This razor strop is called a paddle strop. ABOUT STROPS Straight razors and cut throat razors were the major tools for shaving before the safety razor was invented in the 1880’s and even today specialty shaving shops still sell the straight razors. Along with the razor, the process of shaving would commonly involve lathering up shaving soap using a shaving brush with boar bristles. Men could own several razors and rotate them through the week and some shops sold the razors in a set, a razor for each day of the week. Straight razors could require stropping more than once during the shaving of a heavy beard, and stropping would also be performed at the end of each shave. Honing would only be performed two or three times a year, preserving the blade’s edge. A lot of skill was needed to hone and strop the blades of these early razors and the methods to do so were a large part of the curriculum in Barber colleges. The razor would be sharpened on a grinding wheel then honed on sharpening stone and finally finished using a strop. Straight edge razors would usually be sold unfinished and that process would be completed by the customer. A razor strop, usually made from leather, thick canvas or light timber, would be used to straighten and polish the straight razor for shaving. Strops could also be used to polish other blades such as knives, small metal tools and chisels. Sometimes an abrasive polishing compound is also used to give a mirror finish. Some strops, such as this one in our Collection, are designed to be used while hanging from a nail or peg, while others are hand held. To use the strop draw the spine of the blade down along the strop with the blade following, without putting any pressure on the blade. At the end of the stroke, rotate the blade over its spine then draw the spine along the strop again so that the edge moves away from the top. The finer grade of leather strap is used to give the final finish. Wooden strop, paddle strop design (sometimes called razor strop). Has leather attached to one side. Has two slits in body of strop. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, strop, paddle strop, personal effects, shaving equipment, razor strop, barber's equipment

This razor strop is called a paddle strop. ABOUT STROPS Straight razors and cut throat razors were the major tools for shaving before the safety razor was invented in the 1880’s and even today specialty shaving shops still sell the straight razors. Along with the razor, the process of shaving would commonly involve lathering up shaving soap using a shaving brush with boar bristles. Men could own several razors and rotate them through the week and some shops sold the razors in a set, a razor for each day of the week. Straight razors could require stropping more than once during the shaving of a heavy beard, and stropping would also be performed at the end of each shave. Honing would only be performed two or three times a year, preserving the blade’s edge. A lot of skill was needed to hone and strop the blades of these early razors and the methods to do so were a large part of the curriculum in Barber colleges. The razor would be sharpened on a grinding wheel then honed on sharpening stone and finally finished using a strop. Straight edge razors would usually be sold unfinished and that process would be completed by the customer. A razor strop, usually made from leather, thick canvas or light timber, would be used to straighten and polish the straight razor for shaving. Strops could also be used to polish other blades such as knives, small metal tools and chisels. Sometimes an abrasive polishing compound is also used to give a mirror finish. Some strops, such as this one in our Collection, are designed to be used while hanging from a nail or peg, while others are hand held. To use the strop draw the spine of the blade down along the strop with the blade following, without putting any pressure on the blade. At the end of the stroke, rotate the blade over its spine then draw the spine along the strop again so that the edge moves away from the top. The finer grade of leather strap is used to give the final finish. Wooden strop, paddle strop design (sometimes called razor strop). Has leather attached to one side. Sides are numbered 1 and 2. Has two slits in body of strop. Stamped Hamon Paris France. "Hamon Paris France. "flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, paddle strop, strop, shaving equipment, personal effects, barber's equipment, personal grooming accessory

Rollin White was an American gunsmith who invented a single shot bored-through revolver cylinder that allowed paper cartridges to be loaded from the rear of a revolver's cylinder. Wen his patent expired the Colt's Patent Fire Arms Manufacturing Company started working on its own metallic cartridge revolvers. Thus, after having introduced its first rear-loading pistols in 1871 the (Colt House/Cloverleaf revolver) and the 1872 (Colt Open Top revolver), in 1873 Colt launched the Colt Peacemaker along with a new line of pocket revolvers, sorted in five different calibers (.22, .30, .32, .38, .41 cal). Since it was an entirely new line of revolvers this model was called the Colt New Line. Circa 1884-1886 (the .32 cal was only made during 1873-1884). Submerged by the company's competitors' cheaper imitations and refusing to introduce a lower quality among its own firearms to match its competitors, the Colt company dropped the line and ceased production.The Colt New Line was one of the first metallic cartridge rear-loading revolvers manufactured by Colt. It demonstrates the evolution of firearm production and development of firearms as manufacturers moved away from percussion muzzle-loading firearms to those that would accept cartridges. That incorporated the bullet, propellant and primer all within a brass cylinder allowing the projectile to be loaded directly into a pistols cylinder, or a rifle magazine. Pistol or handgun, Colt New Line revolver, single action five shot spur trigger. The rimfire revolver is .32 calibre. It has a black handle. There maker's name is impressed into the textured handle and the name and model is impressed onto the barrel. Made by Colt.Inscriptions on side of barrel and top "No 18842", "Colt New .32" . On top "Colt's FT.F.AMFG.CC Hartford.Ct.USA"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, revolver, colt, colt new line revolver, cartridge casing, cartridge, new line revolver, pistol, matalic cartridge, firearm, rollin white, new line, hand gun, single shot

The design of this and other similar treadle powered dental engine (or dentist drill) was in common use by dentists from the 1870’s into the 1920's. When electricity became accessible to most communities the electrically powered dental engines began to take over from the treadle power. Over the ages teeth were extracted using picks and scissors and other gouging instruments. Bow drills, hand drills and even a "bur thimble" drill were later used to prepare cavities for filling. Some drills were made bendable by attaching flexible shanks between the metal bur and the handle, giving access to the teeth at the back of the mouth. Other mechanical devices were introduced along the way, such as clockwork drills, but they were hard to handle and inefficient. Over the centuries “dentistry has been performed by priests, monks and other healers. This was followed by barbers; the barber’s chair may well have been the precursor to the dental chair. “(SA Medical Heritage Society Inc.) In 1871 James Morrison patented the first commercially manufactured 'foot treadle dental engine', the first practica dental engine although others had been introduced as early as 1790 (by John Greenwood). Handmade steel burs or drills were introduced for dental handpieces, taking advantage of the significant increase in the speed of the drill. In 1891 the first machine-made steel burs were in use. The treadle drill reduced the time to prepare a cavity from hours to less than ten minutes. In 1876 the Samuel S. White Catalogue of Dentist Instruments listed a 12 ½ inch wheel diameter dental engine, with 14 bright steel parts, for sale at US $55 In today’s market, this is the equivalent to US $1200 approx. The specifications of that dental engine are very similar to the this one in our Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s collection. It is interesting to note that workings of a similar treadle dentist drill were used and modified to power a treadle spinning wheel of one of the volunteer spinners at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village. The foot treadle dental engine was a milestone in dental history. “Historic importance of treadle powered machines; they made use of human power in an optimal way” (Lowtech Magazine “Short history of early pedal powered machines”) The invention of a machine to speed up the process of excavation of a tooth lead to the invention of new burs and drills for the handpieces, improving speed and the surgical process of dentistry. They were the fore-runner of today’s electrically powered dental engines. This treadle-powered dentist drill, or dentist engine, is made of iron and steel and provides power for a mechanical dental hand-piece that would be fitted with a dental tool. The drill has a three footed cast iron base, one foot being longer than the other two. A vertical C shaped frame is joined into the centre of the base, holding an axle that has a driving-wheel (or flywheel) and connecting to a crank. A slender, shoulder height post, made from telescoping pipes, joins into the top of this frame and is height adjusted by a hand tightened screw with a round knob. On the post just above the frame is a short metal, horizontal bar (to hold the hand-piece when it is not in use). A narrow tubular arm is attached to the top of the stand at a right angle and can move up and down. At the end of the arm is a firmly fixed, flexible rubber hose protected for a short distance by a sheath of thin metal. At the end of the hose there is a fitting where the drill’s hand-piece would be attached; a small, silver coloured alligator clip is also at the end. A treadle, or foot pedal, is hinged to the heel to the long foot of the base, and joined at the toe to the crank that turns the driving-wheel. There is a spring under the toe of the treadle. The metal driving-wheel has a wide rim. Touching the inside of the rim are four tubular rings that bulge towards the outside of the driving-wheel, away from the pole, and all meet at the hub of the axle. The axle is bulbous between the inside of the driving-wheel and the frame then passes through the frame and is attached on the other side. The driving-wheel has a groove around which a belt would sit. The belt would also fit around a pulley on the arm, at the top of the post. The pulley is joined to a rod inside the arm and this spins the drill's hand-piece and dental tool holder. The two shorter feet of the base are made from a long metal bar that has been curved outwards, and its centre is bolted to the base of the pole. Under the ends of the curved legs of the base are wedge shaped feet. The driving-wheel is decorated in light coloured paint on both sides, each side having three sets of floral decals evenly spaced around them, and each about a sixth of the wheel's circumference. Similar decoration is along the sides of the frame. The foot pedal has decorative cutout patterns in the centre of the foot and at the toe. On the long foot of the stand is some lettering with a fine, light coloured border around it. The lettering is hard to read, being a dark colour and flaking off. There are also remnants of fine, light coloured flourishes. The foot pedal has lettering of the maker’s trade mark cast into the metal at the ball of the foot. Lettering on the base is peeling and difficult to read. The foot pedal has a trade mark cast into it that looks like a combination of ‘C’ , ‘S’ , ‘A’, ‘R’. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, dentist, teeth, dental drill, dental engine, treadle drill, foot powered drill, treadle engine, orthodontics, dental surgery, james morrison

The design of this and other similar treadle powered dental engine (or dentist drill) was in common use by dentists from the 1870’s into the 1920's. When electricity became accessible to most communities the electrically powered dental engines began to take over from the treadle power. Over the ages teeth were extracted using picks and scissors and other gouging instruments. Bow drills, hand drills and even a "bur thimble" drill were later used to prepare cavities for filling. Some drills were made bendable by attaching flexible shanks between the metal bur and the handle, giving access to the teeth at the back of the mouth. Other mechanical devices were introduced along the way, such as clockwork drills, but they were hard to handle and inefficient. Over the centuries “dentistry has been performed by priests, monks and other healers. This was followed by barbers; the barber’s chair may well have been the precursor to the dental chair. “(SA Medical Heritage Society Inc.) In 1871 James Morrison patented the first commercially manufactured 'foot treadle dental engine', the first practica dental engine although others had been introduced as early as 1790 (by John Greenwood). Handmade steel burs or drills were introduced for dental handpieces, taking advantage of the significant increase in the speed of the drill. In 1891 the first machine-made steel burs were in use. The treadle drill reduced the time to prepare a cavity from hours to less than ten minutes. In 1876 the Samuel S. White Catalogue of Dentist Instruments listed a 12 ½ inch wheel diameter dental engine, with 14 bright steel parts, for sale at US $55 In today’s market, this is the equivalent to US $1200 approx. The specifications of that dental engine are very similar to the this one in our Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s collection. It is interesting to note that workings of a similar treadle dentist drill were used and modified to power a treadle spinning wheel of one of the volunteer spinners at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village. The foot treadle dental engine was a milestone in dental history. “Historic importance of treadle powered machines; they made use of human power in an optimal way” (Lowtech Magazine “Short history of early pedal powered machines”) The invention of a machine to speed up the process of excavation of a tooth lead to the invention of new burs and drills for the handpieces, improving speed and the surgical process of dentistry. They were the fore-runner of today’s electrically powered dental engines. This treadle-powered dentist drill, or dentist engine, is made of iron and steel and provides power for a mechanical dental handpiece that would be fitted with a dental tool. On the foot is painted lettering naming it "The Brentfield" and there is a fine line of light coloured paint creating a border around the name. The paint under the lettering is peeling off. The drill has a Y-shaped, three footed cast iron base, one foot being longer than the other two. A vertical frame is joined into the centre of the base, holding an axle that has a driving-wheel (or flywheel) and connecting to a crank. A slender, shoulder height post, made from adjustable telescoping pipes, joins into the top of this frame. On the post just above the frame is a short metal, horizontal bar (to hold the hand-piece when it is not in use). A narrow tubular arm is attached to the top of the stand at a right angle and can move up, down and around. There is a pulley each side of the joint of the arm and a short way along the arm is fitted a short metal pipe. A little further along the arm a frayed-ended cord hangs down from a hole. At the end of the arm is another pulley and a joint from which hangs a long, thin metal pipe with two pulleys and a fitting on the end. A treadle, or foot pedal, is joined to the long foot of the base, and joined at the toe to the crank that turns the driving-wheel. The metal driving-wheel has a wide rim. Touching the inside of the rim are four tubular rings that bulge towards the outside of the driving-wheel, away from the pole, and all meet at the hub of the axle. The axle fits between the inside of the driving-wheel and the frame then passes through the frame and is attached on the other side. The driving-wheel has a groove around which a belt would sit. The belt would also fit around a pulley on the arm, at the top of the post. The pulley is joined to a rod inside the arm and this spins the drill's hand-piece and dental tool holder. The foot pedal has a cross-hatch pattern on the heel and the ball of the foot has tread lines across it. The end of the toe and the instep areas have cut-out pattern in them. "The ____/ Brentfield / __ DE IN L___" (Made in London) painted on the long foot of the base. Marked on the drill connection is “Richter De Trey, Germany”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, dentist, teeth, dental drill, dental engine, treadle drill, foot powered drill, treadle engine, orthodontics, dental surgery, james morrison, the brentfield, richter de trey, german dental fitting, london dental drill

Louis Lachenal manufactured concertinas for C Wheatstone & Co. from around 1848-1858 in a combined home and manufactory in Cheswick, England. He then establish up his own business 'Lachenal's' at 8 Little James Street in London. In 1863 the firm began advertising both 'Anglo and English concertinas, which were more expensive. Lachenal passed away in 1861, so his wife Elizabeth took over the business. The firm was sold to a group of five businessmen in about 1873 and in 1874 the firm became ‘Lachenal & Co.’ A Trade Mark application was made by Richard Ballinger on behalf of Lachenal & Co. on 31st August 1878 and the Number 19,555 was published in the Trade Mark Journal January 8, 1879. The symbol was an English-style reed-shoe with the words 'Trade Mark' and 'English Make'. It was stamped on the right-hand rail (handle) of the Lachenal Anglos, to distinguish them from the German-made ones. It seems that the company ceased business in 1933.This concertina, made in the late 19th to early 20th century, represents the portable musical entertainment of the early settlers in the colony of Australia. Concertina, six sided, 21 buttons, with fitted case. Wooden ends have carved cut-outs and leather straps attached to brass buttons. Five-fold bellows have light coloured sides with reinforced edges and corners. Constructed with steel reeds and bone key-buttons. Wooden, black fabric-covered hexagonal case with triangular metal catch, two brass hinges, leather handle and faded red lining. Inscriptions on label inside lid and on wooden ends of bellows. Lachenal, Anglo design, made by Lachenal & Co. of London. Label within oval cut-out "LACHENAL & Co / PATENT CONCERTINA / MANUFACTURERS / LONDON", Label inside lid " - CHENAL -", Impressed into wood STEEL REEDS", "ENGLAND", "TRADE MARK ENGLISH MAKE [reed-shoe symbol]" , (originally marked with Number "98030" )flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, concertina, squeeze box, musical instrument, london, english make, trade mark 15222, english-style reed, richard ballinger, louis lachenal, concertina manufacturer, reed-shoe, lachenal anglo, lachenal & co, lachenal

This padlock has been salvaged from the wrecked sailing ship SCHOMBERG. It is not known whether the padlock was a part of the ship’s equipment or if it was among personal effects or cargo. At some point in time the padlock has been mounted and sealed in resin, perhaps for both display and preservation purposes. ABOUT THE SCHOMBERG When SCHOMBERG was launched in 1855, she was considered the “Noblest ship that ever floated on water.” SCHOMBERG’s owners, the Black Ball Line, commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. She was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. SCHOMBERG’s 34 year old master, Captain ‘Bully’ Forbes, (James Nicol Forbes) was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; MARCO POLO and LIGHTNING. On this, the SCHOMBERG’s maiden voyage, he was going to break records. SCHOMBERG departed Liverpool 6 October 1855 flying the sign “Sixty Days to Melbourne”. She carried 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking, 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo was insured for $300,000, a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing SCHOMBERG’s journey considerably. Land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, and Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the Third Mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off, Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26 December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes’s map. The crew from the scouting party advised Forbes to wait until morning before trying to take the passengers to safety in the lifeboats because the rough seas could easily overturn the small vessels. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted SS QUEEN at dawn and signalled the steamer. The master of the SS QUEEN approached the stranded vessel and all of SCHOMBERG’s passengers and crew were able to disembark safely. The SCHOMBERG was lost and with her, Forbes’ reputation. The Black Ball Line’s Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers’ baggage from the SCHOMBERG. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot! Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo, but did not attempt to salvage the cargo that was still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864, after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach SCHOMBERG, salvage efforts were abandoned. Parts of the SCHOMBERG were washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand in 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck. The wreck now lies in 825 metres of water and the shape of the ship can still be seen due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. Flagstaff Hill holds many items salvaged from the SCHOMBERG including a ciborium (in which a diamond ring was concealed), communion set, ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets, menu and photograph from the SCHOMBERG. This brass padlock is registered as an artefact in the SCHOMBERG collection. The SCHOMBERG collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level, listed on the Victorian Hertage Register VHR S612. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the SCHOMBERG is significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck. The collection is primarily significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the SCHOMBERG. The SCHOMBERG collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international passenger ship. The shipwreck collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the shipwreck and the ship, which was designed to be fastest and most luxurious of its day. The SCHOMBERG collection meets the following criteria for assessment: Criterion A: Importance to the course, or pattern, of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion B: Possession of uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion C: Potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Victoria’s cultural Brass Padlock lying in a wooden block and encased in resin. The wood encasing the padlock has seven man-made holes in it, perhaps used to hand as a display. There was a paper label with an inscription on the top and bottom of the wood immediately surrounding the padlock. the brass has tarnished. Recovered from the wreck of the Schomberg in 1974.Marked on block - "Recovered 1974 'Schomberg'"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, padlock, schomberg shipwreck, brass padlock circa 1855, object salvaged from shipwreck, captain bully forbes, 19th century security hardware, sjouvenir, security, brass padlock

Siebe Gorman & Company Ltd was a British company that developed diving equipment and breathing equipment and worked on commercial diving and marine salvage projects. The company advertised itself as 'Submarine Engineers'. It was founded by Augustus Siebe, a German-born British engineer chiefly known for his contributions to diving equipment. Siebe Gorman traded as an engineering firm for over 180 years from 1819 to 1999. The early success of the business was due to its founder, the Prussian immigrant Christian 'Augustus' Siebe (1788-1872). For business reasons, he applied for and was granted British citizenship in 1856. He was a gifted engineer who was able to translate theoretical problems into practical, working products. During the industrial Victorian period, the business traded as 'A. Siebe' at 145 High Street Holborn London, but in 1828 new premises were acquired at 5 Denmark Street, Soho. The family firm produced a wide range of manufactured goods including paper-making machinery, measuring machinery, water pumps, refrigeration equipment, and diving apparatus. Augustus Siebe specialised in submarine engineering early on and the company gained a reputation for the manufacture of safe, reliable diving apparatus. Augustus Siebe is best remembered for the development and manufacture of the ‘closed’ Diving Dress based on the ideas of Charles and John Deane, George Edwards, and Charles Pasley. Apart from some small modifications to valves and diver communications, the basic 12 bolt ‘closed’ diving dress remained relatively unchanged after the 1870s. Later company successes were also based on innovation, with new products that could be successfully developed and manufactured to high standards. This was largely attributed to the inventive nature, foresight, engineering, and entrepreneurial skills of Robert Henry Davis (1870-1965). In 1882, RH Davis joined the company of 'Siebe & Gorman' as a young 11-year-old office boy and he was to remain with the company until he died in 1965. Augustus Siebe retired in 1869 and handed over the company to a new partnership of Henry H. Siebe (1830-1885) and William A. O'Gorman (1834-1904). The new firm traded as 'Siebe & Gorman' (1870-1879) from premises in and around Mason Street, Westminster Bridge Road, Lambeth, London. The two partners soon recognised the potential of R.H. Davis and in 1894, aged 24, he became General Manager of Siebe & Gorman. Davis increasingly ran the company until the surviving partner (W.A. Gorman) died in 1904. The firm was disposed of to the Vickers (armaments) family and a new company 'Siebe Gorman & Co. Ltd.' (1905-1998) was formed. Under the chairmanship of Albert Vickers, R.H. Davis was kept on as Managing Director, and the company forged ahead. However, after WW1, the Great Depression caused manufacturing output and share prices to slump. In 1924 Robert Davis made a deal with the Vickers Board and acquired control of the company through majority shares. Under his leadership, the Siebe Gorman Company flourished and within time, four of his sons also joined the firm. The company gained a worldwide reputation for the manufacture of diving apparatus, decompression and observation chambers, and safety breathing apparatus of all types for use on the land, in the air, and under the sea (including mine rescue, tunneling, aircraft, diving, submarine escape and in other hazardous environments). Close research and development links with the MOD (especially the Admiralty), also provided a lucrative outlet for the company products. In 1932, Robert Davis was knighted by King George V, principally for his invention of the ‘Davis Submerged Escape Apparatus’ (D.S.E.A.). Siebe Gorman essentially remained a family firm from the beginning (under A.Siebe) until it became a public company for the first time in 1952. However, following WW2, British manufacturing stagnated through stifled investment and post-war austerity, and there was little innovation. Siebe Gorman's fortunes began to decline as an aging Sir Robert Davis failed to invest, or change the company's business and management practices. In 1959, Siebe Gorman was acquired by the “Fairy Group” and the ailing Sir Robert was made Life President. Consequently, nothing changed and the slow decline continued until Sir Robert's death in March 1965. Around 1960, Siebe Gorman acquired the diving apparatus manufacturer C E Heinke, and for a brief period, it manufactured some diving equipment under the combined name of Siebe Heinke. Around 1964, Mr E. 'Barry' Stephens was appointed as the new Managing Director to modernise Siebe Gorman. Changes were made, including a move to a new factory in Wales in 1975. The new company concentrated on fire-fighting breathing apparatus and escape equipment, and the move coincided with the loss of many of the older, traditional craft skills. Between 1985 and 1998, Siebe expanded through acquisitions, and several other companies were acquired. The Siebe Gorman (diving apparatus) company has therefore traded as A. Siebe (1819-1870); Siebe & Gorman (1870-1879); Siebe Gorman & Co (1880-1904); Siebe Gorman & Co. Ltd (1905-1998). (For information regards the diving helmet & Frank King see Notes Section at the end of this document)The items are very significant as a snapshot into marine history and the development of diving equipment generally especially that used for salvage operations before and during WW2. The company that made the equipment was a leading inventor,developer and innovator of marine equipment with its early helmets and other items eagerly sought after today for collections around the world. The items in the Flagstaff Hill collection give us an insight as to how divers operated and the dangers they faced doing a very necessary and dangerous job. Frank Kings' diving helmet and compressor (communication pipe stored separately). Compressor is hand cranked. US Navy diving helmet, Mark V. Two maker's plates attached. Made in 1944.On rear "WATER SUPPLY" On front 'PATENT" " Logo: Images (Lion, Crown, Horse, Shield within an oval) "SIEBE, GORMAN & Co. Ltd. SUBMARINE ENGINEERS, LONDON.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, great ocean road, us navy diving helmet, commonwealth government salvage, diving helmet, marine salvage, frank king, diver, siebe. gorman & co ltd, submarine equipment, diving equipment, communication under water, hand cranked, diving compressor

Lock, square shape with decorative work in metal. Key hole in the centre. Has HT&V stamped front and back. Broken internal workings. Made for a Right-hand hindged door.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, lock

.1) These capes were worn by student nurses when going on and off duty, when called to see the Matron or senior nurse (but never worn on duty). They were made of unlined woollen fabric and were wrist length and worn by Alfred Hospital student nurses until 1992.This nurses cape was made before 1970 as Ball & Welch Ltd was bought out in 1970. .2) RANF was between 1971-1988. In October 1975 the Royal Victorian College of Nurses amalgamated with the RANF Employees' Section and became the new Royal Australian Nursing Federation. .1) Machine stitched light blue pure wool cape with stitched down shoulder epaulettes. Around the neckline is stitched cotton bias binding which is hemmed by hand. Hook and eye fastening. .2) Badge pinned to left hand front Badge - Student Nurse Unit R.A.N.F.nursing, alfred hospital, student nurse cape, woollen cape, royal australian nursing federation, ranf, badge, ball and welch, costume, textiles

Frederick Sleigh Roberts, 1st Earl Roberts was a British Soldier who served in India, Abyssinia and Afghanistan before leading the British Forces to success in the Second Boer War. He became the last Commander-in-Chief of the Forces before the post was abolished in 1904. While in South Africa he was at the Siege of Kimberley, the Battle of Paardeberg, the Battle of Poplar Grove, the Battle of Diamond Hill and the Battle of Bergendal. Roberts received many awards: Victoria Cross (1858-India); Companion of the Order of the Bath (1872-Afghanistan); Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (1878-Afghanistan);Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (1880-Afghanistan) and Companion of the Order of the Indian Empire in the same year. He was Commander-in Chief, India in 1885 was advanced to Knight Commander of the Order of India (1887) and then Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire later that year. He became Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Star of India. The same year he relinquished his Indian command and became Commander-in-Chief of British Forces in 1895 made a Knight of the Order of St Patrick. In 1899 he returned to South Africa to take overall command of British Forces in the Second Boer War. December 1900 Roberts handed over command to Lord Kitchener and returned to England where more honours were awarded. He was made a Knight of the Order of the Garter; created Earl Roberts of Kandahar, Pretoria and Waterford and Viscount St Pierre. He became a Knight of Grace of the Order of St John (1901) and then Knight of Justice of the Order of St John. The Kaiser awarded him the German Order of the Black Eagle and was among the original recipients of the Order of Merit in the 1902 Coronation Honours. Roberts died in 1914. He was given and State Funeral and buried in St Paul's Cathedral.Individual image taken from photographed poster of tobacco and cigarette cards.frederick sleigh roberts, earl roberts, india, abyssinia, afghanistan, british forces, second boer war, commander-in-chief, south africa, siege of kimberley, battle of paardeberg, battle of poplar grove, battle of diamond hill, battle of bergendal, victoria cross, companion of the order of the bath, knight commander of the order of the bath, knight grand cross of the order of the bath, companion of the order of the indian empire, knight commander of the order of india, knight grand commander of the order of the indian empire, knight grand commander of the order of the star of india, knight of the order of st patrick, knight of the order of the garter, viscount st pierre, knight of grace of the order of st john, knight of justice of the order of st john, order of the black eagle, order of merit, st paul's cathedral, london

These items were made as samplers either at school or most likely college. They are samples of embroidery stitches, seam types and sewing and knitting techniques.Nos 1-16 are group of samplers made from cotton lawn, cotton with sateen weave and flannel and made by Ruth McGannon. No 17 is a pair of gloves made by Margaret Russell. .1) A small square of yellow lawn with three horizontal rows in blue thread and three vertical rows in red thread of running stitch each 3.5 centimeters apart. The edges are frayed to 1.2 centimeters. .2) A larger rectangle of yellow lawn with three horizontal rows 7.8 centimeters apart and three vertical rows 10 centimeters apart of long stitch, stitched in blue thread. The edges are frayed to 2 centimeters. .3) A small square of yellow lawn with three horizontal rows and three vertical rows of blue thread of running stitch, each 1.9 centimeters apart. The edges are frayed to 1.5 centimeters. .4) A larger rectangle of yellow lawn with three horizontal rows 9 centimeters apart and three vertical rows 11.2 centimeters apart of running stitch, stitched in red thread. The edges are hemmed with two rows of long stitch .5 centimeter apart with a loose blue thread of laced running stitch weaving in and out of the red long stitch. .5) A rectangle of hemmed yellow lawn with a pocket formed at each end. Two rows of long stitch in red thread hem the edges with a blue thread stitched between each red stitch. The pockets are formed by turning back the edges and stitching them down in brown thread. R.M. is embroidered in brown chain stitch on the right side. .6) A rectangle of hemmed blue lawn the same as the previous piece but with five rows of back stitch in yellow and orange thread creating a pattern. .7) A rectangle of blue lawn with the top and bottom edges hemmed with two rows of long stitch close together in yellow and orange. The other two edge are frayed to 2.5 centimeters and has four rows of long stitch .7 centimeter apart in yellow and orange thread. .8) A blue lawn bag with two packets was made by hemming a rectangle of fabric on three sides in long stitch with orange thread, then yellow thread between the stitches. The fourth side is hemmed in hemming stitch in yellow thread with blanket stitch in yellow thread along the edge. This edge is folded up by one third to create a pocket. The edges on either side are stitched together. A row of chain stitch in orange thread is stitched down the middle to create two pockets. A tape is stitched to either side at the top and this is folded over the pocket. .9) A cream cotton with sateen weave rectangle is hemmed with a double row of orange thread in long stitch. On both sides is embroidery in orange and yellow thread. .10) A yellow cotton with sateen weave baby's bib is made from a rectangle of fabric with a semi circle cut out of the top. The edges are turned and hemmed with a narrower turning on the neck. A tape is stitched at either side of the neck. On the front is embroidered a train in blue and yellow threads. .11) A yellow lawn embroidery sampler using blue and brown thread shows long stitch, stem stitch, herringbone stitch, chain stitch, fly stitch, lazy daisy stitch, cross stitch and satin stitch. It is hemmed using drawn thread work and the bottom is scalloped and finished in blanket stitch. .12) A pink lawn embroidery sampler with green thread shows herringbone stitch, stem stitch, running stitch, chain stitch, cross stitch, lazy daisy stitch, fly stitch, feather stitch, satin stitch and back stitch. The bottom is scalloped and finished in buttonhole stitched. The other three edges are hemmed using drawn thread work. .13) A small cream flannel square with two smaller squares are stitched together down the middle in decreasing sizes using chain stitch. The largest piece is hemmed using both herringbone and a decorative blanket stitch. It also has a run and fell seam on the opposite side using both running and herringbone stitches. A row of feather stitch is on either side of the seam. The two smaller squares are frayed on the edges. .14) A cream rectangular flannel sampler has two seams along the length. One is a run and fell seam using running and herringbone stitches and the other is an open seam using running stitch and both edges are stitched down with herringbone stitch. The two shorter edges are bound and the longer edges have a tape which is stitched down to neaten the edges. On the right side are two rows of feather stitch. .15) This blue lawn apron has a rectangular gathered skirt which is attached to a waistband and in turn attached to a bib front which goes over the head. The bib and skirt sides are hemmed using decorative blanket stitch in pink and dark blue thread. The skirt hem and both sides of the waistband are stitched in two rows of herringbone in pink and dark blue thread. .16) This pale pink lawn child's shirt has french seam side seams, a waist band to which the shirt is attached using slight gathering. The sleeves have cuffs. There is a front facing and a collar and there is a small pocket in the left hand breast. .17) These yellow knitted gloves are made using plain stitch for the hand and rib for the wrist.Written on paper and stitched on to a couple of items - Ruth McGannon V.3 - 312 Written on paper and stitched to the gloves - Margaret Russell x No2embroidery, sampler, gloves, stitches, sewing, knitting, apron, costume, needlework, dressmaking, textiles

These Miner's Rights may refer to the Ballarat Observatory in Magpie Street (to be confirmed), and were possibly handed over when James Oddie gifted the Observatory to the Ballarat School of Mines. Seven Miners Rights made out to James Oddie between September 1900 and February 1909. No of Registration in 19578 for 209 feet x 52 feet at Magpie Street, Ballarat East james oddie, miners right, ballarat observatory, d.p. mannix, f. bell, miner's right, magpie street ballarat east, ballarat east

Possibly made by Alistair Heighway.Original poster with black background. Image of body on left hand side is pointing towards text.poster, ballarat school of mines, ballarat school of mines dance, corbould hall

These five caricatures are thought to have been made by a student of the era.Hand painted caricatures of staff of the Ballarat Technical Art Schoolbrian mclennan, alistair heighway, betty collier, val d'angri, neville french, ballarat technical art school

Frank Tate was the first Director of Education for Victoria, 1902-1928. During this time World War I occurred and he enlisted. Due to his support for the French during this time he was awarded "Chevalier of the Legion of Honor". Certificate printed on beige paper. Name and signature added Signature of Director of Education: Frank Tate Certificate made out to Ed M Roberts Certificate number: 4 "Credit" hand written after statement of pass Red school stamp - Ballarat School of Mines

This small Adana letterpress was based on a larger press. It was intended for printing stationery such as business cards, visitor’s cards, shop price cards and notepaper headers, Used for letterpress printing, and advertised as “Virtually indestructible”. Used for hobby printing, schools, and similar uses. When donated to Flagstaff Hill the chase still had letter type in it, which was printed out "THE SHADOWS / apahc / the aauage / shaboogie ". Currently, the machine is used by the Flagstaff Hill "Examiner" office to make business cards for use by some of the Volunteers in the Village. HISTORY Donald Aspinall, born in London in 1899, suffered shell shock while serving in World War 1. During his recovery, while still a teenager, he worked his hobby, the design of a small flatbed printing press, then advertised it in The Model Engineer’ in 1918 and received an overwhelming response of orders. In 1922 Aspinall founded the Adana Agency, in Twickenham. His had great success in his sales of flatbed, self-inking wooden presses to hobby printing enthusiasts. Over the years Adana made a variety of machines; flatbed, lever, treadle and powered presses Adana cast its own type in 1925 and has a number of patents for press parts. In the 1980’s the company wound down, and was purchased by Caslon, who still service and supply part for the Adana machines. Printing press; hand operated small letterpress machine made by Adana. Tiny platen style. Model Five-Three (5 inch x 3 inch). Cast metal base and lever handle with rounded end, both painted dark red, rounded red metal lever handle. C. 1934 Marks on foot of stand " REG. NO. / ISIL 46 & S00575 / PATENTS PENDING" and "REG. TRADE MARK / ADANA"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, adana letterpress, adana model three-five, mini letterpress, printing machine, donald aspinall

The Tilley lamp derives from John Tilley’s invention of the hydro-pneumatic blowpipe in 1813 in England. W. H. Tilley were manufacturing pressure lamps at their works in Stoke Newington in 1818, and Shoreditch, in the 1830s. The company moved to Brent Street in Hendon in 1915 during World War I, and started to work with paraffin (kerosene) as a fuel for the lamps. During World War I Tilley lamps were used by the British armed forces, and became so popular that Tilley became used as a generic name for a kerosene lamp in many parts of the world, in much the same way as Hoover is used for vacuum cleaners. During the 1920s the company had diversified into domestic lamps, and had expanded rapidly after orders from railway companies. After World War II fears about the poisonous effect of paraffin fumes, and widely available electricity, reduced demand for domestic use. The company moved from Hendon to Ireland in the early 1960s, finally settling in Belfast. The company moved back to England in 2000.A significant item demonstrating the early use of kerosene under pressure as a lighting medium. These types of lamps were made by a company whose products became synonymous with oil lamps generally. Lamps that were used commercially, domestically and by the armed forces of many countries during the first and second world wars.Tilley Searchlight Projector, or search lamp, made in Hendon, England 1935. Metal kerosene pressure search lamp, glass front, fixed mirror at back, wooden carry handles. Mounted on fuel tank with pressure pump. Lamp has 8 airflow holes in the bottom and a covered outlet on the top. Glass is in 3 pieces, fitting together to make flat circle there is a maker’s plate on the pressure tank. “TILLEY / SEARCHLIGHT PROJECTOR / MADE AT / HENDON, ENGLAND”, “256” handwritten in red on one wooden handle, “9” or “6” hand painted in white on top on light flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, tilley kerosene pressure searchlight, lighting, john tilley, pressure lamps

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Hand written bill of sale between A. Fisken and John [Bonshaw?]Lal Lal September 28th 1855 I hereby agre to hand over to Mr John Bonshaw my right and title to lot 33 in the parish of Kirit Berrit and Fifty Pounds Sterling in Exchange for his lot on the Moorabool [?], lot 3 in the same Parrish. Each agreeing to trade & transfer made out, as soon as we get our grants from the Crown. A. Fisken. archibald fisken, john foushaw, bill of sale, land transfer, squatter, john bonshaw

Used in Building Studies at Ballarat School of Mines. The sander used to sand rough timber smooth, remove old finish from wood, put a bevel on a door, reduce the thickness of timber, dress up a poor saw cut. Also used for back cutting miter cuts for neater joints and for polishing and cutting.Stainless steel with rollers and sanding plate. Hand held. Continuous loop of sandpaper would be mounted.Maker's Plate: MILLER FALL TOOLS CATALOG 830 3 INCH BELT SANDER MODEM "C" USE 3" X 21" BELT 230/250 VOLTS 3 AMPS 25-60 CYCLES MADE IN USA PATENT 2,991,595 MILLER FALLS COMPANY, GREEFIELDS, MASS. TO CHANGE BELT PULL LEVER DIRECTION OF BELT ballarat school of mines, building studies, david flintoff, timber, smooth, miter cuts, polishing, buffing, thinning

Note with Stick. Kairivu New Guinea This carved stick is Kunja cane of New Guinea. When the war ended my company was in Kairivu, the last outpost in the world to get official notification of the Peace. During the time of waiting for the word from Wewak, for something to do, Dagwood Williamson with the aid of a pen-knife and a nail file carved the names of the places we had been and the name of our Stretcher Bearer Unit - 2/7 Battalion. Next to the Doctor at Regimental Aide Post [R.A. P.]. I was Sgt. in Charge of Stretcher Bearers and when Dagwood Williamson asked me to accept the cane for safe keeping I was pleased to do so. Now most of the boys have gone, so now over to you to look after it, it is the only one in the -----WORLD. Stan Hair Red Cliffs. March 1999The carved stick is made from Kunja Cane of New Guinea. It was hand carved with the names and places the 2/7th Battalion Stretcher bearer unit. Carved by Dagwood Williamson, with the aid of a Penknife and a nail file.Highly decorated and has the names Aitape, Balif, Banyak, Maprik, Yamil, Kiarivu, Wewak, New Guinea, 1944-1945, 2/7th Btn, 6 Div, As a list. Stretcher bearers, Lofty, Stan, Norm, Bob, Jacko, Dagwood, Aussie, Mick, Lyle, Sam, Reg, Ocker, Hulla, Luppy, Stewy, Smithy, Harvey, Graham, Don, Dave, Mac x, Farmer, Vince, Farnell, Lightning.

Hair clippers are specialized implements used to cut human head hair. They work on the same principle as scissors, but are distinct from scissors and razors. :Hair clippers comprise a pair of sharpened comb-like blades in close contact one above the other which slide sideways relative to each other, a mechanism which may be manual or electrical to make the blades oscillate from side to side, and a handle. The clipper is moved so that hair is positioned between the teeth of the comb, and cut with a scissor action when one blade slides sideways relative to the other. Friction between the blades needs to be as low as possible, which is attained by choice of material and finish, and frequent lubrication. Hair clippers are operated by a pair of handles that are alternately squeezed together and released. Barbers used them to cut hair close and fast. The hair was picked up in locks and the head was rapidly depilated. Mid 20thC such haircuts became popular among boys, and young men in the military and in prisons. Burman & Sons Ltd, of Ryland Road, Birmingham, West Midlands, manufactured Burman-Douglas steering gear. Their recirculating worm and ball design of steering gear was fitted to pre-war vehicles such as the Ford Eight and the Ford Prefect, the Bedford CA, plus heavy trucks and off-road vehicles - both pre and post-war. In its day, Burman-Douglas steering-gear was regarded as.... a "quality" feature of a car chassis specification, but the worm and ball design was eventually surpassed by the cheaper rack and pinion design that dominates today. The company also manufactured motorcycle gearboxes, horse clippers and barbers’ clippers. 1871 Company founded. 1897 Private company. 1930s Gearbox for Ariel Square-four motorcycle. (Exhibit at Birmingham Thinktank museum) 1933 Burman and Sons Limited, manufacturers of horse and barbers' clippers, sheep shearers, motor cycle gear boxes and steering gears, Ryland road, Edgebaston 1953 S. F. Burman, M.B.E., Managing Director, Burman and Sons, Ltd 1955 Acquired by Vono Industrial Products. 1961 Manufacturers of motor and motorcycle accessories. 1,500 employees. 1968 Supplied rack and pinion steering units to Ford 1978 Adwest Group acquired Burman and Sons, the steering gear part of Duport. 1986 Major reduction in staffing at Burman due to fall in demand for its products and delivery problems. A set of hand held barbers’ hair clippers with an adjustable screw, from Burman and Sons Ltd of Birmingham, England. Chrome plated, in good condition, c1950. On left arm ; BURMAN On right arm ; MADE IN ENGLANDbarbers, hairdressing, hair clippers, grooming, horse clippers, cars, motor cycles, gear boxes, rack and pinion , worm and ball, steering gears, steel manufacture, birmingham england, burman and sons ltd, moorabbin, bentleigh, ormond, cheltenham, market gardeners,