Documents relate to aspects of Legacy committees from as early as 1923 to 1950. In the original archive project these documents were put together. The card (two copies) is a promotion of the Deceased Soldiers Children Welfare Committee. It is asking the Legatees where they would like to help - for instance the Junior Boys Club, the holiday camp, Big Brothers for deceased comrades sons, or with vocational placements. This shows that the legatees were being reminded of their obligation to Legacy. It also captures the part of the poem 'In Flanders Field' that relates to the Torch and a quote about Legacy's work. It is from approximately 1927. A letter dated 1966, that accompanies these cards is from Frank Doolan and it claims that this might the sole surviving example of the brochure. He says it is an 'early Legacy story' that is now nearly 40 years old. It also says : 'In those days Literary and debating amongst boys was an important part of our weekly Boys Class, under Jim Gillespie, Alan Murray, Harold Peters and Co, and we turned out some remarkable boys including Ted Kennedy, Graham Billiet, Jack Covue and Jim McGregor, and entered several of them at Ballarat South Street in this year of 1928, which was also the year of the first demonstration in the Melbourne Town Hall.' Another letter is to Legatee Joynt from Legatee J Barnes dated 18th November 1938, it mentions that the recent Clothing Committee meeting had decided it was better to approach Legatee wives directly to get donations of clothing for the junior legatees, by ringing them. It was attached to a report on the meeting of the Clothing Committee from 11 November 1938. A third letter is a a cover letter to the Chairman of Legacy (W E Orr) attached to the resolutions made at the Welfare Sub Committee meeting on 29 August 1950. One recommendation was the hiring of a full time social worker and that the Contact Committee be reconvened to oversea contact with the widows.These documents are a snap shot of some of the work legatees were doing in sub committees to achieve the aims of Legacy.Documents and a brochure relating to the Welfare Committee of Legacy in the 1930s.committee, activities

A photo of 14 the original team of men that started the I.L.C. (Intermediate Legacy Club). Norman Smith is on the left of the front row, other names were identified on another copy of the photo at 01622. Back row: R. Rummell, D Fitzgerald, T Kennedy, J Lawson, R Davidson, F Holliday, A Warnecke. Front row: N Smith, R Gilbert, F Corrie, E Kennedy, J Kennedy, A Lawson, L Frazer. Absent: J MacGregor, A Davidson, F Hollingsworth, B Woods. Background: The ILC was formed in 1930 with a total membership of 16. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy.An early photo of junior Legatees who had formed the Intermediate Legacy Club in 1930.Black and white photo of 14 foundation members of the Intermediate Legacy Club.Handwritten on the back "Norman Smith I.L.C." in blue pen. Also "Originals of I.L.C. (Norm Smith on the left of the front row)" in pencil.ilc, junior legatee, norm smith

This pair of altar lights is from the St. Nicholas Seamen’s Church, 139 Nelson Place, Williamstown, Victoria, and was used during religious services there. The Church was operated by the Mission to Seamen organisation. The par of candlestick holders was originally donated by Mrs. R.J. Ewart,as part of the furnishings for the new St Nicholas Seamen's Church in Williamstown, opened in 1944. The candlestick holders were made by T. Gaunt & Co. of Melbourne, a manufacturer, importer and retailer of a wide variety of goods including jewellery, clocks and watches, navigational and measuring instruments, dinnerware, glassware and ornaments. Thomas Gaunt photograph was included in an album of security identity portraits of members of the Victorian Court, Centennial International Exhibition, Melbourne, 1888 THE MISSIONS TO SEAMEN (Brief History: for more, see our Reg. No. 611, Set of Pews) The Missions to Seamen, an Anglican charity, has served seafarers of the world since 1856 in Great Britain. It symbol is a Flying Angel, inspired by a Bible verse. Today there are centr4es in over 200 ports world-wide where seamen of all backgrounds are offered a warm welcome and provided with a wide range of facilities. In Victoria the orgainsation began in Williamstown in 1857. It was as a Sailors’ Church, also known as ‘Bethel’ or the ‘Floating Church’. Its location was an old hulk floating in Hobson’s Bay, Port of Melbourne. It soon became part of the Missions to Seamen, Victoria. In the year 2000 the organisation, now named Mission to Seafarers, still operated locally in Melbourne, Portland, Geelong and Hastings. The Ladies’ Harbour Lights Guild was formed in 1906 to support the Missions to Seamen in Melbourne and other centres such as Williamstown. Two of the most significant ladies of the Guild were founder Ethel Augusta Godfrey and foundation member Alice Sibthorpe Tracy (who established a branch of the Guild in Warrnambool in 1920). The Guild continued its work until the 1960s. In 1943 a former Williamstown bank was purchased for the Missions to Seaman Club. The chapel was named St Nicholas’ Seamen’s Church and was supported by the Ladies’ Harbour Lights Guild, the Williamstown Lightkeepers’ Auxiliary and the League of Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Friends. It ceased operation in 1966. A Missions to Seamen Chapel and Recreation Room was a significant feature of ports during the late 1800s and into the 1900s. It seemed appropriate for Flagstaff Hill to include such a representation within the new Maritime Village, so the Melbourne Board of Management of Missions to Seamen Victoria gave its permission on 21st May 1979 for the entire furnishings of the Williamstown chapel to be transferred to Flagstaff Hill. The St Nicholas Seamen’s Church was officially opened on October 11, 1981 and closely resembles the Williamstown chapel. These candlestick holders are significant historically for their origin in the St Nicholas Mission to Seamen's Church in Williamstown, established in 1857 to cater for the physical, social, and spiritual needs of seafarers. It originated in Bristol, England when a Seamen's Mission was formed in 1837. The connection of the candlestick holders to the Mission to Seamen ighlights the strong community awareness of the life of people at sea, their dangers and hardships, and their need for physical, financial, spiritual and moral support.Candlestick holders or altar lights; pair of two polished brass holders. The wax cup at the top has a scalloped lip, the centre of the stem has a bulbous section, and the base has a cast floral design depicting leaves and grapes. The holders have inscriptions. They were made by T. Gaunt & Co. This pair of Altar Lights is part of the St Nicholas Seamen's Church Collection. Stamped "T GAUNT & CO."flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, religion, religious service, st nicholas seamen’s church, williamstown, missions to seamen victoria, religious worship, candlestick holder, altar light, r j ewart, church furnishing, church lighting, t gaunt & co

This pair of altar lights is from the St. Nicholas Seamen’s Church, 139 Nelson Place, Williamstown, Victoria, and was used during religious services there. The Church was operated by the Mission to Seamen organisation. The par of candlestick holders was originally donated by Mrs. M. Jackson, as part of the furnishings for the new St Nicholas Seamen's Church in Williamstown, opened in 1944. The candlestick holders were made by T. Gaunt & Co. of Melbourne, a manufacturer, importer and retailer of a wide variety of goods including jewellery, clocks and watches, navigational and measuring instruments, dinnerware, glassware and ornaments. Thomas Gaunt's photograph was included in an album of security identity portraits of members of the Victorian Court, Centennial International Exhibition, Melbourne, 1888. THE MISSIONS TO SEAMEN (Brief History: for more, see our Reg. No. 611, Set of Pews) The Missions to Seamen, an Anglican charity, has served seafarers of the world since 1856 in Great Britain. It symbol is a Flying Angel, inspired by a Bible verse. Today there are centr4es in over 200 ports world-wide where seamen of all backgrounds are offered a warm welcome and provided with a wide range of facilities. In Victoria the orgainsation began in Williamstown in 1857. It was as a Sailors’ Church, also known as ‘Bethel’ or the ‘Floating Church’. Its location was an old hulk floating in Hobson’s Bay, Port of Melbourne. It soon became part of the Missions to Seamen, Victoria. In the year 2000 the organisation, now named Mission to Seafarers, still operated locally in Melbourne, Portland, Geelong and Hastings. The Ladies’ Harbour Lights Guild was formed in 1906 to support the Missions to Seamen in Melbourne and other centres such as Williamstown. Two of the most significant ladies of the Guild were founder Ethel Augusta Godfrey and foundation member Alice Sibthorpe Tracy (who established a branch of the Guild in Warrnambool in 1920). The Guild continued its work until the 1960s. In 1943 a former Williamstown bank was purchased for the Missions to Seaman Club. The chapel was named St Nicholas’ Seamen’s Church and was supported by the Ladies’ Harbour Lights Guild, the Williamstown Lightkeepers’ Auxiliary and the League of Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Friends. It ceased operation in 1966. A Missions to Seamen Chapel and Recreation Room was a significant feature of ports during the late 1800s and into the 1900s. It seemed appropriate for Flagstaff Hill to include such a representation within the new Maritime Village, so the Melbourne Board of Management of Missions to Seamen Victoria gave its permission on 21st May 1979 for the entire furnishings of the Williamstown chapel to be transferred to Flagstaff Hill. The St Nicholas Seamen’s Church was officially opened on October 11, 1981 and closely resembles the Williamstown chapel. These candlestick holders are significant historically for their origin in the St Nicholas Mission to Seamen's Church in Williamstown, established in 1857 to cater for the physical, social, and spiritual needs of seafarers. It originated in Bristol, England when a Seamen's Mission was formed in 1837. The connection of the candlestick holders to the Mission to Seamen highlights the strong community awareness of the life of people at sea, their dangers and hardships, and their need for physical, financial, spiritual and moral support. Candlestick holder, polished brass, pair of two. The wax cup has a scalloped lip, the centre of the stem has a bulbous section, the base has a floral design depicting leaves and grapes. Inscribed. Made by T. Gaunt & Co. This pair of Altar Lights is in our St Nicholas Seamen's Church Collection.Inscribed "T. GAUNT & CO.."flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, candlestick holders, altar lights, mrs. m. jackson, t. gaunt & co., religious service, ladies lightkeepers' auxiliary, mission to seamen victoria, st nicholas seaman’s church williamstown, religious worship, m. jackson

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

A handbook is issued to all Legatees to assist them with their work with the legacy widows; eg childrens' education, welfare, accommodation, health. A quick easy guide to services provided by Melbourne Legacy such as bursaries, medical care, financial assistance etc for Legatees use. It was reissued annually for many years prior to keeping this information electronically. Many issues are held at 00002 and 01080. Chapters of the book include the following, many of which are committees: Administration Anzac Day Observance Comradeship. 'Comradeship is an integral and important part of Legacy. This committee's function is primarily to arrange social and other activities which bring members together so that they become known to each other on an intimate and friendly basis; and so that when a member strikes a problem, he immediately knows with whom he might get into touch to discuss it in then spirit of mutual assistance.' Finance Huntingdale (Golf Club) Intermediate Legacy Liaison Personnel Committee Programme Committee Dealing with the Junior Legacy Committee: Boys' Group Camps and holidays Christmas party Contact Cultural and Library Dental Demonstration Education Employment Firewood Girls' Group Housing and accomodation Legal Longbank (holiday home for widows in need of a rest) Medical Newsletter Older widows Optometrists Pensions Probation Residences Special cases Welfare Appendix A Allowances for school requisites Appendix B Scholarships Appendix C Pensions / War widows pensions / Commonwealth widows pensions / Immediate assistance SCTF Appendix D Repatriation Department Appendix E Commonwealth Social Services Appendix F CWD - Children's Welfare Department Appendix G Hospital and medical benefits for Legacy Widows and their dependants Appendix H AMF Relief Trust Fund Appendix I SCTF - Services Canteen Trust Fund Appendix J Sir Samuel McCaughey Bequest Appendix K Various sources of assistance available (eg clothing, blankets, POW associations, RSL, conveyance allowances.)This booklet assisted legatees locating services available to widows and children from within Legacy or government departments.Five copies of the Handbook for Contactors. Different covers from different dates, 1 green, 1 apricot, 2 grey, 1 blue.2 x Melbourne Legacy, Legacy logo, Handbook for Contactors, Issued with Melbourne Legacy Diary 1959/1961-62. 2 x Melbourne Legacy, Legacy logo Handbook for Contactors, For use in conjunction with Melbourne Legacy Diary 1972. 1 x Melbourne Legacy, Legacy logo, Handbook for Contactors, For use in conjunction with Melbourne Legacy Diary 1966.regulations, objectives, rules, register

A handbook is issued to all Legatees to assist them with their work with the legacy widows; eg childrens' education, welfare, accommodation, health. A quick easy guide to services provided by Melbourne Legacy such as bursaries, medical care, financial assistance etc for Legatees use. It was reissued annually for many years prior to keeping this information electronically. Many issues are held at 00305. Chapters of the book include the following, many of which are committees: Administration Anzac Day Observance Comradeship. 'Comradeship is an integral and important part of Legacy. This committee's function is primarily to arrange social and other activities which bring members together so that they become known to each other on an intimate and friendly basis; and so that when a member strikes a problem, he immediately knows with whom he might get into touch to discuss it in then spirit of mutual assistance.' Finance Huntingdale (Golf Club) Intermediate Legacy Liaison Personnel Committee Programme Committee Dealing with the Junior Legacy Committee: Boys' Group Camps and holidays Christmas party Contact Cultural and Library Dental Demonstration Education Employment Firewood Girls' Group Housing and accomodation Legal Longbank (holiday home for widows in need of a rest) Medical Newsletter Older widows Optometrists Pensions Probation Residences Special cases Welfare Appendix A Allowances for school requisites Appendix B Scholarships Appendix C Pensions / War widows pensions / Commonwealth widows pensions / Immediate assistance SCTF Appendix D Repatriation Department Appendix E Commonwealth Social Services Appendix F CWD - Children's Welfare Department Appendix G Hospital and medical benefits for Legacy Widows and their dependants Appendix H AMF Relief Trust Fund Appendix I SCTF - Services Canteen Trust Fund Appendix J Sir Samuel McCaughey Bequest Appendix K Various sources of assistance available (eg clothing, blankets, POW associations, RSL, conveyance allowances.)This booklet assisted legatees locating services available to widows and children from within Legacy or government departments.Cover, cardboard, colour pale yellow, pages paper, colour white. Black print. Corners of cover cut off at an angle.Melbourne Legacy, Legacy symbol, Handbook for Contactors, issued with Melbourne Legacy Diary 1960. regulations, objectives, rules, register

A form for application for membership to the ILC. It shows the declaration required by the nominator and candidate. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee. An example of the formality of membership required to be part of the Intermediate Legacy Club. The ILC was active from 1929 to 1974.White foolscap application form with black type for membership of the ILC.ilc, membership, junior legatee

A guide to help Legatees understand their responsibilities. These handbooks are updated periodically. Also known and the Contactors Handbook. A handbook is issued to all Legatees to assist them with their work with the legacy widows; eg childrens' education, welfare, accommodation, health. A quick easy guide to services provided by Melbourne Legacy such as bursaries, medical care, financial assistance etc for Legatees use. It was reissued annually for many years prior to keeping this information electronically. Many issues are held at 00002 and 00305. Chapters of the book include the following (taken from the 1956 edition), many of which are committees: Administration Anzac Day Observance Comradeship. 'Comradeship is an integral and important part of Legacy. This committee's function is primarily to arrange social and other activities which bring members together so that they become known to each other on an intimate and friendly basis; and so that when a member strikes a problem, he immediately knows with whom he might get into touch to discuss it in then spirit of mutual assistance.' Finance Huntingdale (Golf Club) Intermediate Legacy Liaison Personnel Committee Programme Committee Dealing with the Junior Legacy Committee: Boys' Group Camps and holidays Christmas party Contact Cultural and Library Dental Demonstration Education Employment Firewood Girls' Group Housing and accomodation Legal Longbank (holiday home for widows in need of a rest) Medical Newsletter Older widows Optometrists Pensions Probation Residences Special cases Welfare Appendix A Allowances for school requisites Appendix B Scholarships Appendix C Pensions / War widows pensions / Commonwealth widows pensions / Immediate assistance SCTF Appendix D Repatriation Department Appendix E Commonwealth Social Services Appendix F CWD - Children's Welfare Department Appendix G Hospital and medical benefits for Legacy Widows and their dependants Appendix H AMF Relief Trust Fund Appendix I SCTF - Services Canteen Trust Fund Appendix J Sir Samuel McCaughey Bequest Appendix K Various sources of assistance available (eg clothing, blankets, POW associations, RSL, conveyance allowances.)A helpful booklet for Legatees in carrying out their duties.Printed paperback book with olive green cover, white pages and black type. Front cover, Melbourne Legacy Handbook and Legacy logo printed in black ink, 1951 handwritten in black biro and underlined twice in green pencil. Cover and pages stapled together. Page 4, alterations handwritten in blue ink, one alteration made by hand held stamp.regulations, objectives, rules

This is the Minute book of the Intermediate Legacy Ladies Club, from February 1983 - October 1993, detailing the activities and decisions of the ILLC. The Intermediate Legacy Club was established by Junior Legatees who had outgrown the junior activities. Initially just males but later the Intermediate Ladies also formed a club. From this book it appears to have functioned from at least 1953 to 1990. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929 with a total membership of 18. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing.Records of financial information and fund raising activities undertaken by the ILLC to assist Melbourne Legacy.Red mottled covered book with faint blue numbered pages. Yellow envelope and calendar fixed to inside cover with sellotape. Poem, Heroes of England inserted loosely between front cover and fly leaf. Two letters pinned to fly leaf 1- typed in blue thanking Intermediate Legacy Ladies Club for raising $1200.00. 2- letter in black type from the Honarary Secretary (Intermediate Legacy Ladies Club) to Mr Denstan Executive Officer Melbourne Legacy. A breakdown of amounts raised and from whom the funds were raised. Yellow envelope contains Statement of receipts and expenditure for years 1985/86/87/88/90/91/92.Cover, gold print "Collins 3880 series" underlined. Spine, gold print, Faint and paged. Lined and un-numbered page, handprinted Intermediate Legacy Ladies Club. In blue biro. Handwritten Minute Book. 1983 (February) in blue biro. Other notations have been inserted or stapled at pages 59, 96, 108 and 141.minutes, ilc, illc

A summary about the Intermediate Legacy Club included in the Legacy Newsletter on 2 August 1949 for the information of Legacy members. The article mentions: The ILC was formed in 1930 (actually 1929) with a total membership of 16 (18 names identified in 01622). The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy.An important summary of the formation and work of the Intermediate Legacy Club up to 1949. The ILC was active from 1929 to 1974.One page of a newsletter explaining the formation and role of the Intermediate Legacy Club.ilc, junior legatee

A document outlining the rules and objectives of the Intermediate Legacy Club (ILC). Background: The ILC was formed in 1929 with a total membership of 18. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee.An important summary of the objectives and work of the Intermediate Legacy Club. The ILC was active from 1929 to 1974.White foolscap paper with black type x 4 pages of Rules of the Intermediate Legacy Club.ilc, rules

A list of the presidents of the Intermediate Legacy Club and the dates of tenure. The list might be incomplete as it stops at 1964. The first president was Legatee EM Kennedy from 15th March 1929. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee. An important list of the presidents of the Intermediate Legacy Club. The ILC was active from 1930 to 1974.White foolscap paper with black type of a list of Presidents of the ILC.Handwritten in red pen 'ILC5' which was part of the an early archive numbering system.ilc, membership, junior legatee

A set of notes compiled by L/ Frank Doolan about the Intermediate Legacy Club (ILC). He spoke at the 1974 reunion and perhaps these notes formed part of his speech. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee. A record of the activities of the ILC from the point of view of L/ Frank Doolan who was on the archive committee in the 1970s and started collecting historical information.White note paper of various sizes handwritten by L/ Frank Doolan about the ILC.Handwritten in red pen ILC18 which was part of an early archive project numbering system. Stamped with 'Frank J Doolan' and his address in grey ink.ilc, junior legatee

A copy of information about Legacy published for members of the Intermediate Legacy Club to understand the Club's activities. The date is unknown. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee. A record of the Legacy Committees that were active at the time.White quarto paper brochure x 3 pages of Legacy committees.ilc, junior legatee, committee

A letter thanking Miss Lorna Skinner for her work with the Don Esses boys. The photos appear to be an outing of young children and some ILC members or Legatees. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee. Record that the ILC had help from Lorna Skinner with the Don Esses boys classes. An example of the ILC letterhead and they used the Legacy logo with a banner saying ILC.White A4 photocopy with black type from ILC to Lorna Skinner in 1945 attached to a photocopy of two photos.Handwritten 'Box 11 Box 5, which was part of an early archive project numbering system. Signed KT Herron.ilc, junior legatee

Cyrus Chambers was a self-described mechanic who started out winding bobbins in his father's woollen mill and went on to invent machines that changed their industries. Cyrus Chambers came from Quaker parents the ninth of thirteen siblings, he once said a year before his death. “I believe I have succeeded because, first, I was industrious; second, because I made a study of the subject that was before me.” At age 7, Chambers went to work in his father’s mill. His job was to monitor bobbins—wooden spindles around which thread was wound and to remove and replace them as they became full. "There was no child labour law at that time," he later recalled. Chambers loved machinery and always regarded himself as a mechanic rather than an inventor. At age 16, Chambers was sent to learn dentistry with an older brother, (Edwin) who was already in the field and willing to take him on as an apprentice. Chambers was talented at working with small parts. He used his brother's dental instruments to build a miniature high-pressure steam engine of silver. It ran at 3,000 revolutions per minute and weighed less than a half-ounce. At that time it was the smallest engine that had ever been constructed. The engine was displayed at the 1876 Centennial and is now in a permanent collection at the Franklin Institute USA. Chambers major invention was the paper folding machine and came from reading that school teachers made less than the young girls who were employed to fold book pages as they came off the press. He told friends that his first efforts were to make the machine that would fold newspapers after demonstrating his device he met with Horace Greeley of the New York Tribune who advised Chambers would never invent the machine that would be able to fold his newspaper or books. In less than a year Chambers had built a full-size machine capable of folding large newspapers and books and was installed at J B Lippincott & Co folding pages for the "Comly Speller" this machine ran successfully for twenty-five years until the printing works burnt down. Chambers then went into partnership with a brother and they established the firm "Chambers, Brother & Co" at a plant in Philadelphia. It was also observed in 1910 and a fact that there was not a periodical or newspaper printed or recently published book that had not gone through one of Chambers inventions. Chambers went on to produce many mechanical inventions and improvements to existing tools and machinery most notable was his invention for the machine that would make clay bricks. This machine made forty bricks per hour and by the end of Chambers life after many improvements, it could make more than four hundred. Although there were a large number of bold cutters made of this patent at Cyrus Chamber’s foundry in Philadelphia, the item is associated with a notable American inventor of the nineteenth century. This particular patent for a bolt and rivet cutter won Chambers the prestigious Elliott Cresson Medal. This cutter is just one of the many inventions and mechanical improvements that Cyrus Chambers made during his lifetime, contributing to the ongoing development of mechanical improvements that were occurring in American industry of the time and therefore a notable addition to the Flagstaff collection.Cast iron bolt cutter with removable tempered steel cutter. Chambers New No. 2.Raised embossed lettering on cast body of cutter "New No 2" on one side, "Chambers Bros & Co" on the other sideflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, cyrus chambers, bolt cutter, paper folding machine, brick making machine, elliot cresson, elliot cresson medal, franklin institute, gold medal, rivet cutter

This pair of brass altar vases is from the St. Nicholas Seamen’s Church, 139 Nelson Place, Williamstown, Victoria, during religious services there. The Church was operated by the Mission to Seamen organisation. Each vase is inscribed with the donors' names and the year of presentation - Margaret R. Pearson 1944, Mrs B Raybould 1944, - and the maker's name T. Gaunt & Co. The two donors presented the vases to St Nicholas Seamen's Church in Williamstown as part of the furniture and furnishings for the new church that officially opened in 1944. T. Gaunt & Co. engraved on both vases. T. Gaunt & Co. of Melbourne, is a manufacturer, importer and retailer of a wide variety of goods including jewellery, clocks and watches, navigational and measuring instruments, dinnerware, glassware and ornaments. Thomas Gaunt's photograph was included in an album of security identity portraits of members of the Victorian Court, Centennial International Exhibition, Melbourne, 1888. THE MISSIONS TO SEAMEN (Brief History: for more, see our Reg. No. 611, Set of Pews) The Missions to Seamen, an Anglican charity, has served seafarers of the world since 1856 in Great Britain. It symbol is a Flying Angel, inspired by a Bible verse. Today there are centr4es in over 200 ports world-wide where seamen of all backgrounds are offered a warm welcome and provided with a wide range of facilities. In Victoria the orgainsation began in Williamstown in 1857. It was as a Sailors’ Church, also known as ‘Bethel’ or the ‘Floating Church’. Its location was an old hulk floating in Hobson’s Bay, Port of Melbourne. It soon became part of the Missions to Seamen, Victoria. In the year 2000 the organisation, now named Mission to Seafarers, still operated locally in Melbourne, Portland, Geelong and Hastings. The Ladies’ Harbour Lights Guild was formed in 1906 to support the Missions to Seamen in Melbourne and other centres such as Williamstown. Two of the most significant ladies of the Guild were founder Ethel Augusta Godfrey and foundation member Alice Sibthorpe Tracy (who established a branch of the Guild in Warrnambool in 1920). The Guild continued its work until the 1960s. In 1943 a former Williamstown bank was purchased for the Missions to Seaman Club. The chapel was named St Nicholas’ Seamen’s Church and was supported by the Ladies’ Harbour Lights Guild, the Williamstown Lightkeepers’ Auxiliary and the League of Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Friends. It ceased operation in 1966. A Missions to Seamen Chapel and Recreation Room was a significant feature of ports during the late 1800s and into the 1900s. It seemed appropriate for Flagstaff Hill to include such a representation within the new Maritime Village, so the Melbourne Board of Management of Missions to Seamen Victoria gave its permission on 21st May 1979 for the entire furnishings of the Williamstown chapel to be transferred to Flagstaff Hill. The St Nicholas Seamen’s Church was officially opened on October 11, 1981 and closely resembles the Williamstown chapel. This par of vases is significant historically for its origin in the St Nicholas Mission to Seamen's Church in Williamstown, established in 1857 to cater for the physical, social, and spiritual needs of seafarers. It originated in Bristol, England when a Seamen's Mission was formed in 1837. The connection of pair of vases to the original donation to the Mission to Seamen highlights the strong community awareness of the life of people at sea, their dangers and hardships, and their need for physical, financial, spiritual and moral support. Vase: pair of two polished brass altar vases, round, pear-shaped, bulbous body on a round pedestal, two neck rings and flared lips. Inscriptions on both vases in script around the base. Made by T. Gaunt & Co. One was presented to the church by Margaret R Pearson and the other presented by Mrs B. Raybould in 1944 The vases are part of the St Nicholas Seamen's Church Engraved on the 625.1 "Presented By Margaret R. Pearson 1944." Engraved on 625.2 "Presented By Mrs B. Raybould. 1944." Both engraved "T GAUNT & Co"flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, religion, religious service, st nicholas seamen’s church, williamstown, missions to seamen victoria, brass vases, metal craft, brassware, altar vase, church vase, mrs r raybould, margaret r pearson, t gaunt & co, church furnishing

The Melbourne Legacy Diary/Contactor handbooks were produced annually by Melbourne Legacy. The books supply Legatees with many useful details and regulations. They include lists of current Legatees and contact details. A handbook is issued to all Legatees to assist them with their work with the legacy widows; eg childrens' education, welfare, accommodation, health. A quick easy guide to services provided by Melbourne Legacy such as bursaries, medical care, financial assistance etc for Legatees use. It was reissued annually for many years prior to keeping this information electronically. Many issues are held at 00305. Chapters of the book might include the following (taken from the 1956 edition), many of which are Legacy committees: Administration Anzac Day Observance Comradeship. 'Comradeship is an integral and important part of Legacy. This committee's function is primarily to arrange social and other activities which bring members together so that they become known to each other on an intimate and friendly basis; and so that when a member strikes a problem, he immediately knows with whom he might get into touch to discuss it in then spirit of mutual assistance.' Finance Huntingdale (Golf Club) Intermediate Legacy Liaison Personnel Committee Programme Committee Dealing with the Junior Legacy Committee: Boys' Group Camps and holidays Christmas party Contact Cultural and Library Dental Demonstration Education Employment Firewood Girls' Group Housing and accomodation Legal Longbank (holiday home for widows in need of a rest) Medical Newsletter Older widows Optometrists Pensions Probation Residences Special cases Welfare Appendix A Allowances for school requisites Appendix B Scholarships Appendix C Pensions / War widows pensions / Commonwealth widows pensions / Immediate assistance SCTF Appendix D Repatriation Department Appendix E Commonwealth Social Services Appendix F CWD - Children's Welfare Department Appendix G Hospital and medical benefits for Legacy Widows and their dependants Appendix H AMF Relief Trust Fund Appendix I SCTF - Services Canteen Trust Fund Appendix J Sir Samuel McCaughey Bequest Appendix K Various sources of assistance available (eg clothing, blankets, POW associations, RSL, conveyance allowances.)A record of Legacy compiling information for use by the Legatees in their work with widows and junior legatees.62 small books of various colours, and some covered in black plastic. Issues from between 1966 and 2014.regulations, objectives, rules

Annual reports of the Intermediate Legacy Club over several years. They include interesting information about the activities the ILC were involved in and some include some financial information. The ILC was self sufficient and did not receive funds from Legacy. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee. A record of the activities of the ILC.White foolscap paper reports with black type x 5 reports from 1934 to 1955. 01631.1 1934-35, 7 pages 01631.2 1935-36, 5 pages 01631.3 1939, 6 pages includes financial summary and a copy of the newsletter 01631.4 1950, 6 pages includes financial summary 01631.5 1955, 7 pages includes financial summaryHandwritten in red pen ILC6 which was part of an early archive project numbering system.ilc, annual summary

A copy of a newsletter published by the Intermediate Legacy Club (ILC) from 1933. It included news, poetry and president report by Len Frazer. Len was later the first Junior Legatee accepted into Melbourne Legacy after serving in the second world war. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee. A record of the activities of the ILC to its members in September 1933.White quarto paper newsletter x 14 pages, of the ILC in 1933, Vol 1 No 1.ilc, junior legatee

Two documents compiled by L/ Frank Doolan about the Intermediate Legacy Club (ILC). One is dated 15 February 1947 and examines the options for the ILC future, written by Graham Billiet. The other is a confidential proposal by an unknown person that the ILC could change focus and establish a Country Club Ranch. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee. A record of the activities of the ILC and discussion of it's future. The documents were collected by L/ Frank Doolan, who was on the archive committee in the 1970s and started collecting historical information.White foolscap paper x 4 pages, with black type about the ILC, they were paper clipped to items labelled ILC18 in red pen.Handwritten in red pen ILC18 which was part of an early archive project numbering system. 01637.1 Handwritten in pencil 'Legatee Doolan'. (3 pages) 01637.2 Handwritten in blue ink 'Norm - Confidential' (1 page)ilc, junior legatee

A one page typed summary of the ILC concerning members. It was clipped to other documents compiled by L/ Frank Doolan about the Intermediate Legacy Club (ILC). It mentions that the main assistance ILC was providing to Legacy was, through the Housing and Accomodation, the Firewood and Christmas Party committees. Background: The ILC was formed in 1929. The idea of the club sprang from those boys who had outgrown the Junior Legacy Club. In the early days it fielded a lacrosse team and it was this that mainly held the members together. Enthusiasm wained after a few years as it lacked a solid objective. The answer came from one of its members and in 1938 they founded the Don Esses Club. This was a club for the children of incapacitated ex-servicemen which met every Thursday night at 7.30 run by the ILC members. The name came from the signallers' code Disabled Servicemen's Sons. During the second world war 80% of the members of the ILC enlisted in the services. Leaving only 8 members that could not join due to ill health or reserved occupations. They continued the Don Esses and whatever aid they could to Legacy. ILC members had always helped Legacy where possible including being camp leaders or camp staff, with the annual demonstrations, and coffee stalls at the ANZAC dawn service. Post second world war some ILC members were nominated into Legacy, others drifted away in civil occupations. It was found difficult to recruit new blood into the ILC and eventually membership waned when the boys from the Don Esses clubs found other youth activities to join. The ILC ceased to meet regularly in the mid fifties. However a strong comradeship still existed between members and they would meet in one anothers homes. Members were always ready to help the senior Legacy Club in any way in their power and still helped at Christmas parties and summer camps. ILC was a service rendering organisation and was self governing. Non-sectarian and non-political, the members were ex-junior legatees over 18 years of age. After serving in World War 2 members were eligible to become members of Legacy. Was in a folder of material collated about the ILC by an early archive committee. A record of the activities of the ILC. The documents were collected by L/ Frank Doolan, who was on the archive committee in the 1970s and started collecting historical information.White quarto paper with black type about the ILC, it was paper clipped to items labelled ILC18 in red pen.Handwritten in red pen ILC18 which was part of an early archive project numbering system.ilc, junior legatee