regularly spewed out coils onto the floor if you weren’t watching. All this technology quickly faded, only to be superceded by the pervasive e-mail in the 1990s. But the humble fax machine gave us an early glimpse of what the office of the future would be like.Facsimile machinePitney Bowes 8050communications, forests commission victoria (fcv)

BHS CollectionBendigo Weekly from Friday, June 28, 2002 - Snippets of Bendigo history, the Pall Mall story, part two - by Edith Lunn. Close to the jeweller's shop, we came to Chancery Lane. Many early legal firms had their offices there. Among them were: Quick&Rymer, Luke Murphy&Don and Macoboy&Taylor. A branch of the Bendigo united Friendly Society's Dispensary opened on the corner. Other small business in the walk included a florist, men's hairdresser and a boot and shoes repairer. Moving on there was Betteridge's Agency for the Singer sewing machine company, Wilkinson's photographic studio, Sutton's music shop and Favaloro's cake shop and café the ''Savoy'' was opened in the 1920's. Whitelock and Carter had their men outfitters business in the building, Cocking's was a very popular drapery store. After Cocking's closed down, Stoneman's supermarket opened in the premises. Alongside there was a passageway that led upstairs to the office of Phillip Secher and Son, Accountants and the Bendigo jockey club. Mrs Allan's baby wear business and Lenten's the tobacconist came after and last but not least the Shamrock Hotel enhances Pall Mall. The clip is in a folder.newspaper, bendigo, bendigo weekly

Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders on the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. VIOSH had its first intake of students in 1979. At that time the Institution was known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1990 it became known as Ballarat University College, then in 1994 as University of Ballarat. It was 2014 that it became Federation University. VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree - on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge. Ballarat College of Advanced Education invited Professor Peter Compes of Germany to conduct a Seminar on the subject "System Safety Management by Risk Assessment". This was to be held over two days in February 1980. Registration to attend was no later than 8 February 1980. Prof Compes was Professor of General Safety Science, University of Wuppertal, Federal Republic of Germany. The seminar was to look at current experiences with accidents and disasters and future projections. The moral. legal and economic need for change and the need for a system safety concept.Five A4 pages - one with news article Signatures of Derek Viner and Derek Woolley. Dates 1977 to 1980.viosh, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, ballarat college of advanced education, derek viner, derek woolley, professor peter compes, professor of general safety science, federal republic of germany, system safety management by risk assessment, seminar, university of wuppertal, school of engineering

The Church Men's Society was a part of the Church of Christ in Peel Street, Ballarat. In 1958 the President was C. Thomas, and S.C. McBride was Secretary. The Aborigines Advancement League (also known as the Aboriginal Advancement League) claims to be the oldest Aboriginal organisation in Australia. It is primarily concerned with Aboriginal welfare issues and the preservation of Aboriginal culture and heritage, and is based in Melbourne. The League was established in 1957 as a response to an enquiry by retired magistrate, Charles McLean, into the circumstances of Aboriginal Victorians. McLean was critical of conditions in the Lake Tyers and Framlingham Aboriginal Reserves. McLean recommended that persons of mixed Aboriginal and European descent be removed from the reserves. The people of Lake Tyers objected to this, and the League was formed out of their campaign. The new League drew from two already existing organisations, the Australian Aborigines League, established 1934 and the Save the Aborigines Committee, which had been established in 1955 as a response to the Warburton Ranges crisis. Founding President of the League was Gordon Bryant, with Doris Blackburn as Deputy President, Stan Davey as Secretary and Douglas Nicholls as Field Officer. Early activities included lobbying for a referendum to change the Australian constitution to allow the Federal government to legislate on Aboriginal affairs, and an establishing a legal defence fund for Albert Namatjira, after he was charged with supplying liquor to an Aboriginal ward.[1] By 1967 it had moved to being fully controlled by Aboriginal people with Bill Onus as the first Aboriginal President.Typed letter on Church Men's Society (C.M.S.) letterhead. The letter concerns a film 'showing the tragic condition of aborigines in Central Western Australia ...' The C.M.S. (Ballarat) planned to hold a public meeting in Ballarat at which Pastor Doug Nicholls, M.B.E. will speak and screen the film. doug nicholls, c. thomas, aborigines, ballarat town hall, stan davey, s.c. mcbride, letterhead

Kralcopic Pty Ltd, was a subsidiary of Bendigo-based company GBM Gold and had previously held mining licences around Bendigo, which incorporated sites including Kangaroo Flat, New Moon, Eaglehawk and the associated Woodvale Evaporation Ponds Complex. In August 2019, the Earth Resources Regulator decided not to renew Kralcopic’s three mining licences, due to the company’s inability to provide surety that it could finance its mining activities and site rehabilitation obligations. In October 2020, the company filed legal proceedings in the Supreme Court challenging the decision not to renew these licences. The Supreme Court later upheld the regulator’s decision not to renew the licences. On 23 April 2021, the Federal Court of Australia appointed KPMG as Kralcopic’s liquidators. On 14 May 2021, the liquidator lodged papers with the Australian Securities and Investment Commission (ASIC) to disclaim Kralcopic’s freehold land at Woodvale and parcels of land around the company’s former Bendigo sites, with the land to subsequently become Crown land. The Earth Resources Regulator has put a statutory exemption in place to preclude new mining licence applications on the sites while we undertake rehabilitation. The exemption also provides an opportunity for government to consider future uses of the sites in consultation with the City of Greater Bendigo and the local community. The Earth Resources Regulator holds rehabilitation bonds totalling $5.9 million, which it will use to rehabilitate the former sites.Colour photocopy of original photo. Image shows Catherine Reef South shaft with rectangular concrete capping. Ventilation pipe in concrete capping. On back in pencil: Catherine Reef South shaft with cap - Kralcopicwestern mining corporation, goldmining, capping, shaft, mining regulations, williams united shaft, kralcopic

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

R.M. Serjeant was listed as a mining manager and Joseph Flude as a metallurgist. In 1875 they were both living in Ballarat. The patent number is A.D.1875, 4th March. No 2031. According to the patent the hearth of the furnace is in the form of a cone revolving horizontally. The feed is supplied to the apex of the cone by an archimedian screw. The crown of the furnace comprises a double covering or roof with an intermediate chamber for receiving heated air. The inner covering is pierced to admit of the heated air being brought into contact with the pyrites on the face of the revolving hearth. The discharge of the roasted substance is affected by means of a scraper at the base of the cone. It was claimed that this was a new mode of introducing heated air, and the exclusion of flame during the operation of roasting pyrites. The self-acting charge and discharge of the furnace and the peculiar construction of the hot air chambers, and the use of perforated bricks through which the supply of air is affected were also new. (http://patentsvictoria.net/002031.html) From the Goulburn Herald, 14 September 1878 "A feature connected with the school of mines is the yet unfinished pyrites works. The extraction of the gold from pyrites and the utilization for commercial purposes of other substances connected with pyrites are peculiarly important to Ballarat, because were a simple and inexpensive method devised there are millions and millions of tons of quartz that would then be made remunerative. With this thought in their minds two scientific gentlemen invented the school of mines self-acting rotatory furnace. This, for lack of funds, has not been completed as yet, but the amount in hand for the purpose is daily increasing, and it will eventually be an accomplished fact. It is in contemplation also to erect machinery shops in connection with the school, and it is purposed to con struct a steam-engine to do at once the work of the pyrites treatment and the ma chine room. A model shaft and mine too are being prepared for on the reserve, so that practical mining of the most thorough character may be taught on the ground.'Large indenture on red bordered vellum. The indenture was regarding a patent for the benefit of the Ballarat School of Mines. Letters Patent for an Invention for Roasting Pyrites to be called 'the Ballarat School of Mines self-Acting Pyrites Furnace" to Robery Malachy Serjeant and Joseph Flude. The large document is on a vellum type paper complete with stamps and seal. The document is signed by Acting-Governor William Stawell. Inscriptions and Markings Written on verso: "Date of Patent 4th March 1875 No 2031 Letters Patent for An invention for roasting pyrities to be called "The Ballarat School of Mines Self-acting Pyrities Furnace" to Robert Malachy Serjeant and Joseph Flude Melbourne, Victoriaballarat school of mines, serjeant, r.m. serjeant, robert m. serjeant, flude, joseph flude, patent, barry, redmond barry, rogers, judge rogers, bland, rivett henry bland, john airy, warrington rogers, establishment, indenture, legal, cuthbert, ballarat school of mines trustees, william stawell, john warrington rogers

Documents. Connelly, Tatchell & Dunlop - Legal Papers. 1 - 1886 - Letter from Meudell George D re Holloway. Letterhead - Horrell & Meudell (R F Horrell & G D Meudell), Auditors, Secretaries and Accountants, 10 Market Buildings, William Street, Melbourne. 2 - 1886 - Post Office Telegraph 4 Nov 1886 for Merrifield S from Bruce T?, St Kilda asking, 'Where is Penders blackboy Pompey'. Reply from Merrifield mentions 'Pompey was remanded Melbourne on Friday last. Enquire at watch tower there.' Also mentions 'I don't know whether Mr Bruce is Pompey's friend or Caesars (Mr Penders)' on Attached handwritten note dated 4 Nov 1886. 3 - 1886 - Letter from Williams A M, Solicitor, 28 Queen Street, Melbourne re Bagot? V Budden 4 - 1886 - Post card to Suffern? Mr William James, Elmore from Lester A,A. Land Officer, re 255 acres, Egerton. Mentions Wardens Court, Sandhurst. 5 - 1886 - Letter from Drues W T, 19 Temple Court re A'Becketts fees. 6 - 1886 - Letter from Barrett Henry, Runnymede East.cottage, miners, connelly, tatchell & dunlop, meudell george d, holloway, horrell & meudell, merrifield s, bruce t?, penders, pompey, caesars, williams a m, bagot, budden, suffern mr william james, lester a a, drues w t, a'becketts, barrett henry

Documents. Various legal documents. 1 - 1920 - Sloan John Esq (Bul-A-Bul) Re costs owed Federal Land Tax. 2 - 1920 - Scholten G J. deceased (::Bendigo) RE costs Income Tax. 3 - 1919 - Connell J D & Bailey A D (clo Mr F Lapsley Bendigo) re costs Bogie. 4 - 1920 - Chambers John Jr. (Leichardt) re costs Chambers. 5 - 1920 - Cowling W (Bendigo) re costs Burke. 6 - 1919 - 1920 - Bailey A W Farmer (South Calivil) re costs Mathoura Land and Will. 7 - 1919 - 1920 - Bell Albert J (Leichardt) re costs A D A insurance and Will. 8 - 1919 - Bell S (Chemist Inglewood) re costs Libel. 9 - 1920 - Bagnell L Sr (Mologa) re costs Income Tax Returns. 10 - 1920 Bell James & Co. (:Melbourne) re costs Hogan. 11 - 1919 Butcher W H (Raywood) re costs Shadbolt, McNamara. 12 - 1920 - Bell John (Farmer Leichardt) re costs you from Cocks. Additional names:- McNamara, Bell John, Cocks.cottage, miners, connelly, tatchell & dunlop, sloan john, scholten g j, connell j d, bailey a d, lapsley mr f, bogie, chambers john jr, cowling w, burke, bailey a w, bell albert j, a d a insurance, bell a, bagnell l sr, bell james & co, hogan, butcher w h, shadbolt

Streets and drains were the basic infrastructure problems for Kew in the 1880s. Decent streets and drains were fundamental to the quality of life of the residents. Without drainage, streets became muddy, boggy and sometimes impassable. Pools and puddles of stagnant water became smelly. The run off water, mixed with human and animal wastes, because there was no sewerage, became a health hazard. Streets and drains then became what were known as 'a nuisance'. Kew suffered from bouts of typhoid fever during the 1880s. Derrick Street was a private street on the margin of the business district of Kew and a well-used thoroughfare. We hear first about Derrick Street when the ratepayers applied to Council to have the street 'taken over' in January 1881. The Council agreed, after much debate, but ratepayers had to pay half the costs. The argument of the majority of the Council was that there was an established policy that ratepayers of private streets either had to hand over the street fully-formed or pay half the costs if Council did the work. It was felt that to make an exception for Derrick Street would create a precedent for ratepayers of other private streets. On the other hand the ratepayers, and a minority of Council, believed that there were extenuating circumstances in the case of Derrick Street. They believed that the costing by the Borough Surveyor was excessive. They felt the Council was partly responsible for the state of the street due to a channel on Bulleen Road, which deposited sand in the street. The Council had also put in some kerbing at the entrance to the street. Finally, the ratepayers believed that the street had become an important and convenient thoroughfare in Kew, and thus should be an exception to the policy on private streets. In the end a decision was delayed to allow the ratepayers to drain and form the street themselves. And there the matter stood till September 1882, when Miss Reilly complained about rubbish on a block of land in Derrick Street. So, in October 1882 the Council agreed to take over and form the street with the ratepayers paying half the costs. The ratepayers did not want to pay, so the argument continued in Council into 1883. There was a standoff for a further 18 months, until the problem could no longer be ignored. In October 1884 the Inspector of Nuisances and the Health Officer reported that Derrick Street was a health hazard as there was no drainage outlet for waste water. These reports changed the status of the problem of Derrick Street. It became an issue of public health, and thus the Council, acting as the Local Board of Health, had power to prepare plans and order the ratepayers to drain the street and pay all the costs, or let the Council do the work and charge ratepayers half the costs of the works. By April 1885, the time for ratepayers to complete the works themselves had expired, so the Council proceeded with the work and required ratepayers to pay for their share of the costs. All ratepayers had paid by the end of April except Mr Whiddycombe, who refused to pay. Mr Whiddycombe was warned to pay in October 1885. Legal action was taken against him in November. The Council lost the case on technical grounds. The Council, acting as the Local Board of Health, relaunched the legal action and won. The last we hear of Derrick Street is that seven day’s notice was given to Derrick Street ratepayers to pay for the drainage works in May 1887. We presume that Mr Whiddycombe paid. (Research: Andrew Frost)Rare and historic publication issued by the Board of Health in the Borough of Kew in 1885 to residents of Derrick street regarding the need for proper drainage for the purpose of improving public health.Printed formal notice sent by the Board of Health of the Borough of Kew to landowners in Derrick Street, Kew. The notice advised the owners that they were required to form and drain the street according to the levels and specifications approved by the Board. The letter was sent on January 23rd 1885, and signed by the Inspector of Nuisances.borough of kew -- greater melbourne (vic.), council notices -- public health, derrick street -- kew (vic.)