SHARP DOWNPOUR. ONE INCH IN 45 MINUTES. SOUTHERN SUBURBS DELUGED. TRAIN STOPPED AT SOUTH YARRA. One of the sudden downpours of rain which occasionally fall in Melbourne occurred yesterday afternoon, when nearly an inch of rain fell in the course of three quarters of an hour, and caused a flood for an hour or two in certain localities. During the early part of the day, the sky had been clouded over, but there was nothing to indicate a storm of such intensity as that which followed. At about half-past 1 o'clock residents of South Yarra, South Melbourne, Prahran, and St. Kilda noticed a few drops of rain. Still, it appeared unlikely that there would be anything exceptional, until with startling suddenness at about 10 minutes to 1 o'clock, one of the heaviest downpours within the memory of residents burst upon those suburbs. A strange feature of the storm was that it was practically confined to an area of about three miles square. The city was but little affected, though at a spot as close as the Observatory 86 points of rain were recorded in three-quarters of an hour. Thunder and lightning accompanied the downpour, which was cyclonic in character, the rain driving heavily from all points of the compass as the cyclone passed. It was in South Yarra and Prahran that the rain fell heaviest. Within a few minutes after it commenced, the low-lying portions of Toorak-road and practically the whole length of Chapel-street were under water. The depression at the intersection of Toorak-road and Darling-street speedily filled to the dimensions of a small lake. Several shops were inundated, while the water from the higher levels rushed down like a mountain torrent, and in several in-stances swept through the rear of houses and shops, carrying furniture in a floating mass against the further walls. In one case a footbridge was carried bodily away and dashed to pieces. Darling-street itself Great Davis-street, and other low-lying and flat thoroughfares in the vicinity became flooded from kerb to kerb, while on the other side of the railway-bridge the valley between Kensington-road and River-street became filled for some minutes to a depth of several feet. Meanwhile the waters from South Yarra hill, seeking a lower level, found it in the railway cutting, and the excavations from South Yarra station to Prahran on the one line, and to the Chapel-street bridge on the other, were converted into a couple of canals. At the platforms at South Yarra the water was two feet deep on the permanent way, and towards Hawksburn, at the sudden depression under Chapel-street bridge, it was at one time deep enough to cover a tall man's head. Into this swirling mass of water the 1:50 p.m. train from Oakleigh plunged on its way to Melbourne. The impact caused a mighty fountain of water to rise to a height of about 20 feet above the level of Chapel-street and send clouds of spray in all directions. Under the belief that a terrible explosion had occurred residents braved the rain and rushed to the spot, only to find that the train had been brought to a stand-still in the middle of what seemed to be a river. The water was so high that it had entered the fire-box from below, extinguishing the fires and cutting off the steam supply. In the meantime the officials at the South Yarra station had been preparing for emergencies. Inspectors were on duty at intervals along the line, and the moment the alarm was given an extra engine was backed carefully down and continued on to connect with the stranded train without losing its own power. There was a delay of about ten minutes in the service for an hour or two, but by 5 o'clock all the trains were running on time again, and the water had run off all but the spot beneath the Chapel-street bridge. Here the water remained about four feet deep until nightfall, and throughout the afternoon several hundreds of people including biograph operators and photographers, were gathered around watching each train pass through. Even with the water two feet lower, this was a work attended with considerable difficulty. Each train had to absolutely force its way through the weight of water, almost enveloped by the spray thrown up, and it was only just able to negotiate the "ford" by using every ounce of steam. ... The Argus, 26 January 1907, p19.The item forms part of the Laurie Bennett collection of thirty-six postcards and photographs of Kew and early Melbourne, donated to the Kew Historical Society in 1980. The postcards in the Bennett collection, like other images in the Society's holdings date from the 1890s to the present and comprehensively indicate points-of-view or scenes considered historically, aesthetically or socially significant in the period in which they were produced.Postcard depicting a flood at South Yarra Station in 1907. The title and photographer's name are identified on the front of the postcard. Donated by L. Bennett, 1980flood - south yarra, trains - melbourne, postcards, r mcgeehan - prahran

The Orungal was originally built in Glasgow in 1923 for the Khedival Mail Steamship & Graving Dock Company of Egypt and named the S.S. Fezara. Due to the effects on steamship companies of the Great Depression including the steep costs of building new ships and increases in running costs and port charges, no new passenger ships had been ordered in Australia since before World War One. To meet demand for passenger berths, the Fezara (5826 tons) along with its sister ship the Famaka (5856 tons, renamed Ormiston), were chartered by the Australasian United Steam Navigation Company Ltd (A.U.S.N.Co.) in 1927. Both the A.U.S.N.Co and the Khedival Mail Steamship Co. were part of the P&O Group. The Orungal operated in this role as an interstate passenger and mail steamer between 1927 and 1940, being used mainly on the Melbourne to Queensland and Western Australian runs, with 240 single class berths. Following the outbreak of World War Two six of the nine large passenger liners servicing mainland Australian passenger and mail trades were requisitioned by the Government to ferry equipment, troops and supplies. Some of them were converted to armed merchant cruisers and used for patrol work and escort duties in the Indian and Pacific Oceans. The Orungal had originally been requisitioned by the government along with the Zealandia on 25 June 1940, to transport troops to Darwin, but was returned to commercial service because "of her unsuitability", perhaps too slow for the demands of the work. Despite being rejected for patrol and convoy duties the Orungal still had a vital role as one of only three passenger liners left to service the mainland Australian trade. Following its requisitioning by the Government shortly after war broke out, it had been fitted out with defensive armament. On its final voyage arriving at Port Phillip Heads from Sydney, Captain Gilling was attempting to enter the Heads ahead of a worsening south-westerly storm and, with a minefield known to have been laid in the area, had been warned by the Navy not to deviate from the swept channel. The captain and crew held fears that in the stormy seas a mine may have been carried away. In the worsening weather a blur of lights at Barwon Heads was mistaken for Port Lonsdale, and the Orungal steamed ashore onto Formby Reef, just east of the entrance of the Barwon River - instead of passing safely through the middle of the Rip. At the Marine Board Inquiry Capt. Gilling - who had been master of the Orungal since 1926 - stated that after becoming uneasy about his position and changing course to starboard one point: " At 10.21 pm I ordered the engine room to stand by and gave instructions for the patent log to be hauled in and for the sounding-gear to be got ready. Approximately two minutes later, in a flash of lightning, I saw land off the port beam. I immediately recognised it as Barwon Heads, and ordered the helm to be put hard to starboard, but the vessel struck before she had time to answer the helm" Barwon Heads and Ocean Grove residents were startled to hear the shrill blast of the ship's whistle, followed by the bright flares and explosions of signal rockets. The Queenscliff lifeboat crew, who had responded to the tragic collision between the Goorangai and another passenger liner the Duntroon in Port Phillip Bay less than 24 hours earlier, were later praised for their efforts in safely taking off all the passengers and crew. Most of the passengers were asleep at the time of the wreck, and were woken up by the commotion, the ship shaking "from stem to stern" and stewards ordering them to lifeboat stations in driving rain. It was a dramatic time with the ship siren wailing and distress rockets being fired. It was reported that "When it was found the ship was safe, the passengers all went to the music room. There they sang and danced for several hours. The ship's orchestra played merrily, and amateur performers among the passengers clowned, danced and sang to keep the laughter going. In the early hours of the morning passengers went to their cabins, most of them to sleep soundly while the keel grated on the rocks". At dawn the Queenscliff lifeboat arrived at the scene having been launched at 2.30am, and cautiously approached the ship which was being "battered by mountainous seas". By 5am oil from a burst oil line was helping to calm seas around the Orungal sufficiently enough for the lifeboat to approach, and all the passengers and crew were taken off in several trips by the lifeboat. A Court of Inquiry later found that the wreck was caused by an abnormal set of current to the north-west and cleared the officers and crew of neglect of duty. The sight of a huge liner almost on the beach saw an unprecedented amount of traffic as people drove an estimated 10,000 cars, using some 60,000 gallons of fuel in a time of strict petrol rationing, to see the spectacle. Salvage operations began in an attempt to refloat the vessel, scheduled for the high tide on 15 December 1940. However, during these operations, at 2.30 am on 13 December 1940, a major fire broke out, believed to have been caused by spontaneous combustion in the boiler room. The ship was soon ablaze, with smoke pouring from its hatches and ventilators, and at mid-morning the magazine exploded fiercely. Of the 60 men working aboard the vessel two were severely burned and had to be taken to Geelong Hospital. The gathered spectators witnessed the eerie sight of the ship's hull glowing red when night fell. The well-known building demolition contractor Whelan the Wrecker bought the salvage rights, and methodically proceeded to dismantle the ship and its fittings. The drama was not yet over for the wreckers when - without warning - the burnt-out hulk was 'attacked' by RAAF for strafing practice. Salvage rights were transferred to another private owner in 1963. By 1945 the combined effects of the exposed location, fire and salvage had seen what was left of the wreck disappear beneath the waves. The site today is marked by two of the four Scotch type boilers sitting upright and exposed at low tide, just north-east of the small boats channel at the entrance to Barwon Heads. Large sections of steel hull plating and framing, and impressively large pieces of ships structure and machinery including masts, booms, deck winches, propeller shaft, flywheel, and a thrust block lie scattered about and make the site an interesting shallow dive. It is interesting to compare the site of the Orungal with the intact remains of similar large passenger ships scuttled in deep water in the Ships' Graveyard, such as the Milora and Malaita. The site is subject to waves and surge, and is best dived on flat calm days The teacup originated from the SS Orungal and was likely used heavily in the ship's life as a passenger, mail and cargo carrier around Australia. The teacup is significant for its connections to SS Orungal and of this ships connected story of being sunk in extraordinary circumstances in the local region. A.U.S.N. Co. Ltd. Teacup salvaged from SS Orungal ss orungal, fezara, world war two, barwon heads, ocean grove

1. Rock-art of the Western Desert and Pilbara: Pigment dates provide new perspectives on the role of art in the Australian arid zone Jo McDonald (Australian National University) and Peter Veth (Australian National University) Systematic analysis of engraved and painted art from the Western Desert and Pilbara has allowed us to develop a spatial model for discernable style provinces. Clear chains of stylistic connection can be demonstrated from the Pilbara coast to the desert interior with distinct and stylistically unique rock-art bodies. Graphic systems appear to link people over short, as well as vast, distances, and some of these style networks appear to have operated for very long periods of time. What are the social dynamics that could produce unique style provinces, as well as shared graphic vocabularies, over 1000 kilometres? Here we consider language boundaries within and between style provinces, and report on the first dates for pigment rock-art from the Australian arid zone and reflect on how these dates from the recent past help address questions of stylistic variability through space and time. 2. Painting and repainting in the west Kimberley Sue O?Connor, Anthony Barham (Australian National University) and Donny Woolagoodja (Mowanjum Community, Derby) We take a fresh look at the practice of repainting, or retouching, rockart, with particular reference to the Kimberley region of Western Australia. We discuss the practice of repainting in the context of the debate arising from the 1987 Ngarinyin Cultural Continuity Project, which involved the repainting of rock-shelters in the Gibb River region of the western Kimberley. The ?repainting debate? is reviewed here in the context of contemporary art production in west Kimberley Indigenous communities, such as Mowanjum. At Mowanjum the past two decades have witnessed an artistic explosion in the form of paintings on canvas and board that incorporate Wandjina and other images inspired by those traditionally depicted on panels in rock-shelters. Wandjina also represents the key motif around which community desires to return to Country are articulated, around which Country is curated and maintained, and through which the younger generations now engage with their traditional lands and reach out to wider international communities. We suggest that painting in the new media represents a continuation or transference of traditional practice. Stories about the travels, battles and engagements of Wandjina and other Dreaming events are now retold and experienced in the communities with reference to the paintings, an activity that is central to maintaining and reinvigorating connection between identity and place. The transposition of painting activity from sites within Country to the new ?out-of-Country? settlements represents a social counterbalance to the social dislocation that arose from separation from traditional places and forced geographic moves out-of-Country to government and mission settlements in the twentieth century. 3. Port Keats painting: Revolution and continuity Graeme K Ward (AIATSIS) and Mark Crocombe (Thamarrurr Regional Council) The role of the poet and collector of ?mythologies?, Roland Robinson, in prompting the production of commercial bark-painting at Port Keats (Wadeye), appears to have been accepted uncritically - though not usually acknowledged - by collectors and curators. Here we attempt to trace the history of painting in the Daly?Fitzmaurice region to contextualise Robinson?s contribution, and to evaluate it from both the perspective of available literature and of accounts of contemporary painters and Traditional Owners in the Port Keats area. It is possible that the intervention that Robinson might have considered revolutionary was more likely a continuation of previously well established cultural practice, the commercial development of which was both an Indigenous ?adjustment? to changing socio-cultural circumstances, and a quiet statement of maintenance of identity by strong individuals adapting and attempting to continue their cultural traditions. 4. Negotiating form in Kuninjku bark-paintings Luke Taylor (AIATSIS) Here I examine social processes involved in the manipulation of painted forms of bark-paintings among Kuninjku artists living near Maningrida in Arnhem Land. Young artists are taught to paint through apprenticeships that involve exchange of skills in producing form within extended family groups. Through apprenticeship processes we can also see how personal innovations are shared among family and become more regionally located. Lately there have been moves by senior artists to establish separate out-stations and to train their wives and daughters to paint. At a stylistic level the art now creates a greater sense of family autonomy and yet the subjects link the artists back in to much broader social networks. 5. Making art and making culture in far western New South Wales Lorraine Gibson This contribution is based on my ethnographic fieldwork. It concerns the intertwining aspects of the two concepts of art and culture and shows how Aboriginal people in Wilcannia in far western New South Wales draw on these concepts to assert and create a distinctive cultural identity for themselves. Focusing largely on the work of one particular artist, I demonstrate the ways in which culture (as this is considered) is affectively experienced and articulated as something that one ?comes into contact with? through the practice of art-making. I discuss the social and cultural role that art-making, and art talk play in considering, mediating and resolving issues to do with cultural subjectivity, authority and identity. I propose that in thinking about the content of the art and in making the art, past and present matters of interest, of difficulty and of pleasure are remembered, considered, resolved and mediated. Culture (as this is considered by Wilcannia Aboriginal people) is also made anew; it comes about through the practice of artmaking and in displaying and talking about the art work. Culture as an objectified, tangible entity is moreover writ large and made visible through art in ways that are valued by artists and other community members. The intersections between Aboriginal peoples, anthropologists, museum collections and published literature, and the network of relations between, are also shown to have interesting synergies that play themselves out in the production of art and culture. 6. Black on White: Or varying shades of grey? Indigenous Australian photo-media artists and the ?making of? Aboriginality Marianne Riphagen (Radboud University, The Netherlands) In 2005 the Centre for Contemporary Photography in Melbourne presented the Indigenous photo-media exhibition Black on White. Promising to explore Indigenous perspectives on non-Aboriginality, its catalogue set forth two questions: how do Aboriginal artists see the people and culture that surrounds them? Do they see non-Aboriginal Australians as other? However, art works produced for this exhibition rejected curatorial constructions of Black and White, instead presenting viewers with more complex and ambivalent notions of Aboriginality and non-Aboriginality. This paper revisits the Black on White exhibition as an intercultural event and argues that Indigenous art practitioners, because of their participation in a process to signify what it means to be Aboriginal, have developed new forms of Aboriginality. 7. Culture production Rembarrnga way: Innovation and tradition in Lena Yarinkura?s and Bob Burruwal?s metal sculptures Christiane Keller (University of Westerna Australia) Contemporary Indigenous artists are challenged to produce art for sale and at the same time to protect their cultural heritage. Here I investigate how Rembarrnga sculptors extend already established sculptural practices and the role innovation plays within these developments, and I analyse how Rembarrnga artists imprint their cultural and social values on sculptures made in an essentially Western medium, that of metal-casting. The metal sculptures made by Lena Yarinkura and her husband Bob Burruwal, two prolific Rembarrnga artists from north-central Arnhem Land, can be seen as an extension of their earlier sculptural work. In the development of metal sculptures, the artists shifted their artistic practice in two ways: they transformed sculptural forms from an earlier ceremonial context and from earlier functional fibre objects. Using Fred Myers?s concept of culture production, I investigate Rembarrnga ways of culture-making. 8. 'How did we do anything without it?': Indigenous art and craft micro-enterprise use and perception of new media technology.maps, colour photographs, b&w photographswest kimberley, rock art, kuninjku, photo media, lena yarinkura, bob burruwal, new media technology

This publication was produced in the early 1950s to provide the growing tourism trade (at this time), to the region with a more detailed overview of the facilities available to tourists of the region's attractions. This brochure is a very efficient and effective promotional publication. The increasing level of self promotion by local business and commerce sectors of the region the more sought after the region became and the greater the ability of the region to grow (non rural based economy). Some of the regions unique facilities and geological structures are well suited to those tourists who live in cities and "flat land" regional bush areas within Australia. This was a period when the average Australian domestic tourist was more able (finance and transport wise) to see more of their country within the short time they had for "holidays". In the late 1900s, however, with the increase to workers' recreational leave and better transportation (fares, ease of travel to overseas destinations) the local tourism numbers from other domestic locations have been steadily declining. From the 1970s onwards, the increased tourism demand from overseas tourists, for better facilities and easier access to these regional facilities, resulted in better transport, accommodation and communication, which has been a boon for all tourism within Australia. In the 21st century the world is becoming smaller and smaller for the international tourist, especially for those from crowded Asian cities. The greater attraction for "open" spaced locations such as this region are becoming a much sought after change of scenery. This pamphlet which targets the tourist, whether either from other Australian regions or the global tourist, is a good example of self promotion by a relatively small local population. This is especially significant because before the "tourist explosion" in the 1950s onward, these regional areas had a more introspective society with greater emphasis to locally established mores and values. The increased interactions with people from other areas and nations, combined with a greater global communication network is affecting those traditionally established mores to produce a some what unique social transformation which is constantly changing from one generation to the next. One important factor which tourism does bring is that it opens up the region to a wider range of people who look to the region for their own lifestyle changes.This pamphlet has a front cover in colour with the major activities in the region sketched depicting : sunshine, snow skiing, trout fishing, mountain climbing, golfing, swimming, alpine views, tennis, lawn bowls and picnics. The back cover is blank. The pamphlet is fastened together by two staples 30mm from top and bottom, and is folded with the cover slightly thicker than the fifteen pages. Thirteen pages have been printed on both sides. The first page has a black and white photograph of the hotel Alpine and the tall brick constructed Clock Tower. There are another five black and white photographs in the pamphlet.on front cover "Guide to BRIGHT"local tourism, regional information booklet, "time" related brochures, alpine local history

This analog voltmeter is quite a large (industrial type) apparatus which permits the easy monitoring of electrical variations within the large SEC Victoria Hydro Scheme's electrical generators. These generators are powered by the hydro force of "stored" water at a higher altitude. The establishment of both the NSW and Victorian Hydro schemes was achieved from the mid 1900's to the 1960's. At this point in time the need for additional power sources to quench both an industrial and domestic demand for electricity was purely an economic and not and environmental (carbon reduction) factor. This hydro scheme was instigated by "the Government of the day" as a bold move and was the major force of the World War II refugee and "technical" workforce inclusion of skilled and unskilled migration into the Australian environment. Although this mass "invasion" of workers with families was thought of in some circles as intrusive, the expansion of population post war years and its integration into the Australian rural sector, produced the multi- lingual multi-cultural diversity of later years. This voltmeter is very significant to the Kiewa Valley as its use was introduced during the Kiewa Hydro Scheme. Although only a small apparatus it was part of the explosion of human resources into the valley. This influx of population transformed the region from that of a basically quiet rural region to one which evolved into both an industrial and a larger residential community. This evolution in the valley created a change, not only in the "physical" landscape but also the socio-economic expansion which permitted other "tourist" based industries into the valley. This analog volt meter has two metal rods protruding from the "back" of instrument with screw on points for the negative and the positive leads allowing the "current" to flow across the calibrated resistors to indicate on the "face" side the strength of the voltage "power". The "face" of the instrument has a zero point and then five evenly graduated marks from Zero to the "100, 200 and 300" marked points of measures. A large "V" below these pointers indicates that they represent levels of voltage. Three small screws hold the "face" in place. At the back of the meter is an aluminium "clasp" with three protruding screws (positioning fasteners) and a a screw tightening fixture for the correct fastening of the "clasp" into the correction location on the meter "board".Manufacturer's logo "CSG" underneath "ITALIA"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

This transformer lamp system, which has a dial to transform 240 volts to a minimum of 32 volts was used by electrical technicians to inspect internal parts of the large generators (even in small confined spaces). The reason for the reduction of the 240 volts to the 32 volts was for the safety of the inspector. The SEC Victoria Hydro Scheme's electrical generators are powered by the hydro force of "stored" water at a higher altitude. The establishment of both the NSW and Victorian Hydro schemes was achieved from the mid 1900's to the 1960's. At this the point in time the need for additional power sources to quench both an industrial and domestic demand for electricity was purely an economic and not and environmental (carbon reduction) factor. This hydro scheme was instigated by "the Government of the day" as a bold move and was the major force of the World War II refugee and "technical" workforce inclusion of skilled and unskilled migration into the Australian environment. Although this mass "invasion" of workers with families was thought of in some circles as intrusive, the expansion of population post war years and its integration into the Australian rural sector, produced the multi- lingual multi-cultural diversity of later years.This transformer lamp is very significant to the Kiewa Valley as it was introduced as a very small part of the explosion of human resources into the valley. This influx of population transformed the region from that of a basically quiet rural region to one which evolved into both industrial and larger residential community. This evolution in the valley created a change, not only in the "physical" landscape but also the socio-economic expansion which permitted other "tourist" based industries into the valley. This is also a specific electronic item which was manufactured in Melbourne and not sourced from Europe or Asia. This demonstrates the fast evolution of Australian technology to a high standard compatible to that of the rest of the world.This heavy hand held electrical transformer (transforms 240 volts to 32 Volts) an has one leather handle on the top with three small (gauze filtered) air holes. It also has two 2 pin directional cable distribution (clipsal) in/out points 10amps / 240 volts. There is one glassed in volts/ac meter and one variable switch (180 to 150 voltage in settings of 10 volt increments.There are two vents (one on each of the smaller sides). There is also one three pin electrical lead coming out from the top.On one side is a manufacturer's plaque with "ELECTRONIC A & R EQUIPMENT MELBOURNE" and underneath "TYPE 1719, PRI V. 180 250" underneath "V.A. 1250" underneath "CYC 50" underneath "SEC V. 115" underneath "SEC A. 10 . 8". The label on topside "CAUTION SET SWITCH TO 250 v BEFORE CONNECTING TO MAINS THEN, WITH EQUIPMENT OPERATING, SET METER TO RED LINE.kiewa hydro electricity scheme, victorian state electricity commission, transformers

This milli-volt meter was manufactured after 1950 and used by the SEC Vic (Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme) from that date until late 1900's. It was used to measure very small voltages associated with the operation of the various Hydro Generators. The readings were able to be shown by the resistor in use in the current circuit. During this time period, high quality testing instruments were either sourced from Europe or England.This milli-volt meter is very significant to the Kiewa Valley as it was used by those electrical technicians, who were part of the Kiewa Hydro Scheme. An "off spin" from the Scheme was the beginning of an explosion in "human" resources into the Kiewa Valley. This influx of population transformed the region from that of a basically quiet rural region to one which evolved into both industrial and larger residential community. This evolution in the Kiewa Valley created a change, not only in the "physical" landscape(better roads and infrastructure), but also the socio-economic growth within the Valley allowing other "tourist" based industries to expand within the valley and Alpine areas.This millivolts DC meter was used in the 1950's. It is contained in a wooden box and has two coloured (red/black, positive and negative) screw tight knobs which have bake-lite connections. It also has a covered (black tin) view meter marked from zero to 10 millivolts. Underneath this and within a round bake-lite is a small adjustment screw. The top of the box is fastened onto the main structure by six brass screws. The back of the structure is fastened by eight brass screws and there are four small bake-lite rest knobs.On the face of the millivolt compartment , and at the top "TO BE USED WITH DIAL HORIZONTAL TEMP. COEF. +- .08 % PER oC. Underneath the scale "MILLIVOLTS D.C. F.G." (LEAD RESIS. .05 OHMS)" underneath and to the left "MADE IN ENGLAND BY" "EVERSHED & VIGNOLES Ltd" and to the right "No. 857842" underneath Regd. TRADE MARK MEGGERkiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

This Timing Relay is quite a large (industrial type) apparatus. The Timer is started by having a voltage of 250 volts direct current (as supplied by batteries). A DC motor then rotates driving into a clockwork mechanism, the output of which is an arm rotating at the same speed as a minute hand on a clock. Attached to this arm is a mercury switch which tips and makes an electrical circuit operate in a sequence control system. The sequences that use these timers are when starting and stopping Hydro Generators. They check that the machine has connected to the power system grid before 20 minutes duration. Brakes must go on for a set time when shutting down a generator slowing at the right speed as measured by this apparatus. These generators are powered by the hydro force of "stored" water at a higher altitude. The establishment of both the NSW and Victorian Hydro schemes was achieved from the mid 1900's to the 1960's. At this point in time the need for additional power sources to quench both an industrial and domestic demand for electricity was purely an economic and not and environmental (carbon reduction) factor. This Timing Relay apparatus is very significant to the Kiewa Valley as its use was introduced during the Kiewa Hydro Scheme. Although only a relay apparatus, it was however part of the explosion of human resources into the valley. This influx of population transformed the region from that of a basically quiet rural region to one which evolved into both an industrial and a larger residential community. This evolution in the valley created a change, not only in the "physical" landscape but also the socio-economic expansion which permitted other "tourist" based industries into the valley. This Hydro Scheme was instigated by "the Government of the day" as a bold move and was the major force behind the acceptance of World War II refugee and "technical" workforce. Inclusion of skilled and unskilled migration into the Australian environment was of a higher priority than a selective quota system of later years.. Although this mass "invasion" of workers with families was thought of in some circles as intrusive, the expansion of population post war years and its integration into the Australian rural sector, produced the multi- lingual, multi-cultural diversity of later years.sec vic kiewa hydro scheme, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

This protection relay apparatus (a large electrical fuse), which permits the easy monitoring and disconnection of faulty electrical apparatus connected to the large SEC Victoria Hydro Scheme's electrical power producing generators. These generators are powered by the hydro force of "stored" water at a higher altitude. The establishment of both the NSW and Victorian Hydro Schemes was achieved from the early 1900's to the 1960's. At this point in time the need for additional power sources to quench both an industrial and domestic demand for electricity was purely an economic and not and environmental (carbon reduction) factor. This hydro scheme was instigated by "the Government of the day" as a bold move and was the major force of the World War II refugee and "technical" workforce inclusion of skilled and unskilled migration into the Australian environment. Although this mass "invasion" of workers with families was thought of in some circles as intrusive, the expansion of population post war years and its integration into the Australian rural sector, produced the multi- lingual multi-cultural diversity of later years.This protection relay is very significant to the Kiewa Valley as its use was introduced during the Kiewa Hydro Scheme. Although only a small apparatus it was part of the explosion of human resources into the valley. This influx of population transformed the region from that of a basically quiet rural region to one which evolved into both an industrial and a larger residential community. This evolution in the valley created a change, not only in the "physical" landscape but also the socio-economic expansion which permitted other "tourist" based industries into the valley.This protection relay unit has a black painted metal shell with four copper enclosed "prongs" fastened to the rear of the housing(from a bake-lite plate) . Between these "prongs" are four "empty" points allowing additional "screw on" bases. The front glass enclosed meter and recorder allows for the identification and automatic disconnection of any faulty equipment connected to the main power generator. This equipment acts similarly to a modern day circuit breaker found on the electrical circuit boards of residential homes.On the top section of the front panel "ASEA" to the left "Made in Sweden" and to the right "Frabrique en Suede" below this "RIS" below this a graph and next to it two columns of numbers and a pointer for each setkiewa hydro electricity scheme, victorian state electricity commission, relays, generators

This item is a good example of a pre 1960's school science reference books. It contains sketches of experimental apparatus and not colored photographs of later text books. Although the sketches are very instructional they do not show the various colours obtained when mixing some compounds. The history of reprints demonstrates the quality of the information and the ease of study for students using this book. The era of this publication was a time when sources for knowledge in schools was restricted to mainly school books and teacher demonstrations. The student in the 2 Millennium has a far greater reference source available e.g. the internet. This book is significant to the Kiewa Valley as the Davies family (Tas Davies, penned on the first page), belong to the early settlers of the valley. The book acknowledges that although the region was relatively isolated up to the mid 1900s, the good teaching methods of local schools did not suffer in this rural area. This region was not in the backwaters of scholarly development and modern progressive thought. As with "school of the air" distances in rural areas, between centres of learning and recipients, became irrelevant provided that the social stimulant to learn exists. The "local school" mind set within rural areas was, even before the improvement of the communication "explosion" of the early 1900s followed by the internet facilities of the late 1900s, the greatest drive in cutting the anomalies between city and rural learning facilities. Government decentralising higher education facilities into regional centres (Wodonga - Albury) provided greater access for the learned mind.This item (book) has a faded red colour, hard cover with black print and rectangular design. Within this design is an encircled double "M" and "&" (in the left inverted V of the M) and a "Co" (in the right inverted V of the M). On the front cover "MACMILLAN'S SCHOOL CLASS BOOKS CHEMISTRY" and on the spine "ELEMENTS OF CHEMISTRY" underneath "REMSEN" and at the bottom"MACMILLAN & Co"school, chemistry, text books, science experiments

J.H. Merivale was a prodfessor of mining in the Durham College of Science, Newcastle-Upon-Tyne. H.F. Bulman was an associate of the Institution of Civil Engineers and a member of the federated Institution of Mining Engineers. Green hard covered book of 188 pages. mining, brook, mining students, mathematics, newcastle coal field, ropes, chains, seams, dykes, dams, timber measure, timber costing, mines act, rules, explosives act, horses, windmills, horse power, boilers explosions, compressed air, wire ropes, steam, water power, electricity, sinking, winding, draining, hauling, chemistry, gases, ventilation, boring, formulae

Francis Powell (1861-) and Francis Hanmer (1858-1925) founded Powell and Hanmer Ltd in the Summer of 1885 for the manufacturer of bike and carriage lamps. Their first advertisements began to appear in November of 1885. In 1890 they lodged a Patent for “velocipede” lamps to be used by lightweight wheeled vehicles propelled by a rider, such as a bike, tricycle and railroad handcar. In April of 1913, they were selling headlamps for cars and in 1914 built their second factory manufacturing dynamo lighting sets in Rocky Lane Birmingham, also for the production of dynamos for motor cars. Then in 1929 Powell and Hanmer Ltd, was acquired by the Lucas company which was at that time the main competitor for the manufacture of non-electrical equipment for cycles and motorcycles. When a director of Powell and Hanmer joined the board of Austin motor cars, Lucas feared that Austins might encourage Powell and Hanmer to start to produce electrical equipment for supply to the company and as a result this association might affect Lucas's business with other large vehicle manufacturers. As a result, Lucas made an offer to Powell & Hanmer and purchased the business for £500,000. Carbide lighting was used in rural and urban areas of Australia which were not served by electrification. Its use began shortly after 1900 in many countries and continued past the 1950s. Calcium carbide pellets were placed in a container outside the home, with water piped to the container and allowed to drip on the pellets releasing acetylene. This gas was piped to lighting fixtures inside the house, where it was burned, creating a very bright flame. Carbide lighting was inexpensive but was prone to gas leaks and explosions. Early models of the automobile, motorbike and bicycles used carbide lamps as headlamps. Acetylene gas, derived from carbide, enabled early automobiles to drive safely at night. Thick concave mirrors combined with magnifying lenses projected the acetylene flame light. These type of lights were used until reliable batteries and dynamos became available, and manufacturers switched to electric lights. Acetylene lamps were also used on riverboats for night navigation. The National Museum of Australia has a lamp made in about 1910 that was used onboard the PS Enterprise, an 1878 Australian paddle steamer, currently owned by the National Museum of Australia in Canberra. It is still operational, and one of the oldest working paddle steamers in the world, listed on the Australian Register of Historic Vehicles.Acetylene Carbide lamp, Model “Panther” distinct patterned side red and green lenses. These lamps were also known as acetylene gas lamps. They work off a chemical reaction between calcium carbide and water.Model 75flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, carbide lamp, motor vehicle, bike lamp, lighting, vehicle lighting, powell, hanmer, acetylene gas lamp, early lighting

Francis Powell (1861-) and Francis Hanmer (1858-1925) founded Powell and Hanmer Ltd in the Summer of 1885 for the manufacturer of bike and carriage lamps. Their first advertisements began to appear in November of 1885. In 1890 they lodged a Patent for “velocipede” lamps to be used by lightweight wheeled vehicles propelled by a rider, such as a bike, tricycle and railroad handcar. In April of 1913, they were selling headlamps for cars and in 1914 built their second factory manufacturing dynamo lighting sets in Rocky Lane Birmingham, also for the production of dynamos for motor cars. Then in 1929 Powell and Hanmer Ltd, was acquired by the Lucas company which was at that time the main competitor for the manufacture of non-electrical equipment for cycles and motorcycles. When a director of Powell and Hanmer joined the board of Austin motor cars, Lucas feared that Austins might encourage Powell and Hanmer to start to produce electrical equipment for supply to the company and as a result this association might affect Lucas's business with other large vehicle manufacturers. As a result, Lucas made an offer to Powell & Hanmer and purchased the business for £500,000. Carbide lighting was used in rural and urban areas of Australia which were not served by electrification. Its use began shortly after 1900 in many countries and continued past the 1950s. Calcium carbide pellets were placed in a container outside the home, with water piped to the container and allowed to drip on the pellets releasing acetylene. This gas was piped to lighting fixtures inside the house, where it was burned, creating a very bright flame. Carbide lighting was inexpensive but was prone to gas leaks and explosions. Early models of the automobile, motorbike and bicycles used carbide lamps as headlamps. Acetylene gas, derived from carbide, enabled early automobiles to drive safely at night. Thick concave mirrors combined with magnifying lenses projected the acetylene flame light. These type of lights were used until reliable batteries and dynamos became available, and manufacturers switched to electric lights. Acetylene lamps were also used on riverboats for night navigation. The National Museum of Australia has a lamp made in about 1910 that was used onboard the PS Enterprise, an 1878 Australian paddle steamer, currently owned by the National Museum of Australia in Canberra. It is still operational, and one of the oldest working paddle steamers in the world, listed on the Australian Register of Historic Vehicles.Acetylene Carbide lamp, marine pattern burner housing and reflector missing Carbide Lamp, metal. Has plate for attaching to wall, & gimbal to allow lamp to remain vertical. Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, carbide lamp, motor vehicle, bike lamp, lighting, vehicle lighting, powell, hanmer, acetylene gas lamp, early lighting, marine lighting

Index, ill (b/w plates), p.362.non-fictionAt 11:28 a.m. on Saturday, August 12, 2000, high in the Arctic Circle under the roiling surface of the unforgiving Barents Sea, Captain Gennady Lyachin was taking the Kursk, the pride of Russia's elite Northern Fleet, through the last steps of firing a practice torpedo, part of an elaborate naval exercise. Suddenly, the torpedo exploded in a massive fireball, instantly incinerating all seven men in the submarine's forward compartment. The horror, however, was just beginning. The full, gripping story of the remarkable drama inside the Kursk and of the desperate rescue efforts has never been told - until now.russian submarine kursk explosion, submarine disasters - russia

MS Achille Lauro was a cruise ship based in Naples, Italy. Built between 1939 and 1947 as MS Willem Ruys, a passenger liner for the Rotterdamsche Lloyd, it was hijacked by members of the Palestine Liberation Front in 1985.Mrs B SmythA framed oil painting of the passenger ship Achille LauroAchille Lauropassenger ship, achille lauro, oil painting, dacre smyth

Miranda was a very popular journalist of this era, whose homely style appealed to many readers, especially women, her main audience in her writing. Here she talks about renting a new demonstration holiday home (probably a Coldon Home), which, although small, had a 'dream kitchen'. She describes the birds and walk through the wattle to the beach, but also the many blocks for sale and wonders what the island will be like in 10 years time from their visit. Her son drove them to Pyramid Rock where they almost got bogged on the road. They visit the usual spots, which she describes with a combination of curiosity and enjoyment. She also mentions another block fenced off on the main road which was a gift from the ratepayers of Phillip Island, and which the Young Farmers were to plant out for koala trees.This article is significant because thousands of Weekly Times newspaper readers read Miranda’s letter article without fail each edition. She describes renting a house for a holiday, which indicates the move away from family holidays in guest houses. She also describes some of the rough roads in parts of the island at the time. She concentrates on the island’s natural attractions rather than man- made tourist attractions, which is also significant in letting us see why people would visit Phillip Island in that era. Miranda also predicts the explosion of the holiday home owner market which took place soon after, and continues today though in a more controlled way.Photocopy of newspaper article cut out from full page. Cutting has three columns of text, no images. Black text on white paper. Dark areas due to poor photocopyingWEEKLY TIMES / 2/9/65phillip island, miranda, weekly times newspaper, holiday home, phillip island flora and fauna, pyramid rock, phillip island pengiun parade, young farmers, phillip island beaches, cuddly koala bears, phillip island housing estate land sales