In his early adult life, Richard Kaylock worked as a whaler (visiting California and New Zealand) and later as a drover on a large cattle station in New South Wales. In 1848 he came to Melbourne, working as a slaughterman, then settled in Eltham in 1854, his occupation thereafter being variously recorded as butcher or orchardist. He also had some experiences at Ballarat during the Eureka Rebellion. He died in 1910 at the age of 84. His obituary described him as a "striking personality" who was "brusque to a fault" and "strictly upright, expecting others to be the same". It seems from his will that he was illiterate. He is buried in Eltham Cemetery with his wife Emily. His property was in Wellington Street (now Brougham Street) and apparently extended across the Diamond Creek. The land on the western side of the creek was farmed, the house being on the eastern side. For many years the Brougham Street bridge was generally known as "Kaylock's Bridge". It formed part of the original coach road to Eltham and in 1922 was described as an "old rustic bridge". Its low level and insubstantial construction made it susceptible to flood damage, necessitating frequent closures until repairs could be carried out. The original bridge was demolished in 1923 and replaced by a "new up-to-date" one. When a lack of finances delayed repairs to the Bridge Street bridge in 1931, traffic had to detour via Brougham Street for some time. Local residents feared that the Bridge Street bridge might never reopen. In Loving Memory Of Our Dear Father & Mother R.G. and E.A. Kaylock Also E.J. Kaylock Died 21st Jan. 1927 The Eternal God Is My PledgeRoll of 35mm colour negative film, 6 stripsKodak GC 400-9eltham cemetery, gravestones, edith jane kaylock, emily ann kaylock (nee davis), richard george kaylock, brougham street bridge, kaylocks bridge

In his early adult life, Richard Kaylock worked as a whaler (visiting California and New Zealand) and later as a drover on a large cattle station in New South Wales. In 1848 he came to Melbourne, working as a slaughterman, then settled in Eltham in 1854, his occupation thereafter being variously recorded as butcher or orchardist. He also had some experiences at Ballarat during the Eureka Rebellion. He died in 1910 at the age of 84. His obituary described him as a "striking personality" who was "brusque to a fault" and "strictly upright, expecting others to be the same". It seems from his will that he was illiterate. He is buried in Eltham Cemetery with his wife Emily. His property was in Wellington Street (now Brougham Street) and apparently extended across the Diamond Creek. The land on the western side of the creek was farmed, the house being on the eastern side. For many years the Brougham Street bridge was generally known as "Kaylock's Bridge". It formed part of the original coach road to Eltham and in 1922 was described as an "old rustic bridge". Its low level and insubstantial construction made it susceptible to flood damage, necessitating frequent closures until repairs could be carried out. The original bridge was demolished in 1923 and replaced by a "new up-to-date" one. When a lack of finances delayed repairs to the Bridge Street bridge in 1931, traffic had to detour via Brougham Street for some time. Local residents feared that the Bridge Street bridge might never reopen. In Loving Memory Of Our Dear Father & Mother R.G. and E.A. Kaylock Also E.J. Kaylock Died 21st Jan. 1927 The Eternal God Is My PledgeBorn Digitaleltham cemetery, gravestones, brougham street bridge, edith jane kaylock, emily ann kaylock (nee davis), kaylocks bridge, richard george kaylock

The first photograph was taken prior to 1910. The location is at the corner of Centre and Jasper Roads, East Brighton, (now known as Bentleigh). It is an early view of John L. and "Minnie" Smith's Hay and Corn Store, situated on the South West corner of those two roads. The first photo was taken prior to the introduction of electricity in the area. A gas lamp and horse "hitching post" can be seen "in shot". There are several loaded wagons waiting in line to have their hay milled to chaff. Farmers came from places as distant as Carrum to have their loads of hay milled into chaff. John Smith was born in 1860 in Point Nepean Road, Brighton, and Minnie was born in Patterson Road, Moorabbin, in a wattle and daub cottage with earthen floor and butter muslin over the windows. The couple married in 1884, Minnie was a devout Methodist and the family became very involved in the development of the local Methodist church. The couple had four children and during the 1890s Depression their first child died, they lost all their possessions, and John's family struggled to survive. Finally in the late 1890s JL Smith was able to rent a shed from Mr Henry Box on the corner of Centre and Jasper Roads, and he later purchased that property. With the gradual improvement in the economy, and the development of the successful market gardening industry in the Shire of Moorabbin, JL Smith's produce store became quite prosperous. Over some years the little "shed" developed into a thriving Hay and Corn Store. JL Smith went on to become Moorabbin Shire President in 1914. He and his wife were active in assisting soldiers returning injured from the 1st WW, in the local Methodist Church and other early community projects. Smith was a typical example of the majority of the early settlers in the Shire of Moorabbin, being god-fearing and devoted to the idea of service to the community. The photographs demonstrate the primitive conditions and early development of what is now a bustling and well-recognised area of Bentleigh, (known as east Brighton before 1907). The photo shows a gas lamp in use before the introduction of electricity in 1916. The Smith's story is representative of the many early pioneering traders, who elected to "set up shop", who suffered the adversity of the 1890s depression, but who survived and made their living in the largely undeveloped area of East Brighton ( now Bentleigh) district. Two black and white early photographs both of the same location. The photos are of the corner of Centre and Jasper Roads, Bentleigh. (Prior to 1907 this area was known as East Brighton.) Both photos show J.L Smith's General Merchant Produce store. "Steam Chaff Cutting and Corn Crushing Mills" and the surrounding area at differing stages. In the first photo taken prior to 1910, we can see there are several horse-drawn carts loaded with hay waiting to be milled, a gas lamp and a horse "hitching post". The store is just a single unadorned, shed. The later, second photo of the same area, shows improvements and the further development of that site. On the back of the photo "Hay and Corn Store -/ not later than 1910."/"Photographer /Victor C Smith,/ Phone Number XL1472"/hitching post, methodist church, smith minnie, moorabbin shire president, gas lamp, east brighton district, 1890s depression, wattle and daub cottage, centre road, jasper road, box henry, smith john l

246 p. : ill. (some col.)Agony down under: Australian artists addressing AIDS /​ Ted Gott Allan from Sadness: a monologue with slides /​ William Yang Art from the Pit: some reflections on monuments, memory and AIDS /​ Simon Watney America: where angels don't fear to tread /​ Thomas Sokolowski The war on culture /​ Carole S. Vance Read my lips /​ Jimmy Somerville For a friend /​ Jimmy Somerville, Richard Coles Self-documentation, self-imaging,: Australian people living with HIV/​AIDS /​ Kathy Triffitt, co-ordinator Aesthetics and loss /​ Edmund White Psycho-cultural responses to AIDS /​ Dennis Altman Faces of AIDS /​ Lynn Sloan Lovers and friends /​ Richard Coles Where the streets have new aims: the poster in the age of AIDS /​ Ted Gott OI: opportunistic identification, open identification in PWA portraiture /​ Jan Zita Grover Don't leave me this way: art in the age of AIDS : catalogue of works.

When war broke out in 1899, and early target for the Boers was the diamond-mining centre of Kimberley. This was located near the point where the Transvaal, Orange Free State and Cape Colony met. General Sir Redvers Buller detached the 1st Division under Lieutenant General Lord Methuen to relieve the Siege of Kimberley. This decision was made partly for reasons of prestige. To capture Kimberley (which contained the famous imperialist and former Prime Minister of Cape Colony, Cecil Rhodes) would be a major propaganda victory for the British. Methuen's force advanced north and won two engagements against the Boers of the Orange Free State. Reinforcements from Transvaal under General Koos de la Rey arrived and he convinced the Boers to follow his plans for attacking the British. Instead of relying on the hills for protection and missing their targets, de la Rey proposed they make use of the flat veld and introduced them to the Mauser rifle with its flat trajectory. Trenches were built in the banks of the Modder River from which they could sweep the veld for a great distance. The trenches were built on the south side of the river and on the smaller Riet River where they meet at Modder River Station. Methuen's force began advancing towards the Modder planning to cross the river. The Boers opened fire and the British troops were unable to find cover on the veld. They had to lay flat so as not to be seen or hit. The British guns pounded the buildings near Modder River Station and the north bank of the river, missing the trenches on the south bank. The battle became a stalemate. The British found an opening on the Boer's right flank at Rosmead ford downstream and drove the Boers out of Rosmead. De la Rey drove them back into a small insecure bridgehead. The Boers feared they were vulnerable and withdrew during the night. Methuen reported that the battle had been "one of the hardest and most trying fights in the annals of the British army". Individual image from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.boers, diamind-mining, kimberley, transvaal, orange free state, cape colony, sir rdvers buller, lieutenant general lord methuen, siege of kimberley, cecil rhodes, general koos dde la rey, mauser rifle, veld, modder river, modder river station, trenches, riet river, rosmead

Vietnam War veteran An enthralling account of an Australian infantryman and his companions in the Vietnam War. On Friday 8th March 1968, 20-year-old Gary McKay lost the lottery. He was conscripted. From a comfortable and carefree life of surfing and rugby football, he was drafted into the deadly serious preparation for war in the jungles of South Vietnam. In Good Company is his story told in his own words. It begins with induction and selection for the officer academy for national servicemen at Scheyville, a six-month 'pressure cooker' course which produced second lieutenants ready to lead troops into action against the Viet Cong. It ends three and a half years later with a burst of NVA machine-gun fire during a battle among enemy-held bunkers in the hills of Nui Le. Here is a grass-roots account of the blood, sweat and tears shared by a rifle platoon in jungle warfare, a straightforward story of the fears and the camaraderie which soldiers experience in combat. Gary McKay fashioned this account from his experience in action, leading his platoon. The detail is provided from the 80 letters he wrote to his wife while he served. He wrote his story for the reader who wants to know what the soldier on the ground went through - in the fetid jungle, in battle. Anyone who wants to understand what service in South Vietnam meant to those who were there should read this book. 'Reading In Good Company leaves a vivid and disconcerting impression of how the Vietnam War smelt, felt and sounded. One of the most honest and affecting war memoirs which Australians have so far published.' - Mark Thomas, Canberra Times 'An enthralling, accurate account of infantry soldiering in the Vietnam era. Very readable; a must for those who have never experienced combat and a vivid reminder for all veterans.' - Major General M. P. Blake, AM, MC, former CO 5th Battalion RARGary John McKay MC (born 1947) is a writer and former Australian Army officer. He was awarded the Military Cross while serving with the 4th Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment during the Vietnam War.[1] He later served as Commanding Officer of 8th/9th Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment between 1988 and 1990Soft cover non fiction book

This silver trophy is named "Sir W. Clarke's Trophy" after its donor. Sir William John Clarke, Baronet, who was a citizen and philanthropist, well known in Melbourne and throughout Victoria. He gave donations to many public projects including Melbourne University and was a patron of many and varied sports. He encouraged the defence services with prizes for competitions among both military and naval forces. In colonial Australia in the 1880s there was an increase in the size of the colonial military forces, rising from 8,000 in 1883 to 22, 000 in 1885. In 1885 there was a return of unpaid volunteer soldiers, along with a fear of a Russian attack on Australia. As a result, the Sir W.J. Clarke's Trophy was given as a prize in 1885 to Victorian Militia Garrison Battery competition winners, for artillery firing target accuracy. On 12th December 1885, the conclusion of the first artillery competition for Sir W. Clarke's Trophy was held at the Williamstown battery. The first winner of the Sir W. Clarke's Trophy was the Geelong Garrison Battery, with the prize Sir W. Clark's Trophy presented to them in 1886. In 1887 Warrnambool Garrison Artillery, under the command of Major W.S. Helpman, was the proud winner of the Sir W. Clarke’s Trophy. The contest was held at Point Gellibrand with the trophy formally unveiled at the Warrnambool orderly-room on 3rd August 1887. In June 1892 the annual competition was held at the Gellibrand battery in Williamstown. The canvas targets were moored at sea and fired upon from three breech-loading guns mounted on disappearing carriages. Each team was allowed 4 shots fired from each of the 3 guns. An article in the Portland Guardian stated that "the Warrnambool team is certainly looked upon as the certain winners." The same article reported that In this particular year the Government withdrew its previous award of 10-pound cash to the men of the winning team, described in the Portland Guardian as a petty economy of the Government. As the Warrnambool Militia Garrison Artillery had won the Trophy, for the third time, they became Absolute Possessors of the prize. The Trophy is locally significant to the community of Warrnambool for its connection to the Warrnambool Volunteer Rifle Corps., which formed part of the original Warrnambool Garrison to protect the Warrnambool Harbour. The site of the 1888 Warrnambool Garrison and Fortifications is Victorian State Heritage-listed is significant for its intact and operational nature and is one of the best-preserved pieces of Victoria's early colonial heritage.This is the Sir W. Clarke's Trophy for the Victorian Militia Garrison Artillery, first presented in 1886. The silver trophy with lid rests on a square black timber base that displays award shields on each side edge. Inside the hollow trophy is a removable copper alloy bowl with a wide edge. The inner walls of the trophy are unpolished and there is a metal bracing plate between the sides and fitted metal bolts with nuts and washers. near the base. The large, elaborately decorated, silver bowl has a conical pedestal, two handles on the top edge of the bowl and a matching fitted lid. Much of the decoration is three-dimensional. Fine, detailed decoration includes a semi-kneeling figure with an upturned face on top of the lid, vine-like handles resting on necks of swans with outspread wings, figures seated on a ridge, two on each side, with ends of limbs hanging over the ridge, two holding lyres, patterns of leaves, flowers and draped ribbons. The timber base is painted black on the outside. The engraved silver shields around its sides have inscriptions of trophy winners and the name of the trophy. There is a handwritten, pencil inscription of the date 1887 under the timber base. The first award was made in 1886 and the last in 1892. The Warrnambool Garrison wond this trophy three times, including the last award given.Front centre large shield; “VICTORIAN MILITIA / GARRISON ARTILLERY / SIR W. CLARKE’S / TROPHY” Left side, right shield; “1886 / WON BY / GEELONG / GARRISON BATTERY / Major J PRICE / COMMANDING OFFICER” Front, right shield; ” 1887 / WON BY / WARRNAMBOOL / GARRISON ARTILLERY / Major W.S. Helpman / COMMANDING OFFICER” Left side shield: “1888 / WON BY / NORTH MELBOURNE / Garrison Battery / Major F.R.Y. Goldstein / Commanding Officer” Right side, left shield; “1889. / WON BY / WARRNAMBOOL / Garrison Battery / Major W.S. Helpman / Commanding Officer” Right side, centre shield; “1890 / WON BY / HARBOUR TRUST / BATTERY / Major J.H. Haydon / Commanding Officer” Right side, right shield; “1891 / WON BY / WILLIAMSTOWN / BATTERY /l Major W.H. Hall / Commanding Officer” Back, left shield; “1892 / WON BY / WARRNAMBOOL / Garrison Battery / Major W.S. Helpman / Commanding Officer” In pencil underneath timber base “1887”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, sir w. clarke's trophy, warrnambool volunteer rifle corps, statistics of warrnambool volunteer rifle corps, warrnambool volunteer rifle company, warrnambool rifle volunteers, warrnambool garrison, 1886, 1887, 1888, 1889, 1890, 1891, 1892, trophy, garrison, competition, prize, winners

1823-1923.MR. JAMES VENN MORGAN. "FATHER OF" KEW."In a Village in Somersetshire in England on February 21, 1823, a son was born to George and Sarah Morgan. The child was so delicate that his parents feared that he would not live. How little ground the parents parents had for their fears may be judged from the fact that the boy, christened James Venn Morgan is still alive and hale. He is able to exhibit with pride the paper with its faded ink on which a clergyman wrote the certificate of his baptism almost 100 years ago. But for some slight infirmities of sight and hearing, Mr. Morgan, who is within six weeks of completing the 100th year of his life, is in good health, and is well able to attend to his business affairs. His immediate cause for regret is that he is not now able to do a day's work in his garden, as he was 12 months ago. After spending his early life in England, where he learned his trade as shoemaker, Mr Morgan came to Australia in April, 1851. He carried letters of introduction to Mr. Tripp, a solicitor, of Melbourne, who strongly recommended him to begin business as a shoemaker, and accordingly he opened a shop at the corner of Swanston and Bourke streets, where the Leviathan Stores now stand, and was not long in working up a good connection. Among his customers at that time Mr. Morgan recalls Mr. Justice A'Beckett and many leading men in law and medicine of the day. Then the news was flashed through Melbourne of the discovery of gold at Ballarat. Nothing can give a clearer idea of the excitement this news caused in Melbourne than that Mr. Morgan, who was a member of one of the first parties to leave for the diggings, left uncompleted in his workshop one of a pair of riding boots he was making for Mr. J. B. Weir. As the purchase of suitable clothing would have taken time, he set out to make his fortune wearing a top hat. At Ballarat he stayed for five or six weeks, and returned to Melbourne with 10oz. of gold. He remained in the city long enough to finish the second of the two riding boots, and then, with three companions, set out for Chewton, near Castlemaine. Here fortune smiled. The party tried their luck in an abandoned shaft, and in two weeks returned to Melbourne again after having won 35lb. weight of gold. How Kew Was Born. Mr Morgan was content with his success, and induced his partners to invest their money with him in land. After obtaining the advice of a friend, the party negotiated with Mr Samuel Watts, of Collngwood, who had recently purchased land from the Crown, and from him they took over at £15 an acre about 32 acres of land in the district that is now known as Kew. This land extended from where the Kew Post-office now stands to the locality of the Boroondara Cemetery. At that time there was not a house in the district, and there was a fairly large population of aborigines, but no white men. Here it was that Mr Morgan decided to settle, and, after having had the land surveyed, the partners apportioned it by drawing straws for the four sections into which it had been divided. One of them sold his holding later in the year for £100 an acre, and was sorry for it afterwards. In 1853 Mr. Morgan built the first house in Kew, and this house is the one in which he still resides. Here with his wife, he settled down to market gardening and dairying. He tells with a laugh how he was paid 1/ a lb for the first potatoes he grew, and 1/ a quart for milk. So successful was the new venture that he induced his father and other members of the family to come out to Australia to assist him. How different Kew of those days was from the Kew of to-day will be understood from Mr. Morgan's statement that for weeks at a time they never saw a a white face other than those of the family. The blacks, he says, although very noisy, were entirely friendly. Gradually the district became settled, Mr. Morgan parted with a portion of his holding, and subdivided and built on the remainder which he still retains. In 1884 he found himself in a position to retire from active business. Youth in Old Age. In Mr Morgan's garden, which is a large, one trees which he and his father planted more than 60 years ago are still bearing heavy crops of apples. Mr. Morgan has been a widower since 1915. He has three daughters all of whom are married, and numerous grandchildren and great-grandchildren. One of the great-grand children reccntly informed Mr. Morgan that he was about to be married. Perhaps the most striking characteristic of Mr. Morgan to-day is his activity. Not only does he move about with surprising alacrity, but is able to go into the streets and attend to his business affairs with but little fatigue The Argus, 17 January 1923, p.12.This work forms part of the collection assembled by the historian Dorothy Rogers, that was donated to the Kew Historical Society by her son John Rogers in 2015. The manuscripts, photographs, maps, and documents were sourced by her from both family and local collections or produced as references for her print publications. Many were directly used by Rogers in writing ‘Lovely Old Homes of Kew’ (1961) and 'A History of Kew' (1973), or the numerous articles on local history that she produced for suburban newspapers. Most of the photographs in the collection include detailed annotations in her hand. The Rogers Collection provides a comprehensive insight into the working habits of a historian in the 1960s and 1970s. Together it forms the largest privately-donated collection within the archives of the Kew Historical Society.A group portrait on the occasion of the 100th birthday of James Venn Morgan in 1923. Dorothy Rogers used this photograph in 'A History of Kew' (1973). It faces page 17. In the book, the caption reads "JAMES VENN MORGAN'S 100TH BIRTHDAY ANNIVERSARY. The party was held at 'Morganville'. Mr Morgan is shown with a group of descendants."James Morgans 100th Birthday Party. james venn morgan, kew, model dairy, dorothy rogers

The Red Ribbon Movement of 1853 represented a significant series of events in the history of Bendigo. During that year there was much agitation on the Bendigo gold fields, particularly during July and August of 1853, directed against the payment of what the miners called a tax - a licence fee of thirty shillings ($3) a month for the right to search for gold on what was declared Crown land. They had to pay the licence whether they found gold or not. The miners, or diggers as they were called, also resented the means used by the authorities at the time to collect the gold licence - through so-called 'digger hunts'. The miners were expected to carry their licences with them, and the police, who were often untrained, used harsh methods to check these licences. In Bendigo, the miners took to wearing a red ribbon ‘as a symbol of their protest against the licence. Red was a very common colour in items such as shirts, so was readily available. Shopkeepers too tied red ribbons to their premises as a sign of support for the miners. It should be remembered at that time virtually everyone was a miner. The diggers also had their own banner, designed by William Dexter, a china painter from Devon. This flag showed the pick, shovel and cradle representing labour, the scales representing justice, the Roman bundle of sticks meaning unity and the kangaroo and emu of Australia Many thousands of Bendigo miners signed a petition to La Trobe, the Governor of Victoria, protesting against the licence fee. When the Governor rejected the petition, thousands of diggers marched in peaceful protest. Miners from White Hills, Eaglehawk, Golden Square, Kangaroo Flat as well as from Bendigo Flat, converged on what is now Pall Mall and View Point, surrounding the ~government camp on Camp Hill. The camp had been reinforced with soldiers of the 40 Regiment, as the Government feared bloodshed. The miners then gathered on the hill behind View Point to hear from their leaders - among them George Thomson, Captain Harrison, Captain Brown and W.D.C. Denovan. They resolved to pay a token fee often shillings ($1) for the September licence, whenthey met with Commissioners Panton and Wright on Camp Hill. Although Wright and Panton were sympathetic to the miners, the offer was rejected, but no licence fees were collected for September. Thus a possible bloody conflict was averted by the common sense shown by the miners' leaders and the commissioners. It was a truly democratic protest against arbitrary government and preceded the Eureka Stockade Incident by over a year. Bendigo Historical Society Committee on a Tram, two photos, one of five people standing behind a display cabinet, and the second one a Banner stretched across the tram. On the rear of the photo is "L-R Jim Evans, Terry Davidson, Ron Monro." Second from left is Jim Evans (President) and fourth from the left is Terry Davidson, with extreme right, Ron Munro (Vice President). In the cabinet is the 1853 Bendigo Goldfields Petition (Red Ribbon Rebellion) The society holds the petition in digital form. The diggers had their own banner, designed by William Dexter, a china painter from Devon. This flag showed the pick, shovel and cradle representing labour, the scales representing justice, the Roman bundle of sticks meaning unity and the kangaroo and emu of Australia history, bendigo, tram, 1853 bendigo goldfields petition, red ribbon rebellions

Australian Policy Activism in Language and Literacy presents the dynamics of language and literacy policy activism in Australia by capturing accounts of many of those most deeply engaged in Australia?s distinctive practice of Language and Literacy policy-making and its effects. This book describes how policy texts came about. 1. From policy to anti-policy: how fear of language rights took policy-making out of community hands /? Joseph Lo Bianco 2. Australia's language /? Paul Brock 3. Politics, activism and processes of policy production: adult literacy in Australia /? Rosie Wickert 4. Although it wasn't broken, it certainly was fixed: interventions in the Australian Adult Migrant English Program 1991-1996 /? Helen Moore 5. Advocating the sustainability of linguistic diversity /? Michael Singh 6. The cost of literacy for some /? Anthea Taylor 7. (E)merging discourses at work: bringing together new and old ways to account for workplace literacy policy /? Geraldine Castleton 8. The melody changes but the dance goes on - tracking adult literacy education in Western Australia from 'learning for life' to 'lifelong learning': policy impacts on practice 1973-1999 /? Margaret McHugh, Jennifer Nevard and Anthea Taylor 9. Sleight of hand: job myths, literacy and social capital /? Ian Falk 10. National literacy benchmarks and the outstreaming of ESL learners /? Penny McKay 11. Open for business: the market, the state and adult literacy in Australia up to and beyond 2000 /? Peter Kell 12. Inventiveness and regression: interpreting/?translating and the vicissitudes of Australian language policy /? Uldis Ozolins 13. Deafness and sign language in government policy documents 1983-1990 /? Des Power 14. Imprisoned by a landmark narrative? Student/?teacher ratios and the making of policy /? Merilyn Childs 15. Ideologies, languages, policies: Australia's ambivalent relationship with learning to communicate in 'other' languages /? Angela Scarino and Leo Papademetre 16. Reconciled to what? Reconciliation and the Norther Territory's bilingual education program, 1973-1998 /? Christine Nicholls 17. Sing out that song: the textual activities of social technologies in an Aboriginal community /? Jack Frawley.language activism, linguistic diversity, adult literacy, education, sign language, reconciliation, esl programs

In recognition of its fallen soldiers and Churchill's 50th birthday a service memorial was erected on a concrete plinth at the Churchill town plaza and used for the first time to mark the ANZAC centenary on Anzac Day 2015. Churchill never had a war memorial and received a grant from the Department of Veterans' Affairs six years ago to commission a sculpture with Latrobe City Council's support. It was decided the sculpture needed to recognise more than just the war effort, but service and volunteerism, considering Churchill was only founded in 1965. (http://www.latrobevalleyexpress.com.au/story/2816903/churchills-new-memorial/, accessed 01 may 2015) Sculptor Paul Jesse discussed the work in Churchill and District Community news, 18 December 2014: Some time ago CDCA commissioned a sculpture to be used as a Service Memorial to commemorate the fallen that have died in service of our community and country. Traditional memorials usually commemorate Armed Services personnel, but CDCA was of the opinion that a more inclusive view which included Emergency Services personnel, such as CFA, SES and Police, could be incorporated into the Churchill Memorial. Boolarra artist, Paul Jesse, who is accomplished in Ferro-Cement sculpture techniques, was commissioned to create a memorial that would cause people to reflect on the meaning of ‘service’ and ‘sacrifice’. The following is a description of the Churchill Service Memorial Sculpture written by the sculptor, Paul Jesse. “My sculpture is different from most War Memorial sculptures because it uses as its basis the reasons why people go into service or to war. One side of the sculpture is colourful and optimistic; its theme is home, family, community and the future. These themes are crafted by flow lines which are connected to the other side of the sculpture through the round hole and the Crosspiece. These lines can be seen as a multi-layered connection between the sides. On the “dark” side of the sculpture, the lines begin with a spiral of coloured mosaics. This spiral is representative of our service people. Its beginning can be seen on one level as their soul. The spiralling mosaics of them flow to the other side of the sculpture where they create the landscape and figures. These lines can also be seen as a range of connectors between the two sides, representing a flow of thoughts, love, fear, concern and dreams. They also represent physical communication such as letters and phone calls.” This ‘Service Memorial’ is located in the Churchill Plaza (adjacent to the Town Hall), along with four flagpoles, seating and garden beds. The Churchill Service Memorial has deliberately been designed as a thought-provoking public art work. It will complement the Art and Culture Pathway which links Switchback Gallery at the Federation University Campus to the Town Centre. We hope Churchill citizens will pause to view the Memorial, ponder its meaning, reflect on the service of others and commemorate the fallen. Colour photograph on an abstract Australia-shaped sculpture by Boolarra artist Paul Jesse. The abstract Australia-shaped sculpture is in stark contrast to the bronze-cast "fallen mate" or concrete cenotaph seen in many country towns. The photograph includes wreaths from the ANZAC centenary service on ANZAC Day 2015. churchill, churchill war memorial, paul jessie, anzac centenary, federation university, gippsland, art and culture pathway, world war

" Designed by architect Norman Day, the school was built in an innovative postmodern style. Day’s vision was for the school’s students to feel as comfortable and familiar at school as in their own homes. He based the design on the local suburban typology. The buildings consisted of individual self-contained classrooms, each with a front door, back door and garden. Each class retained the same homeroom for the duration of their schooling. Norman Day won the inaugural Lustig & Moar Architectural Prize in 1988 for his Mowbray College design, and the Australian Library Promotion Council/RAIA Library Design Award for the school’s library building. The school officially opened on 7 February 1983 with an enrolment of 93 students from Prep to Year 7. Mark Fergus was a Prep student in the school’s inaugural year. He later remembered: It was good then because everyone knew each other. Our first few weeks at school we had classes in the Guide Hall because the Mill wasn’t finished. The rest of the school where the Labs and Coppin Court are now was only a big paddock. Another Prep student, Brooke Harrison, recalled: The only recreation we had was the rough playground which consisted of monkey bars, old tractor tyres and a sandpit and high bars. Accidents were a frequent occurrence in those days! It was a friendly atmosphere, you know everyone and their business ... During some classes we used to do horticultural work and planted trees out the front of the school. In 2003, Mowbray College celebrated two decades of educating students in Melton. By that stage, the school had expanded to two campuses with over 1,450 students and 120 staff. It was estimated that over the twenty years since its establishment, 13,000 students passed through the gates. By the mid-2000s, the school offered an International Baccalaureate program and operated across three campuses: the original campus, named Patterson after the first principal, and the Brookside and Town Centre campuses, both located in Caroline Springs. Unfortunately, in 2012 Mowbray College found itself in an unmanageable situation. The community had lost faith in the school’s financial security and as a result some parents withheld their school fees, fearing the school would collapse. It had been in financial difficulty since the mid-2000s and by 2012 was $28 million in debt. 84 In June 2012, all three campuses closed and within four months, each of the campuses of the former Mowbray College had been purchased by other education institutes. Heathdale Christian College bought the original Mowbray campus and established its own campus there and Grace Children’s Services bought the Brookside campus. The Town Centre campus was purchased by Intaj Khan from the Western Institute of Technology but remained vacant after some failed attempts at re-establishing a school. In 2017 the Australian International Academy established an Islamic school on the site".The Express article about a grant for Mowbray Collegeeducation

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Bendigo Operatic Society White Paper Cover Black & White Text Programme Booklet Production 'South Pacific' Opening 10th August 1962 for six nights. Does not state where performed. With the permission of Chappells Ltd Bendigo Operatic Society presents 'South Pacific.' A Beatrice Oakley Production. Music & Lyrics Rogers & Hammerstein II. Book Hammerstein II & Joshua Logan. Musical Director Mr Max O' Loghlen. South Pacific's plot is based on James A. Michener's Pulitzer Prize-winning 1947 book Tales of the South Pacific and combines elements of several of those stories. Rodgers and Hammerstein believed they could write a musical based on Michener's work that would be financially successful and, at the same time, would send a strong progressive message on racism. South Pacific focuses on an American nurse stationed on a South Pacific island during World War II, who falls in love with a middle-aged expatriate French plantation owner but struggles to accept his mixed-race children. A secondary romance, between a U.S. lieutenant and a young Tonkinese woman, explores his fears of the social consequences should he marry his Asian sweetheart. The issue of racial prejudice is candidly explored throughout the musical, most controversially in the lieutenant's song, "You've Got to Be Carefully Taught". Supporting characters, including a comic petty officer and the Tonkinese girl's mother, help to tie the stories together. Because he lacked military knowledge, Hammerstein had difficulty writing that part of the script; the director of the original production, Logan, assisted him and received credit as co-writer of the book. Cast: Ray Austin, John Boromeo, Ruth Lyon, Carol Crane, Roger Sprawson, Patricia McCracken, John Stephens, Patricia Lyon, Kenneth Nicholls, Victor White, Alfred Annison, Brain Whetstone, Fred Trewarne, Peter Houston, John Gow, Ian Beckwith, Gerry Gleeson, John Reed, Roy Cronin, Reginald Boromeo, Len Carr, Denis Cremen, Daryl Walker, George Steele, Barry Washington, Joan Crane, Dawn Beckwith, Annette Wilson, Emily Houston, Jill Angwin, Carole McKenzie, Greta Smyth, Rhonda Scott, Lorraine Brennan, Mary Speedy, Katherine Alexander, Bronwen Townsend, Ferd. Lorenz. Songs Include: ''Bali Hai'', ''I'm in Love with a Wonderful Guy,'' ''Younger Than Springtime,'' ''This Nearly Was Mine,'' '' Some Enchanted Evening,'' ''There is Nothing Like a Dame,'' ''I'm Gonna Wash That Man Right Out of My Hair,'' and many others.Arthur Hocking Press.clubs and associations, theatre, bendigo operatic society

Born 1823 West Indies, commenced ministry 1847, died 1890 in Rookwood, NSW. Joseph Horner Fletcher (1823-1890), Wesleyan minister, was born at St Vincent, Windward Islands, the eldest son of Rev. Joseph Fletcher, Wesleyan missionary, and his wife Mary, née Horner. In 1830-37 he attended a Methodist school in Kingswood, England, and then his uncle's school in Bath. He entered business but in July 1842 became a local preacher. He was accepted for the Wesleyan ministry in 1845 and after training at Richmond College, Surrey, he married Kate Green in December 1848. He was sent to Auckland, New Zealand, where he became the founding principal of Wesley College. In 1856 poor health obliged him to take up circuit work in Auckland and New Plymouth, where he witnessed the Maori war. He moved to Queensland and in 1861-64 was on circuit in Brisbane. In 1863 he became the first chairman of the Queensland Wesleyan District. In 1865 Fletcher was serving at Ipswich when invited to succeed Rev. John Manton as president of Newington College, Sydney. He acknowledged that the main business of the school was secular education in a Christian atmosphere and believed that education could help to overcome sectarianism. He invited distinguished academics to examine Newington students and strongly supported (Sir) Henry Parkes's education policies. He opposed the formation of a Methodist university college until a strong secondary school was established. He believed that boys should be taught to appreciate orderly conduct rather than to fear punishment and that corporal punishment was degrading and to be used only in extreme circumstances. Under Fletcher Newington developed a high moral tone and a tradition of order and respect. After he retired in 1887 the old boys gave him an address of appreciation and a portrait in oils to be hung in the hall. In addition to his normal duties from 1883 he had taught resident theological students. From 1887 he was an effective and progressive full-time theological tutor. As a preacher Fletcher had exceptional power: he expressed his thoughts in a fresh way with sparkling illustrations and characteristic humour. He combined humility with great spiritual power, prophetic vision and administrative ability. He encouraged the development of institutional church work which grew into the Central Methodist Mission in Sydney. Fletcher was elected as the first president of the New South Wales and Queensland Wesleyan Methodist Conference in 1874 and again in 1884, when he was also president of the General Conference of the Australasian Wesleyan Methodist Church. As conference editor in 1868, 1871 and 1873, Fletcher contributed more than fifty articles, numerous essays and reviews of books to the Weekly Advocate. He read widely, deeply and with discrimination. Never robust in health, he suffered months of illness before he died aged 66 at Stanmore, Sydney, on 30 June 1890. He was survived by three sons and two daughters, and buried in the Wesleyan section of Rookwood cemetery. In 1892 his eldest son, Joseph, edited a memorial edition of his Sermons, Addresses & Essays. Information from Australian Dictionary of Biography, Vol. 4, 1972. Sepia toned carte de visite. Seated studio portrait of the Rev. Joseph Fletcher.Rev Joseph Fletcherrev. joseph fletcher, joseph horner, wesleyan minister, newington college sydney, new zealand, queensland, president general conference, wesleyan methodist church, central methodist mission

Large, bound page containing an ornate certificate of appreciation. Includes coloured paintings of ships at sea, the beach, stag, seagulls, the Huddart Parker and Co Flag, Australian flowers and vegetative illustrations. Borders of the page are red leather with gold pattern. Outside is red leather binding with gold writing and decorationLeft inside page: "James Huddart Esqr./ Managing Director/ Mess ts Huddart Parker & Co Limited/ Melbourne/ Dear Sir/ Having become aware that you are about to leave for the purpose of opening/ a London Office, with a view to the future expansion of the Company's business, and the promotion of the/ interests of the company generally, we the Ships Office, and the Staff of the Head and/ Branch Offices in Australia, consider the occasion opportune to record our appreciation of you as/ Managing Director of such an enterprising Company as that of Huddart Parker and Co. Limited, and to/ give expression to the feelings of kindest regard which we, each and all, have for you as the result of/ frequent business contact./ The kindness which yourself and Mrs Huddart have exhibited towards us at various/ times in providing for our entertainment and enjoyment, as expressive of the sympathy and kindly/ feelings with which you regard your employees, are not likely to be soon forgotten by us./ In conclusion, we desire to tender Mrs. Huddart, yourself and your family our hearty/ good wishes for a pleasant voyage, and for the Health and Happiness during your residence in/ England and trust that when your mission is accomplished we shall have you amongst us/ again in Australia." "Ferguson & Mitchell/ Illuminators/ Melbourne" Right inside page: "Fear God/ Ferguson & Mitchell. Melbourne" Artist signature: "Alfred Adov" written in pencil: "PWO 1265" Outside, Front Page: "Presented to/ James Huddart Esqr./ By the officers of/ Messrs.. Huddart Parker & Co. Limd/ Melbourne 13th March 1891"

This diary was handwritten by Alfred Broch over the course of four months in 1940. It was kept while Alfred Broch was travelling on the HMT Dunera and then during his detainment in the Hay internment camp.Bound with cotton and handwritten in pencil. Bound with cotton and handwritten in pencil.[selected passage translation from German, further translation available] : “Dunera” 10.VII – 6.IX.1940 First impression very depressing. Fears. Confusion with prisoners of war. Never mind. Corrected. Continuing further bad treatment. Boarding the ship assisted by rifle butts. Robbed as soon as we reached the deck. Impression of a death ship. Complete helplessness. No sleeping facilities. All sleep on the floor, on tables etc. Intended accommodation taken up by luggage cases. (barbed wire). Food good but only spoons. Next day: robbery from the cases. Own people steal. Purloined objects even include toothbrushes and toothpaste. Much to eat. Small convoy with one cruiser. In the same convoy a women’s transport which soon leaves us as it is bound for Canada and we are quite surprised. The English soldiers and officers have another side. While in the danger zone they only had a webbing belt and slippers. In case of torpedoes – expecting certain death. Bad air as all vents are closed. Other Inscriptions: Front page, upper right, underlined: "Alfred Broch" Front page, upper, underlined: "Notitz Buch" Front page, centre, underlined: "Hay 1941" Page 1, upper right: "Mittwoch 10. VII." Page 3, upper right: "10. VII. - 6. IX. 1940 Page 4, centre: "[...] ARANDORA STAR" Page 11, upper, underlined: "Von Liverpool Nach Hay / Mittwoch 10 VII" dunera, wwii, internment, jewish history & people

This sewing machine accessory was donated with our collection's Wertheim sewing machine accessory box. The box contains twelve accessories, the instruction book and the receipt for the purchase of a Wertheim sewing machine. The receipt was written on July 23rd 1891 by the Wertheim distributor in Melbourne, Hugo Wertheim. His business was the Wertheim Sewing Machine and Hapsburg Piano Depot, trading at 173 Williams Street, Melbourne. The purchaser was Mrs Burrowes from Burrumbeet, Victoria, a district northwest of Ballarat. She paid £6-6 (six pounds and six shillings) in cash. The receipt was signed by H. Wertheim and the other signatory looks like John A. Cherry. Hugo Wertheim (1854-1919) was an agent for his father’s cousin Joseph Wertheim, a well-established sewing machine manufacturer in Germany. He was born in Lispenhausen, Germany, and migrated to Melbourne in October 1875, where he opened a merchandising business at 39 Flinders Lane East. He returned to Germany in 1885 to marry Joseph Wertheim's daughter Sophie Emilie. The couple came back to Melbourne, and Hugo quickly established a substantial business selling sewing machines, bicycles, pianos and other mechanical devices, under brands such as Wertheim, Electra, Planet, Griffin and Hapsburg. He exhibited at agricultural shows and in 1901 at the Pan American Exposition, Buffalo, United States of America. One of his staff was O. C. Beale, who later set up his own piano business in New South Wales. Hugo continued to own 25 per cent of one of Beale's companies, which became Wertheim's Queensland business. In 1908 Hugo Wertheim opened a piano factory in Richmond, Melbourne, aiming to produce 2000 pianos and player pianos a year, predominantly using Australian materials. In laying the foundation stone, Prime Minister Alfred Deakin observed that “few men with such opportunities for a life of ease would have embarked on such an enterprise” Hugo died of chronic hepatitis in 1919 at his home in South Yarra. His eldest son, Herbert Joseph (1886-1972), continued the business. The piano factory closed in 1935, becoming a Heinz food processing plant and in 1955, GTV Channel 9 studios and offices. The Wertheim Sewing Machine Company – Joseph Wertheim (1804–1899) founded the company in 1868 in Frankfurt, Germany. At this time Joseph was the Frankfurt city delegate for the Democratic Party. At its height, the Wertheim factory employed approximately 650 workers. The company used a trademark of a dwarf holding a hammer which is known to have been used until at least 1925, however in 1909 a Star of David was also registered. In 1870 a Wertheim subsidiary was formed in Barcelona, Spain. The business imported and sold complete machines, including the English Jones machine. Locals began calling the sewing machines “las rapidas”, and the business became known as “las casa de las rapidas”. In 1915 production began of a totally manufactured Spanish Wertheim machine. Wertheim in Germany continued manufacturing machines until 1932 when the Wertheim family fled to Spain. Despite converting to Christianity from Judaism, they feared the political unrest in Germany during that time. Wertheim Spain became Rapida SA and was then the sole manufacturer of the Wertheim machines. The factory was managed by Karl Wertheim under the alias Carlos Vallin. The sewing machine accessory is part of a donation that connected to domestic life in 1891 during the Victorian era. It is significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor of Wertheim sewing machines, Hugo Wertheim, to Victoria’s northwest district where the purchaser lived. It is also significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor to the importing of goods from the well-known German manufacturer of early domestic sewing machines, Joseph Wertheim. Broad Hemmer Foot for a Wertheim sewing machine. Joseph Wertheim manufacturer, Germany, distributed by Hugo Wertheim William Street Melbourne. Circa 1891flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, wertheim, sewing machine, victorian era, sewing machine accessory, wertheim sewing machine and hapsburg piano depot, wertheim sewing machines, sewing machine foot, domestic machines, dressmaking, home industry, fashion

This sewing machine accessory was donated with our collection's Wertheim sewing machine accessory box. The box contains twelve accessories, the instruction book and the receipt for the purchase of a Wertheim sewing machine. The receipt was written on July 23rd 1891 by the Wertheim distributor in Melbourne, Hugo Wertheim. His business was the Wertheim Sewing Machine and Hapsburg Piano Depot, trading at 173 Williams Street, Melbourne. The purchaser was Mrs Burrowes from Burrumbeet, Victoria, a district northwest of Ballarat. She paid £6-6 (six pounds and six shillings) in cash. The receipt was signed by H. Wertheim and the other signatory looks like John A. Cherry. Hugo Wertheim (1854-1919) was an agent for his father’s cousin Joseph Wertheim, a well-established sewing machine manufacturer in Germany. He was born in Lispenhausen, Germany, and migrated to Melbourne in October 1875, where he opened a merchandising business at 39 Flinders Lane East. He returned to Germany in 1885 to marry Joseph Wertheim's daughter Sophie Emilie. The couple came back to Melbourne, and Hugo quickly established a substantial business selling sewing machines, bicycles, pianos and other mechanical devices, under brands such as Wertheim, Electra, Planet, Griffin and Hapsburg. He exhibited at agricultural shows and in 1901 at the Pan American Exposition, Buffalo, United States of America. One of his staff was O. C. Beale, who later set up his own piano business in New South Wales. Hugo continued to own 25 per cent of one of Beale's companies, which became Wertheim's Queensland business. In 1908 Hugo Wertheim opened a piano factory in Richmond, Melbourne, aiming to produce 2000 pianos and player pianos a year, predominantly using Australian materials. In laying the foundation stone, Prime Minister Alfred Deakin observed that “few men with such opportunities for a life of ease would have embarked on such an enterprise” Hugo died of chronic hepatitis in 1919 at his home in South Yarra. His eldest son, Herbert Joseph (1886-1972), continued the business. The piano factory closed in 1935, becoming a Heinz food processing plant and in 1955, GTV Channel 9 studios and offices. The Wertheim Sewing Machine Company – Joseph Wertheim (1804–1899) founded the company in 1868 in Frankfurt, Germany. At this time Joseph was the Frankfurt city delegate for the Democratic Party. At its height, the Wertheim factory employed approximately 650 workers. The company used a trademark of a dwarf holding a hammer which is known to have been used until at least 1925, however in 1909 a Star of David was also registered. In 1870 a Wertheim subsidiary was formed in Barcelona, Spain. The business imported and sold complete machines, including the English Jones machine. Locals began calling the sewing machines “las rapidas”, and the business became known as “las casa de las rapidas”. In 1915 production began of a totally manufactured Spanish Wertheim machine. Wertheim in Germany continued manufacturing machines until 1932 when the Wertheim family fled to Spain. Despite converting to Christianity from Judaism, they feared the political unrest in Germany during that time. Wertheim Spain became Rapida SA and was then the sole manufacturer of the Wertheim machines. The factory was managed by Karl Wertheim under the alias Carlos Vallin.The sewing machine accessory is part of a donation that connected to domestic life in 1891 during the Victorian era. It is significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor of Wertheim sewing machines, Hugo Wertheim, to Victoria’s northwest district where the purchaser lived. It is also significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor to the importing of goods from the well-known German manufacturer of early domestic sewing machines, Joseph Wertheim. Small corder foot for a Wertheim sewing machine. Joseph Wertheim manufacturer, Germany, distributed by Hugo Wertheim William Street Melbourne. Circa 1891flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, wertheim, sewing machine, victorian era, sewing machine accessory, wertheim sewing machine and hapsburg piano depot, wertheim sewing machines, sewing machine foot, small corder foot, domestic machines, dressmaking, home industry, fashion

This sewing machine accessory was donated with our collection's Wertheim sewing machine accessory box. The box contains twelve accessories, the instruction book and the receipt for the purchase of a Wertheim sewing machine. The receipt was written on July 23rd 1891 by the Wertheim distributor in Melbourne, Hugo Wertheim. His business was the Wertheim Sewing Machine and Hapsburg Piano Depot, trading at 173 Williams Street, Melbourne. The purchaser was Mrs Burrowes from Burrumbeet, Victoria, a district northwest of Ballarat. She paid £6-6 (six pounds and six shillings) in cash. The receipt was signed by H. Wertheim and the other signatory looks like John A. Cherry. Hugo Wertheim (1854-1919) was an agent for his father’s cousin Joseph Wertheim, a well-established sewing machine manufacturer in Germany. He was born in Lispenhausen, Germany, and migrated to Melbourne in October 1875, where he opened a merchandising business at 39 Flinders Lane East. He returned to Germany in 1885 to marry Joseph Wertheim's daughter Sophie Emilie. The couple came back to Melbourne, and Hugo quickly established a substantial business selling sewing machines, bicycles, pianos and other mechanical devices, under brands such as Wertheim, Electra, Planet, Griffin and Hapsburg. He exhibited at agricultural shows and in 1901 at the Pan American Exposition, Buffalo, United States of America. One of his staff was O. C. Beale, who later set up his own piano business in New South Wales. Hugo continued to own 25 per cent of one of Beale's companies, which became Wertheim's Queensland business. In 1908 Hugo Wertheim opened a piano factory in Richmond, Melbourne, aiming to produce 2000 pianos and player pianos a year, predominantly using Australian materials. In laying the foundation stone, Prime Minister Alfred Deakin observed that “few men with such opportunities for a life of ease would have embarked on such an enterprise” Hugo died of chronic hepatitis in 1919 at his home in South Yarra. His eldest son, Herbert Joseph (1886-1972), continued the business. The piano factory closed in 1935, becoming a Heinz food processing plant and in 1955, GTV Channel 9 studios and offices. The Wertheim Sewing Machine Company – Joseph Wertheim (1804–1899) founded the company in 1868 in Frankfurt, Germany. At this time Joseph was the Frankfurt city delegate for the Democratic Party. At its height, the Wertheim factory employed approximately 650 workers. The company used a trademark of a dwarf holding a hammer which is known to have been used until at least 1925, however in 1909 a Star of David was also registered. In 1870 a Wertheim subsidiary was formed in Barcelona, Spain. The business imported and sold complete machines, including the English Jones machine. Locals began calling the sewing machines “las rapidas”, and the business became known as “las casa de las rapidas”. In 1915 production began of a totally manufactured Spanish Wertheim machine. Wertheim in Germany continued manufacturing machines until 1932 when the Wertheim family fled to Spain. Despite converting to Christianity from Judaism, they feared the political unrest in Germany during that time. Wertheim Spain became Rapida SA and was then the sole manufacturer of the Wertheim machines. The factory was managed by Karl Wertheim under the alias Carlos Vallin. The sewing machine accessory is part of a donation that connected to domestic life in 1891 during the Victorian era. It is significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor of Wertheim sewing machines, Hugo Wertheim, to Victoria’s northwest district where the purchaser lived. It is also significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor to the importing of goods from the well-known German manufacturer of early domestic sewing machines, Joseph Wertheim. Seamer foot; feller single seamer for a Wertheim sewing machine. Made by Joseph Wertheim, Germany, and distributed by Hugo Wertheim, William Street Melbourne. Circa 1891flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, wertheim, sewing machine, victorian era, sewing machine accessory, wertheim sewing machine and hapsburg piano depot, wertheim sewing machines, sewing machine foot, seamer foot, domestic machines, dressmaking, home industry, fashion

This sewing machine accessory was donated with our collection's Wertheim sewing machine accessory box. The box contains twelve accessories, the instruction book and the receipt for the purchase of a Wertheim sewing machine. The receipt was written on July 23rd 1891 by the Wertheim distributor in Melbourne, Hugo Wertheim. His business was the Wertheim Sewing Machine and Hapsburg Piano Depot, trading at 173 Williams Street, Melbourne. The purchaser was Mrs Burrowes from Burrumbeet, Victoria, a district northwest of Ballarat. She paid £6-6 (six pounds and six shillings) in cash. The receipt was signed by H. Wertheim and the other signatory looks like John A. Cherry. Hugo Wertheim (1854-1919) was an agent for his father’s cousin Joseph Wertheim, a well-established sewing machine manufacturer in Germany. He was born in Lispenhausen, Germany, and migrated to Melbourne in October 1875, where he opened a merchandising business at 39 Flinders Lane East. He returned to Germany in 1885 to marry Joseph Wertheim's daughter Sophie Emilie. The couple came back to Melbourne, and Hugo quickly established a substantial business selling sewing machines, bicycles, pianos and other mechanical devices, under brands such as Wertheim, Electra, Planet, Griffin and Hapsburg. He exhibited at agricultural shows and in 1901 at the Pan American Exposition, Buffalo, United States of America. One of his staff was O. C. Beale, who later set up his own piano business in New South Wales. Hugo continued to own 25 per cent of one of Beale's companies, which became Wertheim's Queensland business. In 1908 Hugo Wertheim opened a piano factory in Richmond, Melbourne, aiming to produce 2000 pianos and player pianos a year, predominantly using Australian materials. In laying the foundation stone, Prime Minister Alfred Deakin observed that “few men with such opportunities for a life of ease would have embarked on such an enterprise” Hugo died of chronic hepatitis in 1919 at his home in South Yarra. His eldest son, Herbert Joseph (1886-1972), continued the business. The piano factory closed in 1935, becoming a Heinz food processing plant and in 1955, GTV Channel 9 studios and offices. The Wertheim Sewing Machine Company – Joseph Wertheim (1804–1899) founded the company in 1868 in Frankfurt, Germany. At this time Joseph was the Frankfurt city delegate for the Democratic Party. At its height, the Wertheim factory employed approximately 650 workers. The company used a trademark of a dwarf holding a hammer which is known to have been used until at least 1925, however in 1909 a Star of David was also registered. In 1870 a Wertheim subsidiary was formed in Barcelona, Spain. The business imported and sold complete machines, including the English Jones machine. Locals began calling the sewing machines “las rapidas”, and the business became known as “las casa de las rapidas”. In 1915 production began of a totally manufactured Spanish Wertheim machine. Wertheim in Germany continued manufacturing machines until 1932 when the Wertheim family fled to Spain. Despite converting to Christianity from Judaism, they feared the political unrest in Germany during that time. Wertheim Spain became Rapida SA and was then the sole manufacturer of the Wertheim machines. The factory was managed by Karl Wertheim under the alias Carlos Vallin.The sewing machine accessory is part of a donation that connected to domestic life in 1891 during the Victorian era. It is significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor of Wertheim sewing machines, Hugo Wertheim, to Victoria’s northwest district where the purchaser lived. It is also significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor to the importing of goods from the well-known German manufacturer of early domestic sewing machines, Joseph Wertheim.Wertheim braider; an accessory for a Wertheim sewing machine. Made by Joseph Wertheim, Germany, and distributed by Hugo Wertheim, William Street Melbourne. Circa 1891flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, wertheim, sewing machine, victorian era, sewing machine accessory, wertheim sewing machine and hapsburg piano depot, wertheim sewing machines, sewing machine foot, seamer foot, domestic machines, dressmaking, home industry, fashion

This sewing machine accessory was donated with our collection's Wertheim sewing machine accessory box. The box contains twelve accessories, the instruction book and the receipt for the purchase of a Wertheim sewing machine. The receipt was written on July 23rd 1891 by the Wertheim distributor in Melbourne, Hugo Wertheim. His business was the Wertheim Sewing Machine and Hapsburg Piano Depot, trading at 173 Williams Street, Melbourne. The purchaser was Mrs Burrowes from Burrumbeet, Victoria, a district northwest of Ballarat. She paid £6-6 (six pounds and six shillings) in cash. The receipt was signed by H. Wertheim and the other signatory looks like John A. Cherry. Hugo Wertheim (1854-1919) was an agent for his father’s cousin Joseph Wertheim, a well-established sewing machine manufacturer in Germany. He was born in Lispenhausen, Germany, and migrated to Melbourne in October 1875, where he opened a merchandising business at 39 Flinders Lane East. He returned to Germany in 1885 to marry Joseph Wertheim's daughter Sophie Emilie. The couple came back to Melbourne, and Hugo quickly established a substantial business selling sewing machines, bicycles, pianos and other mechanical devices, under brands such as Wertheim, Electra, Planet, Griffin and Hapsburg. He exhibited at agricultural shows and in 1901 at the Pan American Exposition, Buffalo, United States of America. One of his staff was O. C. Beale, who later set up his own piano business in New South Wales. Hugo continued to own 25 per cent of one of Beale's companies, which became Wertheim's Queensland business. In 1908 Hugo Wertheim opened a piano factory in Richmond, Melbourne, aiming to produce 2000 pianos and player pianos a year, predominantly using Australian materials. In laying the foundation stone, Prime Minister Alfred Deakin observed that “few men with such opportunities for a life of ease would have embarked on such an enterprise” Hugo died of chronic hepatitis in 1919 at his home in South Yarra. His eldest son, Herbert Joseph (1886-1972), continued the business. The piano factory closed in 1935, becoming a Heinz food processing plant and in 1955, GTV Channel 9 studios and offices. The Wertheim Sewing Machine Company – Joseph Wertheim (1804–1899) founded the company in 1868 in Frankfurt, Germany. At this time Joseph was the Frankfurt city delegate for the Democratic Party. At its height, the Wertheim factory employed approximately 650 workers. The company used a trademark of a dwarf holding a hammer which is known to have been used until at least 1925, however in 1909 a Star of David was also registered. In 1870 a Wertheim subsidiary was formed in Barcelona, Spain. The business imported and sold complete machines, including the English Jones machine. Locals began calling the sewing machines “las rapidas”, and the business became known as “las casa de las rapidas”. In 1915 production began of a totally manufactured Spanish Wertheim machine. Wertheim in Germany continued manufacturing machines until 1932 when the Wertheim family fled to Spain. Despite converting to Christianity from Judaism, they feared the political unrest in Germany during that time. Wertheim Spain became Rapida SA and was then the sole manufacturer of the Wertheim machines. The factory was managed by Karl Wertheim under the alias Carlos Vallin. The sewing machine accessory is part of a donation that connected to domestic life in 1891 during the Victorian era. It is significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor of Wertheim sewing machines, Hugo Wertheim, to Victoria’s northwest district where the purchaser lived. It is also significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor to the importing of goods from the well-known German manufacturer of early domestic sewing machines, Joseph Wertheim. Foot accessory, metal, for a Wertheim sewing machine. Made by Joseph Wertheim, Germany, and distributed by Hugo Wertheim, William Street Melbourne. Circa 1891flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, wertheim, sewing machine, victorian era, sewing machine accessory, wertheim sewing machine and hapsburg piano depot, wertheim sewing machines, sewing machine foot, seamer foot, domestic machines, dressmaking, home industry, fashion

This sewing machine accessory was donated with our collection's Wertheim sewing machine accessory box. The box contains twelve accessories, the instruction book and the receipt for the purchase of a Wertheim sewing machine. The receipt was written on July 23rd 1891 by the Wertheim distributor in Melbourne, Hugo Wertheim. His business was the Wertheim Sewing Machine and Hapsburg Piano Depot, trading at 173 Williams Street, Melbourne. The purchaser was Mrs Burrowes from Burrumbeet, Victoria, a district northwest of Ballarat. She paid £6-6 (six pounds and six shillings) in cash. The receipt was signed by H. Wertheim and the other signatory looks like John A. Cherry. Hugo Wertheim (1854-1919) was an agent for his father’s cousin Joseph Wertheim, a well-established sewing machine manufacturer in Germany. He was born in Lispenhausen, Germany, and migrated to Melbourne in October 1875, where he opened a merchandising business at 39 Flinders Lane East. He returned to Germany in 1885 to marry Joseph Wertheim's daughter Sophie Emilie. The couple came back to Melbourne, and Hugo quickly established a substantial business selling sewing machines, bicycles, pianos and other mechanical devices, under brands such as Wertheim, Electra, Planet, Griffin and Hapsburg. He exhibited at agricultural shows and in 1901 at the Pan American Exposition, Buffalo, United States of America. One of his staff was O. C. Beale, who later set up his own piano business in New South Wales. Hugo continued to own 25 per cent of one of Beale's companies, which became Wertheim's Queensland business. In 1908 Hugo Wertheim opened a piano factory in Richmond, Melbourne, aiming to produce 2000 pianos and player pianos a year, predominantly using Australian materials. In laying the foundation stone, Prime Minister Alfred Deakin observed that “few men with such opportunities for a life of ease would have embarked on such an enterprise” Hugo died of chronic hepatitis in 1919 at his home in South Yarra. His eldest son, Herbert Joseph (1886-1972), continued the business. The piano factory closed in 1935, becoming a Heinz food processing plant and in 1955, GTV Channel 9 studios and offices. The Wertheim Sewing Machine Company – Joseph Wertheim (1804–1899) founded the company in 1868 in Frankfurt, Germany. At this time Joseph was the Frankfurt city delegate for the Democratic Party. At its height, the Wertheim factory employed approximately 650 workers. The company used a trademark of a dwarf holding a hammer which is known to have been used until at least 1925, however in 1909 a Star of David was also registered. In 1870 a Wertheim subsidiary was formed in Barcelona, Spain. The business imported and sold complete machines, including the English Jones machine. Locals began calling the sewing machines “las rapidas”, and the business became known as “las casa de las rapidas”. In 1915 production began of a totally manufactured Spanish Wertheim machine. Wertheim in Germany continued manufacturing machines until 1932 when the Wertheim family fled to Spain. Despite converting to Christianity from Judaism, they feared the political unrest in Germany during that time. Wertheim Spain became Rapida SA and was then the sole manufacturer of the Wertheim machines. The factory was managed by Karl Wertheim under the alias Carlos Vallin.The sewing machine accessory is part of a donation that connected to domestic life in 1891 during the Victorian era. It is significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor of Wertheim sewing machines, Hugo Wertheim, to Victoria’s northwest district where the purchaser lived. It is also significant for connecting the Melbourne distributor to the importing of goods from the well-known German manufacturer of early domestic sewing machines, Joseph Wertheim. Adjustable binder for a Wertheim sewing machine. Made by Joseph Wertheim, Germany, and distributed by Hugo Wertheim, William Street Melbourne. Circa 1891flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, wertheim, sewing machine, victorian era, sewing machine accessory, wertheim sewing machine and hapsburg piano depot, wertheim sewing machines, sewing machine foot, seamer foot, domestic machines, dressmaking, home industry, fashion, binder