This Morse key (known as a BUG was used from 1944 until April 1946 by R.A.A.F Cpl. William Robert Moffatt 147459 Wireless telegraphist. Used at 55 OBU Birdum and Gorrie Wireless telegraphy stations, and sent over 1.5 million weather forecast groups in 15 months. Then used at 57 OBU Alice Springs Airport until April 1946"I bought thie unit in Melbourne in 1944 while training at Point Cook RAAF Signal school as a wireless telegraphist. With my posting to 55OBU (operational base unit) at Birdum and Gorric Wireless telegraphy Stations broadcasting weather forecasts in morse code for the south west Pacific area, it was used continually, sending over a million and a half weather forecast groups over 15 months. It ended it's career with Aeradio service at Alice Springs airport, (57 QBU), when I was discharged in April 1946." William Robert Moffatt (ex RAAF 147459, Corporal, Wireless Telegraphist.Morse key mounted on metal block with 4 electrical terminals / adjustersThe SUPER AUTO No.4634 Manufactured by Leo G Cohen Melbournebug, morse key, telegraphy

Dark blue printed instructions on paper mounted on a buff coloured cardboard card.LAMPS, SIGNALLING DAYLIGHT, SHORT RANGE Lamp can be used either (1) on the spike and spike extension stuck in the ground or (2) in the hand if necessary, or (3) withe the adaptor provided on a standard helio stand. SIGHTING TUBE: It is important to see that the lamp is so aligned that the distant receiving station is at the centre of the cross slots and maintained in that position the whole time that signals are being sent. BULBS: when fitting a new bulb, insert the locating tongue on the washer to the front and push the stem right back in the slot. BATTERIES: The correct replacment unit for this set is 8 "S" cells connected "in series". Screw up both terminal nuts tightly, ans see thar all connectors are in position. NIGHT SIGNALLING: An adjustable screen is supplied for reducing the light and one of the colour discs should always be used in conjunction with it when signalling at night under enemy observation. KEY CONNECTIONS. Use the two-pin plug in No.1 socket as long as the light is good enough, then cahnge to No.2. This will greatly lengthen the life of bulb. Used bulbs and batteries should not be relaced in the box, but discarded and a fresh supply obtained. Get a copy of detailed instructions "How to Use" this signalling outfit. KEEP LENS, MIRROR, BULB AND FRONT GLASS CLEAN.instructions, lamp, signalling, daylight, short range

Frustrated commuters face another week boarding replacement buses after a last-minute delay to the re-opening of the Hurstbridge line was announced.News article 1 page, black text.level crossing removal project, rosanna station, hurstbridge rail line

This Favag Timer apparatus was a part of the first electronic control system -(1960's), in Victoria), which worked using telephone stepping selectors to convey a change in voltage providing a regulated pulse from the control centre(Mount Beauty) to the remote Power Stations opening and closing (stop/start) of various devices at the Power Station and a return signal confirmed the action taken. Testing of this unit was carried out using a "dummy" device at the remote Power Station so as not to disrupt the power plant's operation. This timer was one of many electrical apparatus connected to the large SEC Victoria Hydro Scheme's electrical power producing generators. These generators are powered by the hydro force of "stored" water at a higher altitude. The establishment of both the NSW and Victorian Hydro Schemes was achieved from the early 1900's to the 1960's. At this point in time the need for additional power sources to quench both an industrial and domestic demand for electricity was purely an economic and not and environmental (carbon reduction) factor. This hydro scheme was instigated by "the Government of the day" as a bold move and was the major force of the World War II refugee and "technical" workforce,inclusion of skilled and unskilled, migration into the Australian environment. Although this mass "invasion" of workers with families was thought of in some circles as intrusive, the expansion of population post war years and its integration into the Australian rural sector, produced the multi- lingual multi-cultural diversity of later years.This Favag Timer was one of the crucial pieces of equipment that made it possible for the Mount Beauty Terminal Station to control the operations of these Power Stations; McKay, Clover, West Kiewa Power Stations and the Dederang Terminal Station.This aluminium and anodised "FAVAG" (pulse) timer is fastened to a base structure which comes with its own metal cover that is fastened by two metal hooks. From the top of these hooks runs a thick leather "carry" strap.The instrument, itself, a small "micro motor" at one end tape feeding spool on the other. Aluminium metal structures offer a preventative barrier against any electronic spikes from static electricity sources. There are two toggle switches to the bottom right hand side and twelve coloured "pin" connection points.There is a sliding access sleeve which exposes a circuit board.with various leads fastened on each side. In front of one of this slide are two "screw in" fuses, spare fuses are in a small envelope taped above. Circuit diagrams are etched white on black background on the top face of the main structure. At the base of the back section is a two pronged input terminal. There is a fine black rubber layer (cushioning) for the mian top cover.On the cover fastened with two rivets "FAVAG" underneath in small print "Fabrique d'appareils electriques S.A." underneathe "NEUCHATEL-SUISSE". on one end is a "STATE ELECTRICITY COMMISSION OF VICTORIA" metal label screwed on.The back label has manufacturers' type and model number.sec vic kiewa hydro scheme, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

The settlement of Cabbage Tree Creek is located on the Princes Highway, 27 km east of Orbost in East Gippsland. The creek, which flows through undulating forest, takes its name from the patches of Cabbage Fan palms growing along its course. A school commenced classes in 1913, but enrolment was small and at times the school operated part time with several other small schools in the area. The school building served as a hall for the district. About 1946 two sawmills commenced operations at Cabbage Tree Creek, and the Forests Commission ranger was stationed in the area. The increased population allowed the school to have more teachers and make improvements. In 1953, a new prefabricated building was erected on a new site. However, by the 1970s employment in the timber industry was unstable and the population decreased. By 1974 the school again had only one teacher and eventually closed in 1993 to amalgamate with the Orbost primary School in Ruskin Street, Orbost. (Ref. VictorianPlaces)The school bell is a signal that tells a school's students when it is time to go to class in the morning and when it is time to change classes during the day as well as when students are dismissed from school. In most schools today it will be a tone, siren, electronic bell sound, a series of chimes, or music played over an intercom but often still called "the school bell". This item reflects the history of Cabbage Tree Creek as well as the technological changes in the school system.Brass bell with incised double lines on bottom edge and top near handle, featuring descriptive notation on front face. Bell has long wooden handle shaped and incised with four lines at base before brass housing with singular screw holding handle in place. Object is showing signs of wear, with blackened handle and patches of green oxidisation.SCHOOL BELL / SS No 3812 / CABBAGE TREE CREEK / PRIMARY SCHOOL / 1913-1993 / FORMALLY INCORPORATED / INTO / ORBOST / PRIMARY SCHOOL / 1994cabbage tree, east gippsland, cabbage tree creek, cabbage tree creek primary school, orbost primary school, school bells

This lantern could have been used for railway lighting. Railway lighting illuminated not only stations but also yards, engines, rolling stock, signals, signal-boxes and crossings. There were a number of different types of lamps used for a variety of railway purposes. This is a hand-held light.Railway lamps of this kind were significant railway items in their period of use as essential tools to the safe-working operations of the railway. Used domestically these lanterns were common in the period before the widespread connection of electricity. A painted red metal "hurricane" lamp which has a glass shade. This is a portable oil lantern which has an oil tank on the bottom that forms the base of the lamp. The tank has a door for filling and it also houses the wick and knob that increases or decreases the length of the wick.On base : No. 707 Globe Brand (globe of world) World Light MFY LTDlantern lighting hurricane-lamp

Collection of three Ringwood photographs:; 1. Ringwood Station (No 1 Platform); 2. Ringwood Station (No 2 Platform); 3. Ringwood signal box

Buninyong had no railway station so residents would travel to Yendon to catch the train. The Yendon Railway Station building was demolished soon after this photograph was taken. The bluestone was purchased by John Vernon, and was used to construct retaining walls in a garden enclosure between the first two buildings at the new Ballarat Institute of Advanced Education campus at Mt Helen. This is now known as the courtyard between building 'F' and building 'G' at the University of Ballarat mt Helen Campus. The following article was published in the Ballarat Courier on 06 December 1968. 'Yendon Station to be demolished - The old bluestone railway station at Yendon is to be demolished. C.A.D. Fisken told Buninyong Shire Council of the proposal at its meeting yesterday. Fortunately, he said, the beautiful stonework would not be lost. It would be used and incorporated in the new School of Mines building at Mt Helen. the retention of the century-old building was the subject of representations by Council to the Railways following the closure of the station for goods traffic 'some time ago'. The building had also been noted by the National Trust as one of special interest. The Railways Department advised the meeting that an inspection had been made at the Yendon level crossing, but no recommendation could be made at present for installation of flashing light signals.'Bluestone building with dressed bluestone door and window jambs and chimney. The roof is corrugated iron. The platform edge is also of bluestone construction. The building is the former Yendon Railway Station (now demolished) on the Ballarat -Geelong main line (the original Melbourne to Ballarat mainline). When the line was opened, this station may have been originally called Buninyong as it was built a number of years before the Ballarat to Buninyong branch line was built. This this has subsequently caused some confusion. The station was later renamed Yendon. Verso in blue ballpoint pen 'No 47 Yendon Railway Stn' Stamped in purple ink 'N.L. Harvey & Son, Photographers, 131 Sturt Streeet Ballarat, Phone 25766, After hours 23397, Will photograph anywhere anytime any place. (in pen 3/12/68),university of ballarat, ballarat institute of advanced education, yendon, railway, bluestone, john vernon

Work produced during Paul Lambeth's photography class The photograph shows the back beach at Point Lonsdale, below the Point Lonsdale Lighthouse. This area was where many sailing ship coming to Melbourne were wrecked. This was due to the narrow passage through The Rip and the tides at certain times. A Pilot Station was established and ship captains could signal for a Pilot to steer them through The Rip and into Port Philip Bay. Black and white photograph adhered to a beige coloured mount card showing a girl down a hole in the sand with her dalmation dog sitting in a rock pool.paul lambeth, point lonsdale, back beach, sailing ships, ship wrecks, the rip, port philip bay, pilot station, girl, dalmation dog

Information from Norman F. Dalton: Ballarat had a reticulated DC supply in the early part of last century and in 1905 had sufficient generating capacity to enable the trams to be changed from horse drawn to DC electricity. The use of electricity increased with the main power station located on Wendouree Parade, near Webster Street, under the ownership of The Electric Supply Company of Victoria. AC generating plant was installed in 1925 and conversion to AC proceeded. In 1934 the company was taken over by the State Electricity Commission Victoria (SECV) and more AC generation was installed and the changeover of customers was accelerated. This is around the time that the Synchronome Frequency Checking Mast Clock was installed at the Wendouree Parade Power Station. The SECV Annual Report of 1921 states: ::Section 11 of the act directed the COmmission to enquire into the question of securing the adoption of such standards of plant and equipment of a system, frequency and pressure for the generation and distribution of electricity as will admit of the efficient interconnection of undertakings throughout the State. In 1934 when the SECV took over the Ballarat operations the question of linking with the State grid had been a planned operation for some years but due to financial considerations had hindered it and in fact would continue to do so for a further 10 years. So while the need for close frequency control for interconnection was hardly an issue, the need to keep electric clocks correct was important, particularly as this item was a frequent sales point to cover the inconvenience and sometimes expense of converting from DC to AC. The clock is a very accurate pendulum clock with provision for varying effective length during operation for precise time regulation. There are two normal time dials and one is controlled by the pendulum and the other is operated by the system frequency. When the clock was in use it was installed by the MEter and Tests Laboratory and the time was checked daily by radio time signals. The two dials were repeated in the operators control panel in the Power Station. A maximum deviation between the two dials was set in the operating instructions (eg 5 seconds) and the operator would correct this when necessary by remote manual alteration of the turbine governor set point. The clock was used to drive and regulate a system of "slave" clocks which were used to display the time in various locations around the power station. A slave clock is a simple clock which is driven by a small electric motor, its accuracy is regulated by the master clock every 30 seconds to ensure that it and all the other slave clocks in the station are on exactly the right time; slave clocks were placed in various locations, from common rooms to workshops. A master clock could potentially run thousands of slave clocks at one plant. The clock also contains a rectifier. A rectifier is a device that is used to convert AC power to more stable DC current.Two clocks in a timber case. Both are electric, one is powered by the main pendulum mechanism, the other is a self contained electric clock. The main mechanism is of the gravity arm and roller type, which sends an impulse to the slave clocks every 30 seconds. The This Synchronome Frequency Checking Master Clock was used at the Ballarat Power Station. Below the main section of the case is a smaller cabinet containing a rectifier to provide consistent DC power for the clock. The rectifier was made by the Victorian company Hilco, which was located in Burwood. There is a high chance this is not the original rectifier from this clock as there appears to be brackets to hold a larger device in the space the rectifier occupies.Front below main clock face on front of case: "Patented Sychronome Brisbane" Lower left-hand clock face: "Frequency time" Lower right-hand clock face: "Standard Seconds" Synchronous electric clock mechanism on door (Frequency time clock): >200/250 V. 50~ >"Synchronomains" Made in England >Direction indicator for clock starting switch >"To start move lever in direction of arrow and release" >"Patent applied for" Mechanism for "standard seconds" clock: >"English Made" >"Patented" >Serial number "321" >0 above right-hand pillar on front-plate Mechanism for "standard seconds" clock: >"English Made" >"Patented" >Serial number "321" >0 above right-hand pillar on front-plate Mechanism for main clock face: >"English Made" >"Patented" >Serial number "8751" >0 above right-hand pillar on front-plate Inside case, back panel, top enamel plate: >Seconds Battery + Pos. > Battery Common or - Neg. >1/2 min dials Inside case, back panel, bottom enamel plate: external seconds dial Inside case, right hand side, electrical knobs: two switches, both "A.C. mains" Pendulum rod, below suspension spring: Serial number (?) 0000005 Rectifier in bottom cabinet: >"Hilco Rectifier" >"A.C. Volts 230/240" >"Model 1060/S" >"A.C. Amperes" >"Serial No. 1060/S >"Phases 1" >"D.C. Volts 6" >"C.P.S. 50" >"D.C. Amperes 1" >"Made in Australia by Hilco Transformers McIntyre St., Burwood, Victoria." Bakelite electrical plug: makers mark Lower cabinet, RH side panel, pressed tin plate: "AC" (upside down) Brass speed adjustment, outer right RH side: "S" and "F" Ivory and wood pendulum beat ruler: >Ruler, with 0 in centre and numbers 1-5 in ascending order from centre on left and right. > "Synchronome Patent." Steel plate, back panel, inside case, right hand side: >N R A" (descending) >"2191" serial number/part number Face of main clock: "Synchronome Electric" synchronome frequency checking master clock, electricity, state electricity commission, wendouree parade power station, secv, clock, time, pendulum, electric supply company of victoria, norman f. dalton, ballarat power station, rectifier, slave clock

The piece of oak wood sample inside the case was obtained from Mr. H Cooper during the time he served as a shipwright for the British Royal Navy on Nelson’s flagship, HMS Victory, in 1891. By that time the H.M.S. Victory was around 100 years old having been built in 1765 and was currently in dry dock undergoing restoration. Cooper’s skills as a shipwright would have been well employed during this period. HMS Victory was and still does undergoing continuous restoration to preserve her for display as a museum ship, due to the vessel's significant naval history. It was during that time of early restoration that Cooper obtained the piece of Oak from HMS Victory believed to be from the ships hull. Cooper was in Australia in September 1891 serving on the HMS Wallaroo, a British Auxiliary Squadron commissioned to serve as part of the British Royal Navy contingent, tasked to operate in Australian waters. The photograph included with the donation of the wood sample is a portrait of Mr H Cooper taken in 1895 in Sydney. The inscription on the photograph describes him as a skilled shipwright from the H.M.S. Wallaroo, depicting Cooper as a young man in Royal Navy uniform, with the emblem of a petty officer third class. While Cooper was stationed on the H.M.S. Wallaroo in Sydney he presented the display case, containing the wood sample from H.M.S. Victory, as well as the exhibit labels to Charles Harding, ("Chas") late of the Royal Australian Navy. Harding had been based at the H M Naval Torpedo Depot at Williamstown, Victoria. Although not mentioned, it is believed the two men met whilst serving together in Australia in their respective assignments. It could have been a retirement gift from Cooper to Harding with the photograph of Cooper likely included with the case, and gifted to Harding in 1895, as the date on the photograph indicates. One of the exhibits labels indicates that Harding had the item on display whilst serving at the Naval Torpedo Depot in Williamstown. The label indicates: "This piece of Oak is part of the hull of H.M.S. “Victory” Lord Nelson’s renowned Flag Ship, which took such a prominent part in the Battle of Trafalgar. 21st October 1805. Exhibited by Charles Harding, H.M.V. Naval Torpedo Depot, Williamstown.” After Charles Harding died in 1931 the case containing the sample of oak from H.M.S. Victory was donated by his son Reg Harding to Mr. Murphy in 1962. The display case has since become a treasured item at Flagstaff Hill. A newspaper article dated 1905 included with the donation mentions that the city of Hamilton in Victoria was shortly expecting a mounted piece of the H.M.S. Victory, to be included in the city’s commemoration of the centenary of the "Battle of Trafalgar". Battle of Trafalgar: On October 21, 1805, twenty-seven British ships of the line led by Admiral Lord Nelson aboard HMS Victory defeated thirty-three French and Spanish ships of the line under French Admiral Villeneuve. The battle took place in the Atlantic Ocean off the southwest coast of Spain, just west of Cape Trafalgar, near the town of Los Caños de Meca. The victory confirmed the naval supremacy Britain had established during the course of the eighteenth century and it was achieved in part through Nelson's departure from the prevailing naval tactical orthodoxy of the day. Conventional practice at the time was for opposing fleets to engage each other in single parallel lines, in order to facilitate signalling and disengagement, and to maximise fields of fire and target areas. Nelson instead arranged his ships into two columns to sail perpendicularly into the enemy fleet's line. During the battle, Nelson was shot by a French musketeer and he died shortly before the battle ended. Villeneuve was captured, along with his ship Bucentaure. He later attended Nelson's funeral while a captive on parole in Britain. Admiral Federico Gravina, the senior Spanish flag officer, escaped with the remnant of the fleet. He died five months later from wounds sustained during the battle. It was prior to this battle that Nelson had issued his now-famous final orders to his ships in 12 separate flag-hoists “England expects that every man will do his duty”. This wood sample is historically significant for its association with Admiral Lord Nelson the Battle of Trafalgar. Through Nelson’s leadership and unorthodox battle tactics, he secured not only a victory against the French and Spanish but reaffirmed Britain's naval supremacy opening the way for Britain to continuing the policy of colonisation of many countries including Australia.Wood sample adhered to the base of a hinged wood and glass display case. Wood is a sample of oak taken from the hull of Vice-Admiral Lord Nelson's flagship, the HMS Victory, built in 1765. The case also contain two exhibit labels pinned above the wood sample. Other items donated with the display case, and relating to the wood sample: an 1895 photograph, a 1905 newspaper clipping, a 1962 donor's letter (two pages), and a handwritten exhibit label with a border of red lines. Photograph Front: printed- "Herbst" "28 Oxford Street, Hyde Park, Sydney", handwritten - "Mr Cooper", "see back". Back: handwritten - "Mr H Cooper, skilled shipwright, H.M.S. Wallaroo 1895" Exhibit labels still in the case: Left: handwritten- “PIECE OF OAK FROM THE HULL OF H.M.S. VICTORY”, Right: typewritten- “This piece of Oak was originally obtained by Mr. H. Cooper, skilled shipwright on H.M.S. “Victory” & afterwards on H.M.S. “Wallaroo” on the Australian Station in 1895, when he presented this exhibit to me. Chas. Harding, Late Victorian Navy.”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, oak, hms victory, vice-admiral lord nelson, horatio nelson, lord nelson, oak piece, piece of oaknelson, battle of trafalgar, maritime technology, ship relics, 18th century warship, british royal navy, h cooper shipwright, hms wallaroo, herbst hyde park sydney, charles harding, hmv naval orpedo depot williamstown, sir home popham’s telegraphic code, admiralty official day signal book

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

gray plasticnon-fictionThe history of the New Guinea Air Warning Wireless Company. This reprinted version contains a map of the dispositions of Spotting Stations August 1943, additional MID awards listed and some additions to the nominal roll. The New Guinea Air Warning Wireless Company was formed in Port Moresby in late January 1942 and was granted “Separate Independent Establishment” status in October 1943. The company’s “founding father” was Major Don Small, who had witnessed Japanese air raids on Rabaul and realised that having lacked an effective early-warning system around New Britain meant that the defenders were taken by surprise. At the time, gaps had also appeared in the coast-watching communications network because the territory administration ordered the withdrawal of civilian wireless operators when Japan entered the war. The first influx of men into the company consisted largely of volunteers from the 39th Infantry Battalion, which was stationed at Port Moresby. Initial training was rudimentary, hasty, and was sometimes even carried out on en route to a new station. The first party of company personnel, or “spotters”, left Port Moresby as early as 1 February 1942, bound for the strategically important Samarai area, at the tip of Papua. In the first month of the company’s existence 16 spotter stations were established on the coast of Papua and in the mountains around Port Moresby. At the end of 1942 there were 61 operational stations being run by 180 men. The company’s high-water mark was in late 1944, by which time over 150 stations had been set up in Papua and New Guinea behind enemy lines. On 3 February 1942 the company issued its first air warning in Papua, when spotters at Tufi saw Japanese aircraft about to attack Port Moresby for the first time. The following month the company was responsible for the first Japanese killed in action in Papua by Australian ground forces, when spotters from Gona engaged the crew of a downed Japanese bomber. And in July 1942 the station at Buna signalled Port Moresby with news of the Japanese landings in Papua, marking the beginning of the Kokoda campaign. The dangers involved in the company’s work had also been made clear by this time. In July 1942 a party of spotters attempting to set up a station at Misima Island, off Milne Bay, was intercepted by a Japanese destroyer, resulting in the company’s first operational losses. Anticipating the direction of the campaign as a whole, the company’s focus moved north and north-west over the three years of its existence. In May 1942 a network was set up in the Wau area in association with the activities of Kanga Force. As part of the Wau network, spotter Ross Kirkwood audaciously constructed an observation post overlooking the Japanese airstrip at Salamaua. Kirkwood’s position was photographed by Damian Parer on the understanding that the pictures would not be published. They nevertheless appeared in a Sydney newspaper. The day after the publication of the photographs the observation post was attacked by the Japanese and Kirkwood was lucky to escape. In June 1944 the company’s headquarters were moved to Nadzab. By that time, spotter stations existed behind Japanese lines, as far north as Hollandia, and the company began to train Americans to perform similar work in the Philippines. In early 1945 the company moved to Balcombe, Victoria, where its members were posted to other units of the Australian Corps of Signals.world war ii, special operations, new guinea, new guinea air warning wireless company

Technical drawing of Ringwood Railway Station features, surrounding streets and buildings including Cool Stores, Packing Shed, Coke Bin, Coal Box, Dam, Garage, Shops, ES&A Bank, Station Master's Residence, Drill Hall, Goods Shed, Signal Box, Passenger Platform, Footbridge, and Clock Tower at Warrandyte Road. Station entrance and traffic access areas shaded red and yellow.Scale: 1"=40'

This is the Bridge Section of a ship’s telegraph and is a Duplex Gong model, made by Chadburn & Son of Liverpool. This duplex gong model would sound two signals whenever the navigational commands were given by the ship’s pilot to change the speed or direction. The ship’s telegraph was installed on Flagstaff Hill’s exhibit of the 1909 Hobart, Tasmania, ferry “SS Rowitta” installed in 1975 and enjoyed for more than 40 years. Communication between the ship’s pilot and the engine room in the late 19th century to the mid-20th-century was made with a system called an Engine Order Telegraph (E.O.T.) or ship’s telegraph. The equipment has two parts, the Bridge Section and the Engine Room Section. The Bridge Section is usually mounted onto a pedestal, and the Engine Room Section is attached to a vertical surface. The standard marine commands are printed or stamped around the face of the dial and indicated by a pointer or arrow that is usually moved by a rotating brass section or handle. The ship’s pilot stationed on the Bridge of a vessel sends his Orders for speed and direction to the Engine Room with the E.O.T. He moves the lever or levers, depending on the number of engines the ship has, to change the indicator on the Bridge Section’s dial to point in the new direction and speed of travel. This change causes the Orders to be duplicated on the Engine Room Section’s dial and a bell or bells to signal the change at the same time. The engineer then adjusts the ship’s engines and steering equipment to follow the pilot’s Order. CHADBURN & SON, Liverpool- Chadburn Brothers, William and C.H., were joint inventors and well-established makers of optical and scientific instruments and marine gauges. The firm was granted the Prince Albert Royal Warrant in the late 19th century. In 1870 William Chadburn applied for a patent for his navigational communication device for use on ships. By 1875 Chadburn & Son was producing the brass Engine Order Telegraph in its plant at 71 Lord Street, Liverpool. In 1911 the ship RMS Titanic was launched, fitted with Chadburn & Sons E.O.T. The Chadburn Ship Telegraph Company Limited was registered in 1898 to take over Chadburn & Sons. In 1903 a large factory at Bootle, near Liverpool, and their products were being sold overseas. In 1920 electric-powered telegraphs were developed. In 1944 the name changed to Chadburn’s (Liverpool) Limited. In 1968 the company became Chadburn Bloctube Ltd. In 2000 the company, now Bloctube Marine Limited, was still manufacturing ship telegraphs. SS ROWITTA: - The 1909 steam ferry, SS Rowitta, was installed as an exhibit at Flagstaff Hill in 1975 and was enjoyed by many visitors for 40 years. Rowitta was a timber steam ferry built in Hobart in 1909 using planks of Huon and Karri wood. It was a favourite of sightseeing passengers along Tasmania’s Tamar and Derwent rivers for 30 years. Rowitta was also known as Tarkarri and Sorrento and had worked as a coastal trading vessel between Devonport and Melbourne, and Melbourne Queenscliff and Sorrento. In 1974 Rowitta was purchased by Flagstaff Hilt to convert into a representation of the Speculant, a historic and locally significant sailing ship listed on the Victorian Heritage Database. (The Speculant was built in Scotland in 1895 and traded timber between the United Kingdom and Russia. Warrnambool’s P J McGennan & Co. then bought the vessel to trade pine timber from New Zealand to Victorian ports and cargo to Melbourne. It was the largest ship registered with Warrnambool as her home port, playing a key role in the early 1900s in the Port of Warrnambool. In 1911, on her way to Melbourne, it was wrecked near Cape Otway. None of the nine crew lost their lives.) The promised funds for converting Rowitta into the Speculant were no longer available, so it was restored back to its original configuration. The vessel represented the importance of coastal traders to transport, trade and communication in Australia times before rail and motor vehicles. Sadly, in 2015 the time had come to demolish the Rowitta due to her excessive deterioration and the high cost of ongoing repairs. The vessel had given over 100 years of service and pleasure to those who knew her. This Bridge section of a ship’s Engine Order Telegraph, used with an Engine Room section, represents late-19th century change and progress in communication and navigation at sea. This type of equipment was still in use in the mid-20th century. The object is significant for its association with its maker, Chadburn & Son, of Liverpool, a well-known marine instrument maker whose work was recognised by English Royalty, and whose products were selected to supply similar equipment for use on the RMS Titanic. This ship’s telegraph is connected to the history of the Rowitta, which was a large exhibit on display at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village from the museum’s early beginnings until the vessel’s end of life 40 years later. The display was used as an aid to maritime education. The Rowitta represents the importance of coastal traders to transport, trade and communication along the coast of Victoria, between states, and in Australia before rail and motor vehicles. The vessel was an example of a ferry built in the early 20th century that served many different roles over its lifetime of over 100 years. Bridge section of a Ship’s Telegraph or Engine Order Telegraph (E.O.T.). The round double-sided, painted glass dial is contained within a brass case behind glass. It is fitted onto an outward tapering brass pedestal with a round base. The brass indicator arrows between the handles point simultaneously to both sides of the dial when moved. An oval brass maker’s plate is attached to the top of the case. The dial’s faces have inscriptions that indicate speed and direction, and the front face and plate include the maker’s details. A serial number is stamped on the collar where the dial is fitted to the pedestal. The ship’s telegraph is a Duplex Gong model, made by Chadburn & Son of Liverpool. Dial, maker’s details: “PATENT “DUPLEX GONG” TELEGRAPH / CHADBURN & SON / TELEGRAPH WORKS / PATENTEES & MANUFACTURERS / 11 WATERLOO ROAD / LIVERPOOL” LONDON / 105 FENCHURCH STREET” “NEWCASTLE / 85 QUAY + SIDE” “GLASGOW / 69 ANDERSON QUAY” “PATENT” Dial instructions: “FULL / HALF/ SLOW / FINISHED WITH ENGINES / STOP STAND BY / SLOW / HALF / FULL / ASTERN / AHEAD” Maker’s plate: “CHADBURN / & SON / PATENT / LIVERPOOL” Serial number: “22073”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime village, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, engine order telegraph, e.o.t., navigational instrument, communication device, ship’s telegraph, engine room section, bridge section, rms titanic, chadburn & son, chadburn brothers, william chadburn, chadburn ship telegraph company, chadburns, duplex gong, liverpool, ss rowitta, navigation, marine technology, pilot’s orders, steam power, hobart, tasmania, devonport, tasmanian-built, ferry, steam ferry, steamer, 1909, early 20th century vessel, passenger vessel, tamar trading company, launceston, george town, sorrento, tarkarri, speculant, peter mcgennan, p j mcgennan & co. port phillip ferries pty ltd, melbourne, coastal trader, timber steamer, huon, karri, freighter, supply ship, charter ferry, floating restaurant, prawn boat, lakes entrance

Exhibition labels x 15 - cardboards Railway Post Office stamps, 1865, and book 1951 - Courtesy Edna Westhead. Copy of 1887 Map of Railway Post Offices - Courtesy Edna Westhead Taken in 1921, Bendigo railway men celebrating 50 years since first train arrived in Bendigo in 1862 - Courtesy Bendigo Historical Society Book of Signals, 1949 - Courtesy Bernie Kingdon Book of Instruction Rolling Stock 1921, 1943 - Courtesy Bernie Kingdon Lost Property Book, 1886 - Courtesy Ross Rowley View of Bendigo Railway Station taken from St. Paul's tower, 1875 - Courtesy Bendigo Historical Society...document, memo, railway

VICTORIAN RAILWAYS small note book, hard cover with purple binding dated 9.1.1928. Each page details the Name of the Driver, Fireman, Van man and State of weather. Number and Class of Vehicles, Tonnage Contents, Total Description of Loading from Station to Station, Time of arrival and departure, Loco shunting, Van goods, Blocked by signals, other causes. Inside cover steam train instructions from T.B Molomby, General Supt, of Transportation. Reference is David Badham.document, memo, railway, victorian railways small note book, hard cover, t.b molomby, general supt, of transportation

Railway collection -photo 1948 C22 at Castlemaine on a Down Bendigo Goods -black and white photo of a boy looking at steam emitting from a steam train at Castlemaine station Goodsyard .Another steam train and goods and passenger carriages and a train signal are in the yardphotograph, person, c22 at castlemaine