Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Doug ‘Pudden’ Wade Born: 16/10/1941 From: Horsham Height: 188cm Weight: 92kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 23 First senior match for Geelong: Round 1, 1961 v Collingwood at Kardinia Park Regarded by many as Geelong’s greatest ever full-forward, his greatest attributes were determination, fast leading, strong marking and prodigious kicking. Often he was able to score goals with 70-metre torpedo punts. Occasionally he scored from drop-kicks. When in top form he was a most inspiring player. If opponents tried to upset his game with niggling tactics he displayed a fiery aspect of his nature, which kept spectators ‘interested’. He played the forward role like an aggressive defender. Probably his most outstanding performance was a 13-goal effort at the Lake Oval in heavy conditions in 1967. A severe knee injury suffered in an interstate match in 1964 restricted his performances for about two seasons. In his time at Geelong he seemed to perform better as the seasons rolled on. He played in North Melb’s Premiership-winning team in 1975, twelve years after the same achievement with the Cats. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 34 Premiership team selection: 1963 Night/Pre-Season Premiership team selection: 1961 Captain: 22 matches (1971-72) Club Best & Fairest: 1969 Fifth in club B&F count: 1961 Sixth in club B&F count: 1962 (equal), 1967, 1971 Seventh in club B&F count: 1964, 1972 Tenth in club B&F count: 1966, 1968 Club leading goalscorer: 1961 (51 gls), 1962 (68 gls), 1963 (48 gls), 1964 (41 gls), 1966 (52 gls), 1967 (96 gls), 1968 (64 gls), 1969 (127 gls), 1970 (74 gls), 1971 (94 gls), 1972 (90 gls) Competition leading goalscorer: 1962, 1967, 1969 Instances of seven goals or more in a match for Geelong: 35 Australian Football Hall of Fame inductee (2000) GFC Team of the 20th Century selection (full forward) GFC Hall of Fame inductee (1996) GFC Hall of Fame Legend GFC Life Membership (1968) Career span for Geelong: 1961-72 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 208, Night/Pre-Season Series 4, Interstate 7 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 834, Night/Pre-Season Series 11, Interstate 31 Finals matches for Geelong: 12 Finals goals for Geelong: 46 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 22, 1972 v North Melb at Kardinia Park Transferred to North Melb in 1973 Wayne Closter Born: 26/02/1945 From: Darley Height: 180cm Weight: 81kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 1 First senior match: Round 1, 1964 v Melbourne at the MCG In his first season as a listed player, he was selected in the Reserve Grade 1963 Premiership team. A favorable impression of his ability was created in his debut. He was opposed by Melbourne's Frank 'Bluey' Adams on a wing and out-pointed him convincingly. Initially he played many fine matches as a wingman. Later he moved into the centre where his good form continued. Features of his play were strong marking, good control and excellent kicking. He became one of the greatest ever exponents of kicking ambidextrously, and it became difficult to judge which was his natural kicking foot. National Service training obligations during a number of seasons deprived him of the chance of playing 200 matches and to represent Victoria, however the AFL acknowledged his contribution by inducting him into the 200 club during 2007. From 1977 until 1979 he coached the Reserves before spending 10 seasons as a 3GL/K-Rock football commentator. Total Brownlow Medal votes: 29 Captain: 1 match (Round 9, 1974 v South Melb at Kardinia Park) Fourth in club B&F count: 1967, 1971 (equal) Fifth in club B&F count: 1966 Sixth in club B&F count: 1964, 1968, 1972 Eighth in club B&F count: 1970, 1974 Ninth in club B&F count: 1973 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1971) Career span: 1964-75 Total matches: Premiership 191, Night/Pre-Season Series 2 Total goals: Premiership 72, Night/Pre-Season Series 0 Finals matches: 8 Finals goals: 1 Last senior match: Round 22, 1975 v Fitzroy at Waverley Park Information provided by Col Hutchinson Geelong Cats HistorianRed, slightly deflated Ross Faulkner football. In black on one side of the white laces states - MATCH/Native Brand/ ROSS FAULKNER - with a symbol of figure, and is repeated on the other side states - the football is on a small wooden stand stained dark brown with the text engraved donated by Ross Faulkner - The Football a large player signature on one side in white texta it is believed to be Wayne Closter. There is a signature in pen above the text native on one side of the football by Doug Wade. The football has blue and white ribbons threaded through the laces.Signature Doug Wade and Wayne Closter doug wade, wayne closter, ross faulkner, football, gfc, geelong football club, vietnam war

Daniel O’Connell was born near Cahirciveen, Co. Kerry, on 6 August 1775. His wealthy childless uncle adopted him at an early age and brought him up at Derrynane. He spoke Irish and was interested in the traditional culture of song and story still strong in Kerry at the time. He also understood how the rural mind worked which served him well in later years. In 1791 he was sent to school at St. Omer and Douai and what he saw there of the French Revolution left him with a life-long hatred of violence. He read law at Lincoln’s Inn (1794 -96) and continued his studies in Dublin where he was called to bar in 1798. He had soon built up an enormous practice. The 1798 rising and the terrible butchery that followed it confirmed his horror of violence. While he approved of the principles of the United Irishmen, their call for reform and for Catholic Emancipation, he disagreed with their methods. In 1815 O’Connell criticised harshly the Dublin corporation. O’Connell was challenged to a duel by one member D’Esterre. In the exchange of shots D’Esterre was killed and O’Connell vowed never to fight again. O’Connell was soon drawn into political action. Hopes of Catholic emancipation had been raised by promises given while the act of union was being passed. In 1823, O’Connell founded the Catholic Association. The aim of the organisation was to use all the legal means available to secure emancipation. It turned into a mass crusade with the support of the Catholic clergy. All members of the association paid a membership of a penny a month (the Catholic rent). This helped to raise a large fund. The Clare election in 1828 was a turning point. O’Connell, with the support of the forty-shilling freeholders, managed a huge victory against the government candidate. He was well supported by the clergy whose influence on the poor uneducated peasant class was enormous. The polling took place in Ennis at the old courthouse where the O’Connell monument now stands. At the final count, O’Connell was elected by a majority of about eleven hundred votes. The ascendancy party had suffered its first big knock since 1798. The whole country was aflame. The British Government feared a rising and granted Catholic emancipation in April 1829. The franchise was, however, raised to 10 pounds which excluded the forty-shilling freeholders. O’Connell was now the undisputed leader in Ireland and he gave up his practice at the bar to devote his time entirely to politics. At the King’s insistence, O’Connell was not allowed to take his seat until he had been re-elected for Clare. In February 1830, O’Connell became the first Catholic in modern history to sit in the House of Commons. For the rest of his life, he was supported by “The O’Connell Tribute”, a public collection out of which O’Connell paid all his expenses. O’Connell now decided to concentrate on winning repeal of the act of union and getting an Irish parliament for the Irish people. British political leaders feared repeal as they did not fear emancipation. They saw repeal of the Act of Union as the first step in the break-up of the act of union, as the spirit of the repeal movement was revived when the young Ireland writers wrote about it in the Nation. In 1841, O’Connell was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin and in 1843 the subscriptions to his Repeal Association, the Repeal “Rent” came to 48,400 pounds. He now began to organise monster meetings throughout the country. It is thought that three-quarters of a million people gathered on the hill of Tara to hear the man they called the “Liberator”. The government became alarmed at the strength of the Repeal Movement and a meeting which O’Connell had planned for 8 October 1843 in Clontarf, Dublin was banned. Huge crowds were already on their way when O’Connell called off the meeting to avoid the risk of violence and bloodshed. He was charged with conspiracy, arrested and sentenced to a year in jail and a fine of 2,000 pounds. The sentence was set aside after O’Connell had been three months in prison. When he was released he continued with his campaign for repeal. However, a turning point had been reached. The tactics that had won emancipation had failed. O’Connell was now almost seventy, his health failing and he had no clear plan for future action. There was discontent within the Repeal Association and the Young Irelanders withdrew. There was also some failure in the potato crop in the 1840’s, a sign of things to come in the Great Famine of 1845-1847. Aware of the fact that he had failed with his great goal, (the Repeal Movement), O’Connell left Ireland for the last time in January 1847. He made a touching speech in the House of Commons in which he appealed for aid for his country. In March, acting on the advice of his doctor, he set out to Italy. Following his death in Genoa on 15 May 1847, his body was returned to Ireland and buried in Glasnevin Cemetery. [http://www.clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/people/daniel.htm, accessed 13/12/2013]Portrait of a man known as Daniel O'Connell.ballarat irish, daniel o'connell, o'connell

Herbert Trangmar Allan, refer 2755.4 for his extensive service history and wards. .2) Details gifting of a pair of Japanese binoculars to Col H T ALLAN by Pacific Island Regiment. .3) Certificate issued by Winston Churchill, Secretary of State for War (The War of 1914-1918), awarded to Capt H T ALLAN MC. .4) Herbert Trangman ALLAN born 5.1.1895 at Woolwich, NSW. Middle name misspelled, should be Trangmar not Trangman. .6) Congratulating H T ALLAN on receiving the Military Cross award for leading 2 companies which had lost officers during action on Passchendaele Ridge on 9.10.1917. .7) Describes life behind the lines whilst H T ALLAN's battalion has been resting for a month. Daily life consisted of training drills, sport & entertainment. Writer takes time to describe the countryside & weather. .8) Relate to H T ALLAN's military exam results & his promotion to 2nd Lieutenant in 1915. .9) To Herbert Allan's father, Mr P Allan detailing the citation for awarding of the Military Cross to Herbert ALLAN. Original citation appeared in the London Gazette,5.4.1918. .10) Form addressed to Capt H ALLAN MC, 17th Battalion stating his period of enlistment in the 1st AIF was to expire 26.5.1919. .11) Letter from Lord BIRDWOOD (General) to Herbert ALLAN in response to a letter received 19.11.19?. General BIRDWOOD expresses his opinions on difficulties the allied troops face in their fight against the Japanese. .12) Letter to Capt H T ALLAN advising of MID oak leaves sent to him. Details guidelines for attaching oak leaves to both the larger Victory Medal & the small service dress medal. .13) Form details H T ALLAN's WWII Army No, Rank, Unit & Decorations & Medals held. The form has not been signed & dated. .14) Details service record of Lt Col H T ALLAN NX12229. Includes military service from 1912 - 1944, schools & courses attended, decorations, promotions & overseas service. .16) Form issued to H T ALLAN on 15.12.1939 granting permission to leave New Guinea for Australia & return within a period of 12 months. Issued by Customs Office in Salamaua. Lists H T ALLAN's age as 44, height 5' 10" & occupation. .17) Letter from Major General MORSHEAD GOC, AIF (ME) to Major H T ALLAN, OBE, MC congratulating him on being awarded the OBE for outstanding service at Tobruch. .18) Letter from Major General MORSHEAD to Major H T ALLAN, OBE, MC replying to ALLAN's letter of 15.6.1943. MORSHEAD is congratulating ALLAN on his appointment to New Guinea Force, also acknowledges his excellent service record. .19) Letter acknowledges H T ALLAN's resignation from the Office of Production Member of the Australian New Guinea Production Control Board, effective from 28.8.1946. .20) Major General WINDEYER commanded the 20th Brigade from 1942-1946. .22) Card sent from the CO of the 3rd Australian Anti-Tank Regiment. .23) Menu for Farewell Dinner held in the Officer's Mess of the 20th Infantry Brigade, Tobruch on 22.10.1941. .24) Menu & Toast list for Farewell Dinner to Brigadier J J MURRAY DSO MC VD. Attended by H T ALLAN & held in the Officers Mess, 2/17 Australian Infantry Battalion on 22.12.1941. .25) Invitation to Col H T ALLAN by Lady Gowrie (wife of Governor General Baron Gowrie) to attend a Luncheon at Government House, Canberra, ACT. .26) Letter to Major (T/Lt Col) H T ALLAN from Major W A JENNER advising him of his secondment to 2/17 Australian Infantry Battalion & appointment to command 5 Aust Base Sub Area. .27) Application for Africa Star with Eighth Army Clasp signed by H T ALLAN & approved by Lt Colonel of 2/17 Australian Infantry Battalion. H T ALLAN held the rank of Major (substantive) at the time of qualification, 1.3.1942 - 11.1942. He held the rank of Lt Colonel at the time of application in 2.1944. .28) Detailing changes in command & promotions including that of Lt Col H T ALLAN, dated 1.4.19? .29) For Lt Col H T ALLAN detailing movements required by First Australian Army command. .30) Acknowledgement & confirmation of Col H T ALLAN's application for campaign awards for WWII. .31) Letter addressed to Lt Col H T ALLAN from Lt Gen Stanley Sauige requesting information on New Britain for a forthcoming visit. .32) Certificate was presented to H T ALLAN on 16.4.1942 when he was awarded an OBE by King George VI. .33) Document details H T ALLAN's relinguishing of Command of the HQ of Pacific Islands Regiment. ALLAN also relinguished the rank of temporary Colonel & was transferred to the Reserve of Officers with rank of substantive Lt Colonel. .35) Official letter to Colonel H T ALLAN from Joseph Francis, Minister for the Army. The letter acknowledges Col ALLAN's long & distinguished career during both peace & wartime. .36) a) & b) From H T ALLAN (assumed) to Prime Minister J B CHIFFLEY referring to the production of copra in New Guinea, the actions of the Commonwealth Bank in relation to planters & the collaboration of New Guinea natives with the Japanese. Assumed to be a copy of original. .37) Letter to H T ALLAN indicating he had been placed on the Retired List with the rank of Honorary Colonel. .38) Letter invites H T ALLAN to officially open the State Conference in Lae in late March or early April 1958. Invitation was extended due to H T ALLAN for distinguished service in PNG. .39) Letter to H T ALLAN thanking him for accepting the invitation to open the Papua & New Guinea State Conference in late March or early April 1958. .40) Letter from H T ALLAN to Lt Gen Sir Henry WELLS, Chief of the General Staff, Victoria Barracks, Melbourne. ALLAN requests permission to wear his uniform for official engagements during his upcoming visit to New Guinea. ALLAN also offers advice on how to deal with native troops including serving time with them, learning their language & studying their customs. He suggests that this would help quell & dissent & revolt. .41) Reply from Major General DALY to HT ALLAN thanking him for his offer to spend time with the CO of the Pacific Island Regiment to address concerns with that unit. This meeting would coincide with ALLAN's upcoming visit to PNG. .42) HT ALLAN's reply to Major General T J DALY's letter of 26.2.1958. ALLAN requests an opportunity to discuss PIR issues with Major General DALY prior to his visit to PNG. .43) Major General T J DALY's reply to HT ALLAN's request for a meeting to discuss ongoing issues with the Pacific Island Regiment. .44) Letter from HT ALLAN to Brigadier D M CLELAND notifying him that he will be staying in Port Moresby on his way to the RSS&AILA Congress in Lae. .45) Lieutenant Colonel MCGUINN writes to invite Colonel ALLAN to visit the PIR during his visit to New Guinea at the end of March of the beginning of April 1959. .46) Letter of appreciation to H T ALLAN thanking him for his efforts in presenting the case for the Territory of New Guinea during the post WWII transition period. .47) Letter to H T ALLAN from New Guinea Citizens Association, Lae Branch, thanking him for his service on behalf of the people of the Territory of New Guinea. The association offered to send ALLAN a suitable present in recognition of his service. .48) Major General T J DALY's reply to HT ALLAN's suggestions for handling disquiet amongst the native troops in the Pacific Island Regiment. .49) Reply from Lieutenant General WELLS to H T ALLAN granting him permission to wear his uniform on his forthcoming visit to New Guinea. WELLS also notes that he has passed other requests made by ALLAN to Major General DALY. .50) Copy of H T ALLAN's reply to Lieutenant General WELL's letter of 24.2.1958 [.49)]. .51) A written account of Colonel H T Blue ALLAN's visit to New Guinea in 3.1958. Article appeared on p.65 & 67 of the 6.1958 edition of Pacific Islands Monthly. .52) Newspaper account of Colonel H T Blue ALLAN's opening of the Rabaul Branch of the Native Ex Servicemen's Association. Colonel ALLAN spoke of the involvement of the Pacific Islands Regiment during WWII. .53) The Rabaul Times account of Colonel H T Blue ALLAN's opening of the Rabaul Branch of Native Ex Servicemen's Club. Featured on p1, concluded p3. .54) Biographical account of Colonel H T ALLAN's service in WWI & WWII. In addition an account of his success in New Guinea between the wars is included. .55) a.b. Biography of Colonel H T ALLAN written by R W Robson who was the founder of the Pacific Islands Monthly. Article was written following ALLAN's death on 23.5.1967 aged 72. This item is a pre publication copy of Robson's article which appeared in the Pacific Islands Monthly. .56) Text of a valedictory given at the funeral of Colonel Herbert Trangmar ALLAN OBE, MC, ED, NX12229 held 26.5.1967 following his death on 23.5.1967. The speech summarized his life in both wars & civilian life. 57) Invitation issued to Colonel H T & Mrs ALLAN to attend a Garden Party at Government House on 18.2.1954. At this function Colonel H T & Mrs ALLAN were to be presented to her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II.Herbert T ALLAN Collection. The contents are all of various size, the Album is the size documented. .1) Large teal green album containing 16 plastic pockets each with white card insert. Various documents & photos contained in each pocket. .2) Typed letter, black type on cream paper. .3) Certificate mounted on fawn card backed with dark brown veneer. Presented to Capt H T ALLAN MC for being mentioned in despatches on 7.11.1917. .4) New South Wales Birth Certificate extract, printed on pink paper with watermark. .5) Telegram on tissue paper to a sheet of cream paper. Pin located top L corner. Requests the attendance of Lt Herbert ALLAN, Russell Hotel, Russell Square. .6) Typed letter mounted on grey cardboard. .7) 2 page letter on foolscap paper, secured by pin top L corner. Written from France by Herbert (Bert) ALLAN & addressed to his father. .8) 11 pages secured with a clip top L corner. 1st document typed, 2nd handwritten, remainder printed. Relate to H T ALLAN's military exam results. .9) Typed letter from Department of Defence Base Records Office to P ALLAN. .10) Document, printed form to inform the recipient that their period of enlistment in the 1st AIF had expired. .11) 4 page handwritten letter on 2 sheets of paper. 1st page has a printed letterhead. .12) BR Form No 20. Typed formal letter from AIF Base Records Office to accompany Mentioned in Despatches oak leaves sent to the recipient. .13) Form AAFA36 used for recommending the awarding of an Efficiency Decoration. Form details service record & details of a serving soldier. .14) 1 large / 1 small page, numbered, detailing the service record of Lt Col H T ALLAN. Black type on cream paper. 2 pages are loose but evidence of attachment visible. .15) Bachelor of Arts Degree Certificate (testamur) granted by the University of Sydney, awarded to Herbert Trangmar ALLAN. Printed on cream parchment. .16) Proforma document issued by the Territory of New Guinea permitting leave & return to the Territory. Printed 2 sides, black type on cream paper. .17) Letter on Australian Imperial Force letterhead from Major General MORSHEAD to Major H T ALLAN. .18 Letter on HQ2 Aust Corps letterhead from Major General MORSHEAD to Major H T ALLAN. .19) Typed letter on External Territories letterhead from J R Halligan to H T ALLAN. .20) Cream Christmas card folded in 2, sent to H T ALLAN. On front in black lettering is HQ 20th Australian Infantry Brigade below black Rising Sun emblem. Inside in black lettering is With Best Wishes for Christmas and New Year. Christmas 1944. .21) Cream card folded in 2. Front illustration depicts a devil figure riding a platypus & carrying a pennant with 2/13 on it. The devil is depicted attacking a German & Japanese soldier. Below the devil is a boomerang with Greetings Xmas 1944 printed on it. Illustration is in green & black. Inside on LHS is a message from 2/13 Battalion. On RHS is a list of 2/13 battle honours from 1940-1943. On back in black print is 1944-1945 New Guinea Australia. .22) Cream Christmas card folded in 2. Front illustration in brown with word Greetings in green. RHS inside printing in green & brown letters. Artillery badge on back in brown. .23) Cream card folded in 2. Typed menu on cream paper attached inside. Front cover illustrated with 20th Infantry Brigade colour patch & a rat over a scroll with words - So What? .24) Cream card folded in 2. On front black printing accompanied by 2/17 Battalion colour patch that is black over green diamond shape. Inside a list of Toasts & Dinner Menu printed in black. Back page for autographs. .25) Cream invitation card. Black cursive script printing below gold crown on front. .26) Typed letter on cream paper. .27) Typed foolscap application form to claim the Africa Star. .28) & .29) Message form filled with typed orders. .30) Typed letter acknowledging an application for campaign medals & listing eligible awards. .31) Typed letter on bond paper. .32) Certificate on cream parchment. Black print in cursive script. Text details the awarding of an OBE to the recipient. .33) Typed text on Australian Military Forces letterhead. Cream paper. .34) Typed text. Temporary note for H T ALLAN's discharge from AMF. .35) Typed letter on Commonwealth of Australia, Minister for the Army letterhead. .36) a) & b) 2 page letter in black type on cream paper. Pages are loose, letter unsigned. .37) 1 page typed letter on Australian Military Forces letterhead. .38) & .39) 1 page typed letter on Return Sailors, Soldiers & Airmen's Imperial League of Australia, Papua & New Guinea Branch letterhead. .40) 1 page typed letter, unsigned. .41) Single sided typed letter on Australian Military Forces letterhead on cream paper. .42) 1 page typed letter, unsigned on cream paper. .43) Single sided typed letter on Australian Military Forces, Northern Command, Victoria Barracks, Brisbane letterhead on cream paper. .44) Single sided typed letter on cream paper. .45) 2 page typed letter on folded cream paper bearing the letterhead of the Pacific Islands Regiment. .46) 1 page typed letter on cream, lined paper. .47) 1 page typed letter on cream paper. .48) 1 page typed letter on Australian Military Forces, Northern Command Headquarters, Victoria Barracks, Brisbane letterhead on cream paper. .49) 1 page typed letter on Chief of General Staff, Australian Military Forces, Army Headquarters, Victoria Barracks, Melbourne letterhead on cream paper. .50) 1 page copy of an unsigned letter on cream paper. .51) Magazine article: Building a New Nation in New Guinea : Some advice from Colonel Blue ALLAN. Black & white article with a 2nd small section stapled to the main page. Large page features a black & white captioned photo of a group listening to a uniformed Officer deliver a speech. Also features advertising front & back. .52) Newspaper article: Official Opening of Native Ex Servicemen's Club. Black & white typed newspaper article featuring a captioned black & white photo of a uniformed Australian Officer & a group of New Guinea Ex Servicemen. .53) a. b. c. Newspaper article: Master Blue Came Back to the Islands: 4000 Attend Club Opening. 3 Section article cut from a newspaper. One part is the banner of the newspaper with date published. Other sections contain the text of the article. The larger section features a black & white photo of an Australian Army Officer in uniform. .54) Newspaper article, untitled. Black & white typed newspaper article with black & white caricature of an Australian Army Officer featured. .55) a. b. Magazine article: The Story of a Big Man who Loved Soldiering. 2 page black & white typed article with sub headings. .56) Text of a Speech. 2 page typed text written for a valedictory given at a funeral. Pages connected with a staple in the top L corner. .57) Printed, cream card invitation to a Garden Party for the recipient to meet Queen Elizabeth II & The Duke of Edinburgh. Text is in cursive script under the Coat of Arms of Her Majesty. .2) Signature ? Capt S C PIR. .4) Date of issue typed: 30.11.1954 Name of recipient: Herbert Trangman Allan Stamped: T Wells, Registrar General NSW .5) Handwritten: To Lt Herbert Allan, Russell Hotel, Russell Square. Typed: Buckingham Palace OHS. Your attendance is required at Buckingham Palace on Wednesday next the Twentyeighth inst (28.11.19?) at ten o'clock am service dress please telegraph acknowledgement Lord Chamberlain London. Stamped: Central District 24 NO 19. .6) Signed in pencil: W Birdwood. In pencil on back: 15 x 12. .8) p1: Handwritten signature. Copy dated 29.12.1915. p2 Handwritten in ink: P Allan Esq, Mount Hunter Hill. Military Examination. Copy dated 29.12.1915. Handwritten in pencil: Results: H T Allan. Tactics - Distinction 92% HE Barff p3 Underlined in ink: 38th Infantry Herbert Trangmar Allan to be 2nd Lieutenant (provisionally). Dated 16 June 1914. p5 Handwritten: Total 139. Lieut Allan tied with 15 others for 20 place. p7, 9, 10 & 11underlined in ink: H T Allan. p8 Underlined in ink: Allan HT. .9) & .10) Signature in black ink. .12) Handwritten signature in black ink: On back handwritten signature in black ink: Clive Wilkinson, Buddong, Robinson St, Chatswood. Also ? Rd, Cremorne Pt. .13) Handwritten in black ink: Details of HT Allan's Commission Service from 16.6.1914 - 18.2.1946. .15) Handwritten signature of the University Chancellor, Dean of Faculty of Arts & Registrar. Handwritten name of recipient. Seal of the University of Sydney imprinted bottom LHS. .16) Handwritten in black ink: Details of recipient. Stamped in red ink: New Guinea Customs. Stamped in blue ink: H M Customs, Cooktown, dated 17.12.1939. Handwritten on reverse: Signature. Stamped on reverse in red ink: New Guinea Customs, dated 15.12.1939. .17) & .18) Handwritten signature: Major General Morshead. .19) Handwritten signature in black ink: J R Halligan. .20) Handwritten inside in blue ink: Lt Col Allan. Good wishes from your many friends here. Signed by Major General Windeyer. .21) Inside LHS handwritten in blue ink: Lt Col Allan & an indecipherable signature. .22) Inside RHS handwritten: To Major (Blue) Allan OBE MC from Lt Col? .23) On front handwritten in blue ink: H T Allan?. Inside in black ink & pencil are 19 signatures. .24) On front: 3 signatures in black ink & pencil. On back: 36 signatures in black & blue ink & pencil. .25) On back handwritten in black ink: Colonel H T Allan OBE MC, with 3 ink lines below name. .26) Handwritten in blue/black ink: Signature. Handwritten in blue pencil top R corner: A32/3477. Handwritten in black ink bottom L corner: Cond (?) 15/9A. Handwritten in black ink: Signature. .27) Stamped top R corner: 2/17 Bn Received 9.2.1944. Signature in black ink: H T Allan. Signature in black ink: ? Lt Col 2/17 Aust Inf Bn 10.2.1944 Page bottom in pencil: Blue will keep 1 1/4 for you? .30) Handwritten: Details of eligible medals. Handwritten signature: J C K Miller Capt 7.3.50. Handwritten bottom L corner: Col H T Allan Bottom R corner: OBE, MC, 1914-19, Victory, ED, MID 1914-18, MID 1939-45 On back: Steak & Kidney Morris ) Clark ) Vowood ) 10/- 70215 Maughan ) Allan ) .31) Top of page: Imprinted Coat of Arms Top LHS in black ink: TOP SECRET AND PERSONAL Handwritten signature: Stanley Sauige .32) Embossed top L corner: Seal of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire. Handwritten: Mary R. .32) Signed: Queen Mary, mother of George VI. .33) Handwritten signature. .34) Handwritten in blue ink: HERBERT TRANGMAR ALLAN 6 MAY 46 Handwritten signature. .35) Handwritten signature in blue ink: Joseph Francis, Minister for the Army. .37) Handwritten signature. .38) & .39) Handwritten signature: J W Knight. .41), .43) & .45) Handwritten signature in blue ink. .46) & .47) Handwritten signature in black ink: Henry G Eckhoff. .48) Handwritten signature in blue ink: With best wishes Yours sincerely T J Daly. .49) Handwritten signature in black ink: Yours sincerely H Wells. .57) Handwritten in black ink: Colonel & Mrs H T Allan.certificates, records, awards, administrative, compendium

Folder: 895 Main Road, Eltham Contents Listing 1. Certificate of Title; Vol. 8424, Fol. 334, 5 February 1963 2. Certificate of Title; Lot 2, Plan of Subdivision No. 63242, Parish of Nillumbik, Vol. 8479, Fol. 283, 18 May 1964 (Eltham War Memorial Trust) 3. Newspaper article: Extensions to shire offices will benefit all, by Fab Calafuri, Diamond Valley News, Tuesday, July 8, 1986, p6 [Reverse side, p5, Residents rally to save dam by Helen Gillman about Peck’s Dam in Napier Street, Montmorency] 4. Office memo: Temporary Shutdown of Water Supply Shire Offices – Tuesday 9 March 1993; Anthony Guzzo, 5 March 1993 – Melbourne Water advice due to works on new library 5. Plan of Old Municipal Offices, date and creator unknown 6. Newspaper clipping: Move to convert shire office for police use, by Jodie Haythorne, Diamond Valley News, May 1995 7. Newspaper clipping: Sale of Eltham office / Removal of Question time; Nillumbik Happenings, Mountain Views, 15 May 1995 8. Newspaper clipping: Bid for TAFE campus, Mountain Views, 25 September 1995, p8 9. Newspaper clipping: Will the former Shire of Eltham offices become a TAFE college?, The Advertiser, circa September 1995 [Reverse side; Jezza! Photo of football legend Alex Jesaulenko at Watsonia RSL also Advertisement: Maternal and Child Health Centre Timetable] 10. Newspaper clipping: Eltham may get TAFE campus in shire offices, by Fiona Kaegi and Natalie Town, and Nillumbik set for rate cuts, Diamond Valley News, circa September 1995 [Reverse side; Art for hope – article about artist Damien Curtain at Hurstbridge Primary School] 11. Newspaper clipping: More talks on TAFE, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 17, 1995, p3 – includes photos of Nillumbik Chief Commissioner Don Cordell, Box Hill College of TAFE Executive Director Andrew Jackson and Niillumbik CEO Barry Rochford; Eltham MP Wayne Phillips with Eltham Chamber of Commerce President Norm Williams and Rotary Club of Eltham President Peter Bishop; Eltham College principal John Brennan with St Helena Secondary College head Ken Cunningham and Eltham High School principal Ron Edwards. [On reverse, p4, Sorry sag of botched relations, Jock Kyme] 12. Newspaper clipping: Eltham hails TAFE take-over, by Fiona Kaegi and Council to hold regular briefings, Diamond Valley News, 18 October 1995 13. Newspaper clipping (photocopy): Why no council office at Eltham?, Mark Burns, Letters, Diamond Valley News, 18 October 1995 14. Newspaper clipping: Future of Eltham office?, Mountain Views, Monday, October 23, 1995, p8 15. Newspaper clipping: Council seeks opinions on former shire offices, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 25 October 1995 16. Newspaper clipping: Shire office move, The Advertiser, December 1995 17. Newspaper clipping: Former shire offices up for sale; possibly Diamond Valley News, December 1995 18. Newspaper clipping: Agents to sell shire office, Mountain Views, Monday, December 18, 1995, p8 19. Newspaper clipping: Advertisement; Nillumbik Shire Council Proposed Sale or Lease of Eltham Municipal Offices, Diamond Valley News, 10 January 1996 20. Newspaper clipping: No Submissions on Eltham Shire Offices, Diamond Valley-Whittlesea Advertiser, 30 January 1996, p1 21. Photocopy: Minutes of Ordinary Council Meeting, 31 January 1996, 7.4 Sale or Lease of Former Eltham Municipal Offices 22. Photocopy: Letter HTW Valuers to Nillumbik Shire Council, Valuation of former Eltham Municipal Offices at $1.45 million, 31 January 1996 23. Newspaper clipping: New G’boro, Eltham places, Diamond Valley-Whittlesea Advertiser, Tuesday, March 26, 1996, p4 [on reverse, p3, ALP Faithful at Montsalvat] 24. Newspaper clipping: Legal costs a hurdle for action group, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, 16 April 1996 25. Photocopy (91 pages): Tender Documents for purchase of Former Eltham Shire Offices 895 Main Road, Eltham, Prepared for Nillumbik Shire Council, Maddock Lonie & Chisholm, Melbourne. Tenders close at 3.00pm on 24 April 1996 26. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Building’s asbestos riddle. By Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 26 June 1996 27. Photocopy: Minutes of Ordinary Council Meeting, 26 June 1996, 11.43/96 Sale of Eltham Offices, Main Road, Eltham 28. Media Release (Photocopy of facsimile from Barry Rochford, CEO): Community Facilities in New Gateway to Eltham, 28 June 1996 29. Photocopy (A3): TPA1 – Site Plan 1:200 Proposed Convenience Centre At Main Road Eltham, Baldasso Cortese Pty Ltd Architects, Collingwood, July 1996 30. Newspaper clipping: ‘Whopper’ For Eltham?, Letters, Sigmund Jorgensen, The Advertiser, Tuesday, July 2, 1996, p3 31. Newspaper clipping: Ex-shire offices to go, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 3 July 1996, p1 32. Photocopy Newspaper clipping: Unsuccessful bidders criticise sale of offices, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, 10 July 1996 33. Newspaper clipping: Insensitive proposal, Sue Dyet, Letters, Diamond Valley Newsm 17 July 1996 34. Photocopy: Minutes of Ordinary Council Meeting, 17 July 1996, 7.116/96 Sale of Eltham Offices, Main Road, Eltham 35. Newspaper clipping: Former shire office sale angers residents, Diamond Valley News, 30 July 1996, p3 36. Newspaper clipping: Eltham Offices Demolition, ‘You can’t demolish city hall’, The Advertiser, Tuesday, July 30, 1996, pp14-15 features photos of Eltham protestors, Thelma Barkway, Harry Gilham, Jenni Mitchell, Jock Kyme and David Essex 37. Photocopy (A3): TPA1 – Site Plan Proposed Convenience Centre, Main Road, Eltham, Graeme Bentley Landscape Architects, August 1996 38. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Letters; Disbelief at plans, Margaret Jennings; Lack of respect, Mike Jansz; Community opinion, Sigmund Jorgensen, Diamond Valley News, circa August 1996 39. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): ‘There was no conflict of interest’, The Advertiser, Tuesday, August 4, 1996 40. Newspaper clipping: Chamber supports plans, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, 7 August 1996 41. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Letters; Adding to the price, Kelly Fitzpatrick; Area being torn apart, Jenni Bundy, Diamond Valley News, 7 August 1996 42. Newspaper clipping: Labor joins battle to save offices, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, (7?) August 1996 43. Newspaper clipping: Letters to the Editor; ‘Atrocious assault of commercialism’, Lois Loftus-Hills, The Advertiser, Tuesday, August 13, 1996, p9 44. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Roll up for the show, Kahn Franke; Thanks for turn-out, Margaret Jennings; Way past time, Jenni Bundy; Angry at the vandalism (continued p13 missing), Diamond Valley News, August 14, 1996, p12 45. Newspaper clipping: ‘Enough is enough’ states John Cohen; Letters to the Editor, Diamond Valley-Whittlesea Advertisers, Tuesday, August 20, 1996, p2 [Reverse, p1, Trade boost at Diamond Creek] 46. Newspaper clipping: Public viewing, Diamond Valley News, 4 September 1996, p 47. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Chiefs must resign, Gayle Blackwood; Time to have your say, Margaret Jennings; Sensible balance, Gwen Jakins; Recycling: a fine example, Grace Mitchell; Limits on site use, Stephen Clendinnen; Diamond Valley News, 4 September 1996, p4 48. Newspaper clipping: Letters; A lasting memorial, Ken and Laurel Eckersell; Stripping assets, Jack Lawson; Diamond Valley News, 4 September 1996, p29 49. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Nillumbik: in the eye of the beholder, Sigmund Jorgensen; ‘Crying inside’ over Eltham Shire office, Grace Mitchell; The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 10, 1996, 2 50. Newspaper clipping: Public Notice; Notice of an Application for Planning Permit, Dallas price Homes Pty Ltd, Diamond Valley News, 11 September 1996 51. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Timing was the problem: chief, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, 11 September 1996 52. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Architectural monstrosity, Jenni Bundy; Bargain price, Gavin Gray; Paying for road works, Sue Dyet; Diamond Valley News, 11 September 1996 [ on reverse, articles on Queen’s Guide Nicola Blay (photo) and Plenty River and Diamond Creek waterways] 53. Newspaper clipping: Eltham Hub Plans on Show, The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 17, 1996, p1 54. Newspaper clipping: Bleeding halted: Commish and Letters; Sigmund’s credibility gap, David Nolte; ‘Double standards’, Ros Harris, The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 17, 1996, p3 55. Newspaper clipping: Gateway to the future; Plans on display, public comments sought, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, September 18, 1996, p8 [Reverse, p7, Policy limits event signs, and, Council ‘arrogant’ on ward option: MP] 56. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): 19 on council inquiry list, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, 18 September 1996 – about council listing 19 people who are only to be dealt with directly by CEO, Barry Rochford 57. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Eltham is wonderful, Sigmund Jorgensen, Letters, The Advertiser, Tuesday, September 24, 1996, p4 58. Objection to Grant of Planning Permit (Photocopy): Russell Yeoman per Eltham District Historical Society Inc. re application 960376 for petrol station, convenience shop, retail shop, etc to be issued to Dallas price Homes Pty Ltd, 25 September 1996 59. Newspaper clipping (Photocopy): Public meeting, Eltham Gateway Action Group – to discuss latest plans to develop former shire office site on Sunday 4 September 1996; publication unknown, possibly Diamond Valley News 60. Newspaper clipping: Minister orders sale probe, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, October 12, 1996, p1 61. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Headline could mislead, Wayne Phillips, Member for Eltham, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 8, 1996, p3 62. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Few jobs for young, Margaret Jennings; The whole truth, Alan Ramsay, Diamond Valley News, October 9, 1996, p12 63. Newspaper clipping: Public outcry at Abbott veto with ‘reserve power’; 200 residents yell abuse as commissioners give ok to Eltham service station, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 15, 1996, p1 64. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Eltham Hub briochure has ‘trees that are a fiction’, Lois Lofus-Hills, The Advertiser, Tuesday, October 15, 1996, p2 65. Newspaper clipping: Shrewd tactics row, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, October 16, 1996, p1 66. Newspaper clipping: Residents have their say on former shire offices, by Jodie Guest, and, Anger over reserve power, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, October 16, 1996, p9 67. Newspaper clipping: Office sale report will not be made public, Diamond Valley News, October 23, 1996 [Reverse, article featuring Youth development officer, Ian Patching] 68. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Happening in a hurry, Peter Dodds; Development unsuitable, Mark Burns; Vale those dreamers, Sigmund Jorgensen, Diamond Valley News, October 23, 1996, two pages unidentified 69. Newspaper clipping: Group to fight council decision on office site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, October 26, 1996 – re Eltham Gateway Action Group taking Council to the Administrative Appeal Tribunal over approval of controversial development [Reverse, article on Bend of Islands place name] 70. Newspaper clipping: Three days allowed to hear objection, by John Dubois, Diamond Valley New, December 4, 1996 71. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Site traffic dangers, Frank Burgoyne; Thanks for support, Margaret Jennings, Diamond Valley News, noted in pen as 8 December 1996 though probably 11 December 1996 [Reverse, What about that link, asks council, by Natalie Town – about ring road between Greensborough and Ringwood] 72. Newspaper clipping: Minister to rule on proposal, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, December 18, 1996 73. Report (Photocopy, 31 pages): Convenience Centre Development Proposal: Italian Cypress at Former Eltham Shire Offices Site, Main Rd. Eltham, Graeme Butler & Associates, 1997 74. Newspaper clipping: People unite to battle project, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, February 19, 1997 75. Letter (Photocopy): Ms B Martin to Fiona Kaegi to be submitted for Letters to the Editor, Diamond Valley News 26 March 1996 edition 76. Letter (Photocopy): Thelma Barkway to Fiona Kaegi to be submitted for Letters to the Editor, Diamond Valley News 26 March 1996 edition 77. Newspaper clipping: Legal Battle, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 2, 1997 78. Newspaper clipping: Site Row Saga, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 9, 1997 79. Newspaper clipping: Community fears loss of heritage, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, April 9, 1997 80. Newspaper clipping: Debate erupts over service station plan, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, April 9, 1997 [Reverse, ‘No’ to rates hike proposal] 81. Newspaper clipping: Letter to the Editor; “Your front-page last week is considerable inaccurate … a surplus of $14,000 is expected at 30 June 1977.”, Robert Marshall, The Advertiser, April 28, 1997, p1 82. Newspaper clipping: $1.1m Debt Plan, by Fiona Keagi, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 23, 1997, p1 and continued on p24, Shire to defer works programs 83. Newspaper clipping: Blast for Council, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, April 30, 1997, p1 and continued on p7, ‘Experts’ oppose plans for shire site. 84. Newspaper clipping: Photo – Uncertainty: the future of the former Eltham Shire office site is still to be decided by Planning Minister Rob Maclellan., Diamond Valley News, April 30, 1997 [ Reverse; Not your average convenience store, by Laeta Antonysen] 85. Newspaper clipping: Shire site decision soon, Diamond Valley News, May 28, 1997 86. Newspaper clipping: Letters to the Editor; Features to protect, Ken Eckersell, Diamond Valley News, June 4, 1997 87. Newspaper clipping: Costly bun fight over shire offices, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, July 2, 1997 [reverse, Montsalvat plans season of festivals, by Fiona Kaegi] 88. Newspaper clipping: Shire office shemozzle, Diamond Valley News, July 2, 1997 – provides a brief timeline of events June 1996 to April 22, 1997 89. Newspaper clipping: Law Suit Threat, by Fiona Kaegi and Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, July 9, 1997, p1 90. Newspaper clipping: Report rejects store plan, and, Residents with panel, Diamond Valley News, Wednesday, July 9, 1997 91. Newspaper clipping: Councillors meet Shell developer, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, July 30, 1997 92. Newspaper clipping: Deadline extended to allow more talks, by Fiona Kaegi, Diamond Valley News, August 8, 1997. Also Curves to stay in link road about Nillumbik’s realignment plans for Diamond Creek’s ‘windy mile’ [Reverse, Shire tightens grants scheme] 93. Newspaper clipping: $10m option for shire office site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, September 10, 1997 94. Newspaper clipping: New plan for shire office site, by Laeta Antonysen, and , Council refuses to do trade with developer, Diamond Valley News, September 17, 1997, p12 [ Reverse, p11, Mixed reaction to kangaroo culling] 95. Newspaper clipping: Gateway plan review, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, October 22, 1997, p3 96. Newspaper clipping: Top planner calls for rethink on office site, by Jodie Guest, Diamond Valley News (includes photo of John Pizzey) 97. Newspaper clipping: Opposition offers help on planning, by Jamie Duncan, Diamond Valley News, November 5, 1997, p3 (includes photo of Opposition Leader John Brumby and Nillumbik Shire President Robert Marshall at the Eltham Gateway site) 98. Letter (Photocopy): Russell Yeoman, Secretary, Eltham District Historical SAociety to Mr B. Rochford, CEO, Nillumbik Shire Council, 15 November 1997 with specific reference to the health of the three “Shillinglaw” trees 99. Newspaper clipping: Puzzlement over delay on office site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, November 19, 1997 100. Newspaper clipping: Developer pulls out, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, December 10, 1997, p3, and, Council uproar over officers [Reverse, p4, Final victory – announcing resignation of Jenni Mitchell as president of Etham Gateway Action Group] 101. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Asset of pride, Sigmund Jorgensen, Diamond Valley News, January 14, 1998 102. Newspaper clipping: Minister ‘no’ to plan, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, February 11, 1998, p3 103. Newspaper clipping: Shell shocked as Eltham planning protest is upheld, by Gabrielle Costa, date and publication unknown; possibly The Age, February 1998 104. Newspaper clipping: Land review, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News, April 1, 1998 105. Newspaper clipping: Bid to move shire offices to new site, by Laeta Antonysen, Diamond Valley News not specifically about 895 Main Road but former Diamond Valley Shire Offices at Civic Drive, Greensborough, circa June 1998 106. Newspaper clipping: Letters; What about us?, Gayle Blackwood, Diamond Valley News, circa June 10, 1998 107. Letter (Photocopy): Sigmund Jorgensen to Kahn Franke, 1 July 1998 re advertisement and list of contributors 108. Advertisement (Photocopy): Show that democracy is not dead in Nillumbik !!!, Saturday 17 Oct. 1998 109. Newspaper clipping: Arts dream shattered, by Natalie Birch, Diamond Valley Leader, July 17, 2002, p3 – Council about to dump plans for an arts centre on former office site 110. Newspaper clipping: Letters; This site belongs to the people, John Cohen; Pro-development, Jenni Bundy, Diamond Valley Leader, May 21, 2003 111. Discussion Paper: Community Use of Site, 895 Main Road Eltham, 8 pages, Gayle Blackwood, Sue Dyet, Ken Eckersell, 25 August 2003 with supporting drafts dated August 5 and 6. 112. Newspaper clipping: Shire plan ‘sacrilegious’; Residents fight war memorial sale, by Dave Cropssthwaite, Diamond Valley Leader, Nillumbik Edition, Wednesday, August 18, 2004, p1 – about council plans to sell Eltham War memorial and former Shire Office sites 113. Newspaper clipping: Land sales to come under more debate, by Dave Crossthwaite, Diamond Valley Leader, September 15, 2004, p5 114. Newspaper clipping: Council saves ex-office site, axes club plan, Diamond Valley Leader, March 30, 2005 115. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Ask the people, John Cohen, Diamond Valley Leader, April 6, 2005, p20 116. Newspaper clipping: Shire moving for public use zoning on Eltham landmark sites, Diamond Valley Leader, October 25, 2006 117. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Consultation a sham, Carol Doherty; Civic centre excellent, Marguerite Marshall; Only Eltham counts, Carmel Jacobsen, Diamond Valley Leader, May 22, 2007 [Reverse, Disability a test for councillor (Bo Bendtsen)] 118. Newspaper clipping: Advertisement; Nillumbik Planning Scheme, Approval of Amendment C49 – rezoning of 895 and 903-907 Main Road, Diamond Valley Leader, September 5, 2007, p7 119. Newspaper clipping: Illustration; An artist’s impression of the proposed Nillumbik civic centre in Main Rd., Diamond Valley Leader, June 25, 2008 [Reverse, City link with learning – about Eltham College setting up a city campus for Year 9 students, with photo featuring principal Dr David Warner and students] 120. Newspaper clipping: Civic centre forecast withdrawn, Diamond Valley Leader, July 2, 2008 121. Letter: Nillumbik Shire Council, 5 September 2008, re Civic Future Project 122. Letter: Nillumbik Shire Council to EDHS, 5 October 2008, re Civic Future Project 123. Letter (Copy): Mrs D. Bassett-Smith to Mayor and Councillors, 17 April 2009 re former shire office site and future community use 124. Letter (Copy): Eltham District Historical Society to Bill Forrest, CEO, Nillumbik Shire Council, 1 August 2009, in support of D. Bassett-Smith letter of 17 April 2009 and response from Council, 12 August 2009 125. Newspaper clipping: Hotel mooted for site, by Brittany Shanahan, Diamond Valley Leader, July 5, 2017 126. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Fury, surprise and support for Eltham development; Re: Grand plan for Eltham’s jewel (February 7), Cath McLardy, Diamond Valley Leader, February 14, 2008, p14 [Reverse, p13, Learning from the fateful day; the devastation on that day in 2009 will always stay in Steve Warrington’s mind. He recalls the tragedy] 127. Newspaper clipping: Letters; Plan to fight council on land sell-off, Jennifer Ambrudge and others, Diamond Valley Leader, February 14, 2018, p15 – about council plan to sell off reserves and shire office site and Eltham War Memorial 128. Newspaper clipping: Plans for site urged, by Brittany Shanahan, Diamond Valley Leader, September 5, 2018 129. Newspaper clipping: Approach under fire; Council plans for historic shire site raises eyebrows, by Brittany Shanahan, Diamond Valley Leader, September 19, 2018 130. Newspaper clipping: Advertisement; Our plan for a revitalised Eltham, Nillumbik Shire Council, Diamond Valley Leader, Wednesday, October 3, 2018, p7 131. Notice: Eltham Community Town Meeting, Saturday 134th October 2018 – about council plans to sell off community reserves and assets – along with flyer for Eltham Community Action Group 132. Essay A4 18 pages: An essay addressed to the Councillors of Nillumbik Shire, October 2018 (with addendum 7 November), Andrew Lemon 133. Photocopy Marked Up Flyer: The story behind 895 and 903-907 Main Road, Eltham – the heart of Eltham’s Town Centre, with marked up comments by Eltham Community Action Group, collected 9 December 2018 134. Newspaper clipping: Calls to fix ‘outdated’ site; negotiations cease with developers amid renewed push to improve civic space at Main St. Eltham, by Anthony Plovesan, Diamond Valley Leader, May 29, 2019, p5 135. Newspaper clipping: Ex-council site flagged for hospital; Councillor suggests former Eltham headquarters would be ideal spot, by Anthony Plovesan, Diamond Valley Leader, October 30, 2019, p3 136. Concept plan: Proposal; Nillumbik Cultural Gallery with Art Cinema, Restaurant, Tourism, Preliminary Sketch Design G, Barry Pearce Architect and Designer, 8 April 2022, 8 pagesmain road, eltham, property, houses, shops, businesses, shillinglaw trees, eltham shire offices site

Taken some time between 1914-18, depicted is a large group of unidentified males. Four of them are dressed in Australian military uniforms. The remaining 19 men are dressed in striped uniforms. The male in the centre of the front row is cradling a football, suggesting that the group was part of a football or rugby league team. It is believed that the soldiers in this photograph were part of the Australian Imperial Force. This can be inferred by the chevron rank insignia visible on their uniforms. The placement of this insignia on the sleeve of the right arm suggests that this soldier was either a Warrant Officer or a Non-Commissioned Officer (NCO). Additionally, they are also wearing 'Rising Sun' collar badges on their coats. Australia, unlike most other Commonwealth countries, did not adopt metal regimental badges during the First World War. All units were issued with the Australian Army General Service Badge, better known as the 'Rising Sun’ badge. This insignia is almost always identified with the Australian Imperial Force. Sport has always been entwined with war. Both sport and war demand peak physical fitness, camaraderie, strategy, and allegiance to a team collaboratively working towards a common goal: to win. The connection between sport and war is especially strong in Australia since these two concepts form the basis of our national identity. The Australian War Memorial has a number of World War I recruitment posters linking war and sport in its collection. One of the posters produced in 1915 by the State Parliamentary Recruiting Committee in Victoria attempted to shame young men into enlisting by juxtaposing the image of an Australian soldier standing guard over his deceased mate with a photograph of a Victorian Football League match. Another poster, produced in 1917, features vignettes of different sports including cricket, bowling, boxing, kayaking and golf. Its slogan reads, "Join Together - Train Together - Embark Together - Fight Together: Enlist in the Sportman's 1000".The record is historically significant due to its connection to World War I. This conflict is integral to Australian culture as it was the single greatest loss of life and the greatest repatriation of casualties in the country's history. Australia’s involvement in the First World War began when the Australian government established the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) in August 1914. Immediately, men were recruited to serve the British Empire in the Middle East and on the Western Front. The record has strong research potential. This is due to the ongoing public and scholarly interest in war, history, and especially the ANZAC legend, which is commemorated annually on 25 April, known as ANZAC Day. Additionally, the record presents a unique opportunity to further explore the relationship between the arts, sport and war. This statement of significance has already established that war is integral to Australia's national identity - and sport is of equal importance. Specifically, the record begs to question how the peak physical fitness and camaraderie valued in team sports were creatively translated into military recruitment campaigns during World War I. Evidently, this record and its historic context demonstrates that there is potential here, and if further research is completed on this topic, it may provide insight into Australian military recruitment tactics used in the past and present, and into the future.Sepia rectangular photograph printed on matte photographic paper mounted on card.Reverse: 6529 / hyossest (?) / (?)1/11/1 /military album, army, military, war, wwi, world war i, sport, football, rugby, aif, australian imperial force

The British Royal Navy’s warship HMS Victory was once Lord Nelson’s flagship. The HMS Victory was built in 1765 and after serving active duty is now, in 2019, still a ship of the Royal Navy, in dry dock undergoing continuous restoration to preserve her for display as a museum ship, due to the vessel’s significant naval history. Battle of Trafalgar: On October 21, 1805, twenty-seven British ships of the line, led by Admiral Lord Nelson aboard HMS Victory, defeated thirty-three French and Spanish ships of the line under French Admiral Villeneuve. The battle took place in the Atlantic Ocean off the southwest coast of Spain, just west of Cape Trafalgar, near the town of Los Caños de Meca. The victory confirmed the naval supremacy Britain had established during the course of the eighteenth century and it was achieved in part through Nelson's departure from the prevailing naval tactical orthodoxy of the day. Conventional practice at the time was for opposing fleets to engage each other in single parallel lines, in order to facilitate signalling and disengagement and to maximise fields of fire and target areas. Nelson instead arranged his ships into two columns to sail perpendicularly into the enemy fleet's line. During the battle, Nelson was shot by a French musketeer and he died shortly before the battle ended. Villeneuve was captured, along with his ship Bucentaure. He later attended Nelson's funeral while a captive on parole in Britain. Admiral Federico Gravina, the senior Spanish flag officer, escaped with the remnant of the fleet. He died five months later from wounds sustained during the battle. It was prior to this battle that Nelson had issued his now-famous final orders to his ships in 12 separate flag-hoists “England expects that every man will do his duty”. This wood sample is historically significant for its association with Admiral Lord Nelson the Battle of Trafalgar. Through Nelson’s leadership and unorthodox battle tactics, he secured not only a victory against the French and Spanish but reaffirmed Britain's naval supremacy opening the way for Britain to continuing the policy of colonisation of many countries including Australia.Coloured postcard of sailing ship, warship or battleship, deck cannons on the ship and in the foreground, many signal flags flying from the masts. Printed on the front "H.M.S. Victory Flying Lord Nelson Famous Signal". The signal was given by Lord Nelson in 1805.Printed on the front "H.M.S. Victory / Flying Lord Nelson Famous Signal"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, post card, postcard, sailing ship, vice-admiral lord nelson, horatio nelson, lord nelson, oak piece, piece of oak, nelson, battle of trafalgar, maritime technology, ship relics, 18th century warship, british royal navy, sir home popham’s telegraphic code, admiralty official day signal book, october 21, 1805, admiral lord nelson, french and spanish navies, nelson's famous signal, england expects that every man will do his duty, hms victory, nelson collection at lloyd's, lloyd’s of london, lloyd’s patriotic fund, napoleonic battles, british naval history, 18th century warship, 18th century battleship

The piece of oak wood sample inside the case was obtained from Mr. H Cooper during the time he served as a shipwright for the British Royal Navy on Nelson’s flagship, HMS Victory, in 1891. By that time the H.M.S. Victory was around 100 years old having been built in 1765 and was currently in dry dock undergoing restoration. Cooper’s skills as a shipwright would have been well employed during this period. HMS Victory was and still does undergoing continuous restoration to preserve her for display as a museum ship, due to the vessel's significant naval history. It was during that time of early restoration that Cooper obtained the piece of Oak from HMS Victory believed to be from the ships hull. Cooper was in Australia in September 1891 serving on the HMS Wallaroo, a British Auxiliary Squadron commissioned to serve as part of the British Royal Navy contingent, tasked to operate in Australian waters. The photograph included with the donation of the wood sample is a portrait of Mr H Cooper taken in 1895 in Sydney. The inscription on the photograph describes him as a skilled shipwright from the H.M.S. Wallaroo, depicting Cooper as a young man in Royal Navy uniform, with the emblem of a petty officer third class. While Cooper was stationed on the H.M.S. Wallaroo in Sydney he presented the display case, containing the wood sample from H.M.S. Victory, as well as the exhibit labels to Charles Harding, ("Chas") late of the Royal Australian Navy. Harding had been based at the H M Naval Torpedo Depot at Williamstown, Victoria. Although not mentioned, it is believed the two men met whilst serving together in Australia in their respective assignments. It could have been a retirement gift from Cooper to Harding with the photograph of Cooper likely included with the case, and gifted to Harding in 1895, as the date on the photograph indicates. One of the exhibits labels indicates that Harding had the item on display whilst serving at the Naval Torpedo Depot in Williamstown. The label indicates: "This piece of Oak is part of the hull of H.M.S. “Victory” Lord Nelson’s renowned Flag Ship, which took such a prominent part in the Battle of Trafalgar. 21st October 1805. Exhibited by Charles Harding, H.M.V. Naval Torpedo Depot, Williamstown.” After Charles Harding died in 1931 the case containing the sample of oak from H.M.S. Victory was donated by his son Reg Harding to Mr. Murphy in 1962. The display case has since become a treasured item at Flagstaff Hill. A newspaper article dated 1905 included with the donation mentions that the city of Hamilton in Victoria was shortly expecting a mounted piece of the H.M.S. Victory, to be included in the city’s commemoration of the centenary of the "Battle of Trafalgar". Battle of Trafalgar: On October 21, 1805, twenty-seven British ships of the line led by Admiral Lord Nelson aboard HMS Victory defeated thirty-three French and Spanish ships of the line under French Admiral Villeneuve. The battle took place in the Atlantic Ocean off the southwest coast of Spain, just west of Cape Trafalgar, near the town of Los Caños de Meca. The victory confirmed the naval supremacy Britain had established during the course of the eighteenth century and it was achieved in part through Nelson's departure from the prevailing naval tactical orthodoxy of the day. Conventional practice at the time was for opposing fleets to engage each other in single parallel lines, in order to facilitate signalling and disengagement, and to maximise fields of fire and target areas. Nelson instead arranged his ships into two columns to sail perpendicularly into the enemy fleet's line. During the battle, Nelson was shot by a French musketeer and he died shortly before the battle ended. Villeneuve was captured, along with his ship Bucentaure. He later attended Nelson's funeral while a captive on parole in Britain. Admiral Federico Gravina, the senior Spanish flag officer, escaped with the remnant of the fleet. He died five months later from wounds sustained during the battle. It was prior to this battle that Nelson had issued his now-famous final orders to his ships in 12 separate flag-hoists “England expects that every man will do his duty”. This wood sample is historically significant for its association with Admiral Lord Nelson the Battle of Trafalgar. Through Nelson’s leadership and unorthodox battle tactics, he secured not only a victory against the French and Spanish but reaffirmed Britain's naval supremacy opening the way for Britain to continuing the policy of colonisation of many countries including Australia.Wood sample adhered to the base of a hinged wood and glass display case. Wood is a sample of oak taken from the hull of Vice-Admiral Lord Nelson's flagship, the HMS Victory, built in 1765. The case also contain two exhibit labels pinned above the wood sample. Other items donated with the display case, and relating to the wood sample: an 1895 photograph, a 1905 newspaper clipping, a 1962 donor's letter (two pages), and a handwritten exhibit label with a border of red lines. Photograph Front: printed- "Herbst" "28 Oxford Street, Hyde Park, Sydney", handwritten - "Mr Cooper", "see back". Back: handwritten - "Mr H Cooper, skilled shipwright, H.M.S. Wallaroo 1895" Exhibit labels still in the case: Left: handwritten- “PIECE OF OAK FROM THE HULL OF H.M.S. VICTORY”, Right: typewritten- “This piece of Oak was originally obtained by Mr. H. Cooper, skilled shipwright on H.M.S. “Victory” & afterwards on H.M.S. “Wallaroo” on the Australian Station in 1895, when he presented this exhibit to me. Chas. Harding, Late Victorian Navy.”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, oak, hms victory, vice-admiral lord nelson, horatio nelson, lord nelson, oak piece, piece of oaknelson, battle of trafalgar, maritime technology, ship relics, 18th century warship, british royal navy, h cooper shipwright, hms wallaroo, herbst hyde park sydney, charles harding, hmv naval orpedo depot williamstown, sir home popham’s telegraphic code, admiralty official day signal book

non-fictionThis book brings to life for many Australians, the close connection between Australia and East Timor. In 1941-42, Archie Campbell was a lieutenant in the 'Sparrow Force' the 300 men of the 2/2nd Independent Company in a 14-month campaign of ambushes and hit-and-run tactics which effectively pinned down more than 15,000 Japanese troops in East Timor. This book recounts the bloodless Australian landing in Portuguese East Timor, military actions against the Japanese, and eventual evacuation to Darwin. Central to Campbell's experience is the ambush and execution of a section from his platoon, shortly after the Japanese landing in Dili. In 1973, Archie returned to East Timor to meet Barana, the East Timorese man who, as a 12-year-old boy, helped and protected him during the campaign. Each Timorese boy who helped a commando and guarded him while he slept, was called that commando's Criado. Ken White accompanied Archie in the 1973 journey to East Timor to find Barana. He has used excerpts from Archie's own diary to tell the heart-warming story of their first meeting after 30 years. Historical background on the centuries of Portuguese rule, the Japanese occupation and the more recent Indonworld war ii, independent companies, australian commando, timor

Brightly designed record of posters, pamphlets, vintage books, film promos and comicsnon-fictionDocuments the ephemera used in the USA to warn against the threat of Communismcommunism, propaganda, posters, magazines, comics, vintage, pulp fiction

The photograph is of a music ensemble from the Greek island of Ithaca, taken sometime between 1938 - 1941. Mandolin and guitar music and cantades singing was popular with the people of Ithaca and across the Ionian Islands. The preference for this style of music and song was a result of the influence of the Venetian rule of the Ionian islands for almost 300 years. The uniforms of the young men photographed suggest they may have been members of the National Youth Organization established in Greece during the years of the Metaxas dictatorship (1936–1941) with the stated goals of helping the youth in the productive spending of their free time and cultivating their national values and cooperative spirit. Membership was made compulsory, for all young people, despite the views of families. A range of coercive tactics were used for those who were reluctant to join. The youth movement disintegrated after the regime’s ending in April 1941. Many of its members joined the Greek resistance movement. Despite the regime being a right wing dictatorship, Metaxas refusal to submit to imperialist and fascist Italy resulted in Greece entering WWII on the side of allies. Many Ithacans who settled in Australia brought with them their instruments and their love of cantades and the Ionian style of music. At family gatherings and celebrations they would play their mandolins and guitars and sing their beloved cantades.A black and white photograph in postcard format of sixteen young men, members of a mandolin and guitar orchestra. They are all dressed in dark trousers and shirts with light ties. The Ithacan Historical Society has been stamped on the back.

Index, bibliography, notes, ill, p.340.non-fictionIn March 1918, with the fear of a one-million-man American army landing in France, the Germans attacked. In response, Australian soldiers were involved in a number of engagements, culminating in the Second Battle of Villers-Bretonneux and the saving of Amiens, and Paris, from German occupation. Then came General John Monash's first victory as the Commanding Officer of the newly formed Australian Corps at Hamel. This victory, and the tactics it tested, became crucial to the Allied victory after 8 August, the 'black day of the German Army'. On this day the major Allied counteroffensive began, with the AIF in the vanguard of the attack. The Australians, with the Canadians to the south and the British across the Somme to the north, drove the Germans back, first along the line of the Somme and then across the river to Mont St Quentin, Péronne and on to the formidable Hindenburg Line, before the last Australian infantry action at Montbrehain in early October. Fast-paced and tense, the story of The Last 100 Days is animated by the voices of Australian soldiers as they endured the war's closing stages with humour and stoicism; and as they fought a series of battles in which they played a pivotal role in securing Allied victory. Collapse summary world war 1914- 1918 - campaigns - western front, western front - australian participation - 1918

Index, bibliography, maps, ill, p.173.non-fictionThe German army in the Second World War sought to fight and win swift, decisive victories in a succession of short campaigns - blitzkrieg, or lightning war. Flexibility was as essential as the will to win. Battle groups, or shock troops, were created from miscellaneous, and often disparate military units to undertake a specific local operation; it was the army's skill in combining superior numbers, aggressive tactics and the battle group commander's ability to exploit the changing situation on the ground which brought success on the battlefield.

The actions described here cover all theatres of the war, and include battle groups large and small, deployed usually to smash a breach in the enemy line or seal off an enemy penetration. It covers operations in the first dynamic years when Wehrmacht forces defeated the armies of one European country after another in fast campaigns, through to the years after Stalingrad and Africa as they moved towards defeat. 

The battle groups' contribution to Wehrmacht fortunes offer powerful lessons in the tactics of battle management and this book by James Lucas, a military historian known for his close studies of the German soldier, is considered to be one of the most detailed and authoritative accounts on the subject. Collapse summary germany - armed forces - history, germany - regimental histories