Collection of 4 photos of Mullum Mullum Creek Improvement Works. Sign on wire fence: "Mullum Mullum Creek Improvement Works Stage 1", "This work consists of rock lining the creek banks and the construction of small rock weirs. The work will stabilize and control erosion". Estimated Cost $250,000. Undated, but phone number does not have "9" prefix. Possibly early-mid 1980's?(Photo V0174 is a duplicate of V0173 and was not scanned. There is no photo V0172)Nothing written on photograph.

Two copies 16.5 x 25.5 very darkBlack and white photograph showing early aerial view of township of Lakes Entrance, photo shows highway going along Myer Street and along Roadknight Street, no shops in Myer Street appears to be no foot bridge, therefore taken prior to 1937, sparce vegetation on foreground dunes, four barriers built on dunes to stop erosion through sand, two masted sailing boat in lake. Bullock Island in distance appears very small, Snake Island of Rigby Island in centre distance. Lakes Entrance VictoriaAerial View of Lakes Entrancewaterways, coast, aerial photograph, islands

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The cost of providing equivalent levels of services to the more rural areas of the Shire with respect to those in the more urban areas of Eltham, Montmorency and Briar Hill was relatively expensive. Road maintenance of rural unsealed gravel roads is one of those areas of higher costs particulary as a result of water erosion. The same applies for Nillumbik Shire Council today. Here we see Council operations grading a road and laying new gravel, followed by a gravel water truck to help bed the surface down. Unfortunately there is no information with these prints as to where this particular location is.graders, infrastructure, road maintenance, roads, shire of eltham, rural road, unidentified

The road to Marlo was cut by flood waters from the Snowy River in two places. The road was closed when water flowed over Gilbert's Gulch (3243.1) The Snowy River broke its banks and flooded surrounding Orbost, Marlo, Lochend and Jarrahmond were isolated. The river bank at the bridge site was broken and filled with earth and rock fill. (3243.2) The new Snowy River Bridge was nearing completion when the river rose 7.2 metres causing erosion on the eastern bank. (3243.7) Contractors involved in the construction of the Princes Freeway and bridge were delayed by the flood waters. (3243.8) The 1976 flood at Orbost was a significant event which delayed the construction of the current Snowy River Road Bridge.These photographs record that event.Nine black / white photographs of flood waters across roads. orbost-flood-1976 snowy-river-bridge marlo-road-flood-1976 gilbert;s-gulch-flood

The Album was compiled by Nancy McHaffie late 1990's, with the assistance of Edith Jeffery's, with her book "Garden of Memories" and extensive knowledge of Phillip Island. The Cemetery lies back from the road and is surrounded by Manna Gums, rare Peppermint Gums, Blackwoods and other native trees. In all 25 acres of land were set aside as Crown Land in the land settlement of 1868. There are 6.2 acres of wetlands near the cemetery entrance.466-25: William and Alice Richardson: Alice Barnard married William Richardson at Hawthorn, April 1887. Alice's father Fredrick was a Model Maker employed at the Melbourne Museum. Alice died in childbirth having her third child, Joseph in 1892. Baby Joseph died in April 1893, eight months later at Rhyll. 466-26: The Forrest Family: The Forrest family were amongst our early settlers. The Forrest Caves are named after them. Matthew Forrest arrived by dray from Tarradale on 9th November 1869. He died in 1916 at the age of 75. His Grandson, Peter Forrest Sr. has recorded that Matthew was the first to plant Marum Grass on the Island to prevent erosion.phillip island cemetery, nancy mchaffie, edith jeffery

At the beginning of the 1890s, the Kew businessman and Town Councillor, Henry Kellett, commissioned J.F.C. Farquhar to photograph scenes of Kew. These scenes included panoramas as well as pastoral scenes. The resulting set of twelve photographs was assembled in an album, Kew Where We Live, from which customers could select images for purchase.The preamble to the album describes that the photographs used the ‘argentic bromide’ process, now more commonly known as the gelatine silver process. This form of dry plate photography allowed for the negatives to be kept for weeks before processing, hence its value in landscape photography. The resulting images were considered to be finely grained and everlasting. Evidence of the success of Henry Kellett’s venture can be seen today, in that some of the photographs are held in national collections.It is believed that the Kew Historical Society’s copy of the Kellett album is unique and that the photographs in the book were the first copies taken from the original plates. It is the first and most important series of images produced about Kew. The individual images have proved essential in identifying buildings and places of heritage value in the district.Hyde Park is now a small recreation reserve bordered by Willsmere and Kilby Roads and White Avenue. In 1982, Hyde Park was cut off from the Yarra River by the construction of the Eastern Freeway. The building of the latter was to transform the natural landscape, including the Yarra, as well as Hyde Park. The construction of the Freeway makes it difficult to view the scene with the photographer’s eye. Today’s Hyde Park is located on land purchased in 1847 by John Cowell, and in 1851 Catherine Cowell, yet the scene selected by the photographer may well have been located on farmland owned by the Wills family. Farquhar’s point-of-view emphasises both the pastoral and recreational elements of the scene: the grazing cows, three boys, and in the distance two figures, seated on the bank with a parasol. By 1891, an environmental consequence of human activity, including farming, was deforestation, leading to the erosion of the south bank of the Yarra. In contrast, the land on the Alphington side of the river in 1891 included remnant bushland.The Yarra in Hyde Parkkew illustrated, kew where we live, photographic books, henry kellett, yarra river

Series of articles collected by the Advertiser for the celebration in 2018 of 150 years of European settlement of Phillip Island. Printed by Chicory Publshing, division of The Phillip Island and San Remo .Advertiser.HistoricalColoured hardcover book, 229 pages, with photos, stories and recollections of early settlement of Phillip IslandOnce upon an island : the early days of Phillip Island Collated by Anne Oswin, Eleanor McKAy and Sarah Hudson.phillip island history, phillip island & san remo advertiser, ferries, shipwrecks, motor racing, wollemi, chicory, golden cyprus trees, sharks, guesthouses, army ww1, ww2, warley hospital, football, olive justice, summerland, churchill island, erosion

Written during the 1960s when surfing was burgeoning across Australia’s coast and Phillip Island surf beaches had become extremely popular, few management strategies were in place to control interaction of the public with the delicate flora and fauna of the coastal environments. There were few good access tracks, car parks, bins, toilets etc at coastal/surfing hotspots around the Phillip Island coast. A number of management issues occurred with the influx of surfers. These included dune erosion caused by surfers climbing dunes to see the surf before going on the beach; informal parking on wildlife habitat; numerous access paths from wherever cars were parked down to the beach cutting through habitat; illegal camping on foreshores; illegal lighting of fires on beach and in dunes; surfers’ dogs let out of the car while surfers were out on the water. The dogs were uncontrolled. Certainly some surfers behaved responsibly, as is almost invariably the case these days. However, in that era of this article few people understood the delicate nature of the coastal environment and that it need to be protected through public education, infrastructure and enforcement of regulations. As now, most rural Fire services were run by dedicated volunteers who faced many challenges in their roles as Country Fire Authority firefighters. However, it was not uncommon for visitors and locals to also assist with fire-fighting efforts.The article is significant in containing quotes from both sides of the discussion who were directly involved in coastal fire incidents on Phillip Island in the 1960s. It also indicates the large number of surfers visiting Phillip Island beaches, the volunteer nature of the firefighting service and the extra challenges they faced on Phillip Island as a visitor destination. The anonymous university student surfer who is quoted, also describes possible causes of the fires, methods he and his fellow surfers used to extinguish the fires and raise the alarm, and the way they assisted the volunteer firefighters . The reference to him breaking into one of the Summerland housing estate holiday houses is also significant because that housing estate was purchased over 2 decades by successive Victorian governments to remove management issues caused to the wildlife habitat on Summerland Peninsula.Photocopy of newspaper cuttings including 2 related articles. Five columns of black text on white paper with one poorly reproduced photo bottom rightphillip island, cat bay, country fire authority, artie murdoch, alf towns, frank dixon, barry thompson, newhaven-san remo rural fire brigade, penguin parade, cowrie beach, surfers, coastal fires

Initially named the Conservation Corps, the British Trust for Conservation Volunteers (BTCV) was founded in 1959 by the Council for Nature. Today BTCV is the “largest practical conservation charity in the United Kingdom”, and celebrated its fiftieth birthday in February 2009. Its original name had been adapted from that of the Civilian Conservation Corps launched by President Roosevelt in Depression-era USA: - "I propose to create a Civilian Conservation Corps to be used in simple work, not interfering with normal employment, and confining itself to forestry, the prevention of soil erosion, flood control and similar projects. More important, however, than the material gains, will be the moral and spiritual value of such work. Roosevelt’s idea had been revived by Governor Jerry Brown of California in 1976 and exchange of ideas and personnel between the California Conservation Corps (CCC) and other US conservation corps) has flourished since. Mark Dwyer (later to play an important role in Green Corps) was leader of the first California Conservation Corps three-month exchange program to Australia in 1988. The first ATCV exchange group to California in 1987 National Director, Tim Cox and Team Leader, David Clark (group leader, in Australian military hat) Right: Members of the first CCC exchange team to Australia at the US Embassy, Canberra in 1988: from left - Merrold, Vicci and Bobby with Mark Dwyer (centre) and David Clark (ATCV, right). Exchanges have continued annually since 1988 and, in addition to environmental work done, many friendships have been made and maintained over the years. This sleeve patch symbolises strong international links in place since ATCV/CVA was founded.This cloth sleeve patch is an example of those sewn onto the uniforms of staff and volunteers of the California Conservation Corps. It is round with an orange rim with black lettering naming ther organisation and inside the rime there is a light blue circle inset with the State flag of California. This sleeve patch is part of CVA's collection of 34 sleeve patches from many States of the USA.corps, david, conservation, mark, dwyer, california, clark, sleeve, patches

Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p175 It’s Saturday morning and thousands of people are visiting St Andrews Market at the corner of Heidelberg-Kinglake Road and Proctor Street. It’s hard to find a park. Cars are banked up along the narrow road and crammed in a nearby parking area. Yet, at the market, people look relaxed and happy amongst the yellow box gums on the site where the Wurundjeri people used to gather. Stone artefacts unearthed there by Koorie researcher, Isabel Ellender, indicate the site was once a Wurundjeri meeting place, according to Aboriginal Affairs Victoria.1 Acoustic sounds mingle with quiet conversations. A guitarist blows a mouth organ while his bare toes tickle chimes. A tiny busker, perhaps five years old, plays a violin while sounds of a harp emerge from the hall. One stallholder, selling delicious-looking pastries, chats to another in Spanish, then to me in broad Australian. ‘I was born in Fitzroy but my mother came from Mexico and my dad from Serbia,’ she smiles. A New Zealander fell in love with Mongolia and now imports their hand-made embroidered clothes and Yurts (tents) and runs adventure tours. A young woman visited Morocco and when friends admired the shoes she bought, she decided to import them and sell them at the market. Oxfam sells Fair Trade toys and clothes and displays a petition to Make Poverty History. Other stalls sell Himalayan salt, jewellery made from seeds from northern Australia, glass paper-weights from China as well as locally grown vegetables, flowers and organic freshly baked bread. A woman sits in a state of bliss under the hands of a masseur. Another offers Reiki or spiritual healing. A juggler tosses devil sticks – ‘not really about the devil,’ he smiles. This skill was practised thousands of years ago in Egypt and South America he says. At the Chai Tent people lounge on cushions in leisurely conversation. The idea for the market was first mooted among friends over a meal at the home of famous jazz and gospel singer Judy Jacques.2 Jacques remembers a discussion with several local artists including Marlene Pugh, Eric Beach, Les Kossatz, Ray Newell and Peter Wallace. ‘We decided we wanted a meeting place, where all the different factions of locals could meet on common ground, sell their goodies and get to know one another,’ Jacques recalls. They chose the site opposite another meeting place, St Andrews Pub. A week later Jacques rode her horse around the district and encouraged her neighbours to come along to the site to buy or sell. On February 23, 1973, about 20 stallholders arrived with tables. They traded ‘second-hand clothes, vegetables, meat, cheese, eggs, chickens, goats, scones, tea, garden pots and peacock feathers’. Now around 2000 people visit each Saturday. People usually linger until dusk. The market – with around 150 stalls of wares from a wide variety of cultures – stands alongside Montsalvat as the most popular tourist attraction in Nillumbik. By the 1990s St Andrews Market was in danger of being loved to death, as the site was becoming seriously degraded. The market was spreading in all directions and the degradation with it. A local council arborist’s report in 1994 noted exposed tree roots from erosion and compaction. The Department of Sustainability and Environment threatened to close the market if the degradation was not rectified. After many months of research, discussions and lobbying by a few residents, the council formed a Committee of Management, with an Advisory Committee, and introduced an Environment Levy. The State Government, the council and the market, funded terracing of the site to stop erosion, and retain moisture and nutrients. Vehicles were excluded from some sensitive areas and other crucial zones reserved for re-vegetation. Volunteers planted more than 3000 locally grown indigenous species. The old Yellow Box trees fully recovered and are expected to give shade for many years to come.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, didgeridoo, jesse tree, st andrews market, swiss hang drum

Shire of Eltham Archives: Series 69, Item 7 Opens with aerial views of the Shire, 85% of the shire covered by the Green wedge principal. Discusses the obligations required of the Shire to maintain the Green Wedge. The Shire covers over 27,000 hectares with a population in excess of 45,000 residents, more than 70% living in the southern 10% of the Shire in suburbs of Eltham, Montmorency, Lower Plenty and Research. 85% of the Shire in the more sparsely populated northern area which is covered by the Green Wedge. Council is committed to providing a parity of services to all residents such as garbage collection and maintenance of roads. Views of rubbish collection trucks in Montmorency. It is emphasised that the cost of these services in highly populated areas is relatively low whereas in the sparsely populated Green Wedge areas, considerable. There are hundreds of kilometres of roads throughout the Shire, many unmade and maintenance is high to check overhanging trees and erosion especially on the steep hills is expensive and disproportionate to servicing the population in the dense urban areas. Shows views of hilly gravel roads and graders at work maintaining them. Shows scenes of assessing planning applications in these rural areas which takes significantly more time as well as other services provided such as Meals on Wheels, building permits, Ranger services. Provision of recreational facilities in hilly areas requires the acquisition of expensive river flats (views of cricket ground surrounded by hills) and where not possible, costly earthmoving required. Also, views highlighting extensive tracks of natural habitat home to significant bird, animal and plant life. Shire emphasises its commitment highlighted by the Eltham Copper Butterfly which the Shire maintains small pockets of bushland to ensure its survival at significant expense (views of Pauline Toner Copper Butterfly Reserve.) Short interview with Pat Vaughan, Environmental Officer for the Shire discussing the Eltham Copper Butterfly who also mentions many other species in the Shire of high significance from bats to mammals to plants as well as the importance of the Green Wedge to Melbourne – the lungs of Melbourne - and ensuring the protection of very important habitat which requires a great deal of planning and management to look after. Views of Wingrove Park to emphasise this maintenance by machinery in some areas is too damaging and introduced species, etc must be removed by hand. Balancing the services and facilities expected by the community with the needs of the environment requires careful planning demands requires careful planning and the principals of the Green Wedge require constant attention in the face of growing need for housing. Director of Planning & Environment, Richard Allen advises there are approximately 1,300 planning permits and development applications each year ranging from simple subdivision, boundary realignments to further complicated non-urban developments for agricultural pursuits and the level of expertise required from architectural and engineering to land degradation, flora and fauna. Video finishes with aerial views and parklands, streetscapes and rural areas. VHS Video cassette Converted to MP4 file format 00:07:39; 89MBshire of eltham, video recording, shire of eltham archives, eltham shire council, eltham, building permits, cricket ground, development applications, eltham copper butterfly, garbage collection, graders, green wedge, lower plenty, meals on wheels, montmorency, pat vaughan, pauline toner reserve, planning applications, planning permits, ranger services, recreational facilities, research, richard allen, roads, rural areas, wingrove park, victoria grants commission

Basin Studies are studies to evaluate water supply and demand and help ensure reliable water supplies by identifying strategies to address imbalances in water supply and demand.Spiral Bound. 157 leaves in various foliations (some folded) : illustrated. (some colour.), maps (some colour.)aerial photographs, allendale road, arthurs creek mine, arthurs creek road bridge, arthurs creek, bald spur look-out, bank protection, bolton steet, bridge street bridge, bridge street, bridges, challenger street, chute street, construction, coolaroo drive, culvert, deep creek, diamond creek basin, diamond creek region, diamond creek, diamond street bridge, drainage works, eltham lower park, eltham town park, eltham trestle bridge, eltham west drains, eltham, erosion, flood management, floods, footbridge, glen katherine estate, gold mining, gum glade, hurstbridge, kangaroo ground, kinglake escarpment, kinglake national park, latiners hat factory, main road bridge, main road, masons falls, melbourne metropolitan board of works, monash bridge, mount sugarloaf, nillumbik park, orchards, railway culvert, railway line, ramptons road, real estate advertisement, research creek, st helena east drain, st helena road, st helena, storm sewers, stormwater, sugarloaf-preston transfer main crossing, susan street, union mine, village pond, water flow, watkins street, wattletree road, weidlich road, wingrove park, yarra river, zig zag road, water supply, basin study

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors