Ladies' gloves for formal and semi-formal wear come in three lengths for women: wrist, elbow, and opera or full-length (over the elbow, usually reaching to the biceps but sometimes to the full length of the arm). In the late 19thC and early 20thC Gloves were expected to be worn for both daytime and evening wear with most types of outfits. The most expensive gloves are custom-made of kid leather.The Box family were early settlers in Moorabbin Shire and resided in 'Box Cottage' 1865 -1913 The Eldridge family were early settlers in Moorabbin Shire Carol Eldridge was the Daughter in law of Alf and Avis Box, descendants of John Box 1841-1913 A pair of lady's cream, nylon, wrist length gloves with a pearl buttonALL NYLON / MADE IN ENGLAND / 7clothing, gloves, nylon, england, moorabbin, bentleigh, brighton, box elizabeth, box william, box avis, eldridge carol, early settlers, pioneers, market gardeners, box john, sheldrake martha, box alonzo

'The Grange ' was a 2 storey home built 1857 by Mr Charles Tuck, originally named 'Baydon Hill' , at 1011 Nepean Highway, Moorabbin ( South Brighton). Mr Charles Tuck was Veterinary Surgeon from Baydon Hill, Wiltshire, England, who migrated to Australia c1850. He married his cousin Miss Jan Chaudler in Melbourne in1853. He was at the Ballarat gold-fields at the time of the riots and then they settled in South Brighton ( later Moorabbin) and built a large Georgian Styled home called 'Baydon Hill'. The Tucks had a large family - 9 children. Charles enjoyed a prosperous Veterinary Practice as his advice was needed for stock purchases by the farmers / settlers. Charles died in 1893 and Jane left the property c 1903 and died at Blackburn in 1928. The House had 5 owners, the last being the Healey family c1920 and at some stage the name was changed to 'The Grange' and the gates shown were installed. The Healey Family were also prosperous in developing vegetables and flower seeds and seedlings. 'The Grange' was sold to Moorabbin City Council 1972 and then used by the City of Moorabbin Historical Society for meetings and storage of historical material. It was demolished amidst considerable controversy 1983 and the District Police Offices were built on the site. ( S.T.Mulvany, Grand-daughter of Charles Tuck 26/7/1974)The Grange was a significant property 1853 -1983 in Moorabbin. It was built by Mr Charles Tuck 1857and in1900 extended from Point Nepean Road to South Road - 10acres. Mr Harold James Healey purchased the property in c1920 and leased a portion to a Chinese market gardener. Later with his sons he established a profitable Plant Nursery that they managed for 42years.. Keith Healey, a son, remodelled the house extensively mid 20thC .The Moorabbin City Council purchased it in 1972 for $255,000 and it was demolished amid controversy 1983. The District Police Offices are now on the site.3x black and white photographs of the property at 1011 Nepean Highway Moorabbin built by Mr Charles Tuck c1853 known as 'The Grange'. Originally it was named 'Baydon Hill' because he migrated from Baydon Hill, Wiltshire, England c1850. These photographs are c 1880, 1920 and 1950 showing the original and later additions made to the property by some of the 5 owners.Written in pencil on back a) " This Photo donated by Mr Neil Follett - at the time it came into his possession he had a photography studio in Cheltenham. Photographer unknown"; Folio 6 b) The Grange c 1950 Folio 6/10 c) 'Baydon Hill' ( alias "The Grange" ) / Donated by Mrs Elsa Jones, daughter of Leslie Stephen Tuck, youngest son of Charles Tuck Folio 6 /18tuck charles, tuck jane, veterinary surgeons, livestock, market gardeners, early settlers, dendy's special survey, brighton, moorabbin, ballarat, gold diggings, horses, chickens, cattle, bullocks, flower shows, fruit garden, mulvaney s. t., healey haold james, healey keith, moorabbin city council, chinese market gardeners, plant nursery, tuck leslie stephen, jones elsa

This meat mincer was a common kitchen utensil used by housewives for the preparation of meat when cooking food for their familiesA 'Universal' steel, meat mincer with clamp to attach to table or bench, funnel top, and an adjustable screw - to cut meat - that is operated by a steel crank with a wooden handle.Front ; 2 'Universal' Crank arm : L.F&C. NEW BRITAIN, CONN, USAearly settlers, pioneers, market gardeners, moorabbin, bentleigh, housewives, home cooking, meat preparation, thatcher frank, l f & c pty ltd conneticut, butchers

This bottle may have held medicine used by a local early settler family. A local resident discovered it when digging his garden in McKinnon 2013. James Hardie immigrated to Australia in 1888 from Linlithgow, Scotland, and created a business importing oils and animal hides. Andrew Reid, also from Linlithgow, came to join Hardie in Melbourne, and became a full partner in 1895. When Hardie retired in 1911, he sold his half of the business to Reid. James Hardie Industries Ltd first listed on the Australian Stock Exchange in 1951 and is an industrial building materials company headquartered in Ireland which specialises in fibre cement products. James Hardie manufactures and develops technologies, materials and processes for the production of building materials. For over 20 years, Hardie has also operated a research and development facility devoted solely to fibre-cement technology. The company was a key player in asbestos mining and manufacturing in Australia through most of the twentieth century. Working with products containing asbestos - including the building material known as "Fibro" - caused people to develop various pleural abnormalities such as asbestosis and malignant mesothelioma. In December 2001, the company shareholders unanimously voted to restructure and relocate the company in the Netherlands as a parent company. This was part of a strategy to separate the company from the stigma of its asbestos liabilities. February 2010, James Hardie moved its corporate domicile from The Netherlands to Ireland, In May 2012 the High Court of Australia found that seven former James Hardie non-executive directors misled the stock exchange over the asbestos victims compensation fundA brown glass bottle, with finger grip handlearound bottom " THIS BOTTLE ALWAYS REMAINS THE PROPERTY OF JAMES HARDIE PTY. LTD. SYDNEY' on base 'IS985 / 7early settlers, pioneers, market gardeners, moorabbin, bentleigh, ormond, mvkinnon, glass bottles, medine containers, medical supplies, james hadie pty ltd. hardie

This bottle may have held medicine used by a local early settler family. A local resident discovered it when digging his garden in McKinnon 2013. James Hardie immigrated to Australia in 1888 from Linlithgow, Scotland, and created a business importing oils and animal hides. Andrew Reid, also from Linlithgow, came to join Hardie in Melbourne, and became a full partner in 1895. When Hardie retired in 1911, he sold his half of the business to Reid. James Hardie Industries Ltd first listed on the Australian Stock Exchange in 1951 and is an industrial building materials company headquartered in Ireland which specialises in fibre cement products. James Hardie manufactures and develops technologies, materials and processes for the production of building materials. For over 20 years, Hardie has also operated a research and development facility devoted solely to fibre-cement technology. The company was a key player in asbestos mining and manufacturing in Australia through most of the twentieth century. Working with products containing asbestos - including the building material known as "Fibro" - caused people to develop various pleural abnormalities such as asbestosis and malignant mesothelioma. In December 2001, the company shareholders unanimously voted to restructure and relocate the company in the Netherlands as a parent company. This was part of a strategy to separate the company from the stigma of its asbestos liabilities. February 2010, James Hardie moved its corporate domicile from The Netherlands to Ireland, In May 2012 the High Court of Australia found that seven former James Hardie non-executive directors misled the stock exchange over the asbestos victims compensation fund' A brown glass bottle with finger ring hold at neck that may have been used by a local home owner to hold medicine c1900around base ' THIS BOTTLE ALWAYS REMAINS THE PROPERTY OF JAMES HARDIE PTY LTD SYDNEY ' on base ' IS 994 ' pioneers, market gardeners, moorabbin, bentleigh, ormond, mvkinnon, glass bottles, medine containers, medical supplies, james hadie pty ltd. hardie, early settlers

Thomas C Williams 1831 -89, Richmond Virginia USA. 1850 he formed a partnership with R.A. Patterson in a tobacco business which was very successful. The British-American Tobacco Company, Ltd., was established in 1902 by an agreement between the Imperial Tobacco Co. of Great Britain and its rivals, the American Tobacco Co. and its associates. The headquarters was located in London, England, and the office at 111 5th Ave. in New York City handled the purchase of leaf and manufacturing in the U. S. In 1903 the company acquired the formerly independent export businesses of the T. C. Williams Co., David Dunlop, and the Cameron family who were then the largest exporters of manufactured tobacco. T.C.Williams Co had been in existence for fifty years, and its export business in chewing tobacco amounted to nearly 5,000,000 pounds of tobacco a year.2 tins a) circular and b) rectangular with lift off lids that contained 'Welcome Nugget' flake cut tobacco made by T.C Williams Co.Top of Lid ; T.C WILLIAMS Co. / WELCOME NUGGET / FLAKE / CUT / TOBACCO. around lid WELCOME NUGGET FLAKE CUT HERMETICALLY SEALED. on base High / Grade / TOBACCO /Packed in a round airtight / tin to preserve the / original fine flavour / and to ensure / perfect condition / 2 0zs. NETT Factory weight / when packed.* tobacco, cigarettes, smoking pipes, t c williams co ltd, richmond virginia, moorabbin, cheltenham, bentleigh, the british-american tobacco company ltd., american tobacco company, cameron & cameron ltd., imperial tobacco company, patterson r a , williams thomas c snr.,

Anthony Hordern sen. (1788–1869) came from Staffordshire, as a free immigrant in 1823, and the business was originally established as a drapery store in Pitt Street by his wife Ann. The family moved to Melbourne and remained there but a son Anthony junior purchased land in George Street Sydney in 1842 and set up business with his brother Lebbeus. They broke their partnership in1855 and Anthony took his sons Anthony and Samuel into partnership as they became old enough. Anthony Hordern & Sons was the largest department store in Sydney, New South Wales, Australia. with 52 acres (21 hectares) of retail space, and was once the largest department store in the world . It also operated one of the largest mail order businesses in Australia. One of their advertising slogans was that they sold "anything from a needle to an anchor". A strip of blue cardboard with 95 small, white 2 hole buttons . The cardboard folds into 3 for easy storage with each section holding 36 buttons. 7 buttons are missing - used. The buttons are sewn onto the card with a running thread that is covered by backing paper.on backing of card a picture of an 'Anchor and Rope , Needle and Thread' / FROM A NEEDLE / TO AN ANCHOR / TRADE MARK / MADE IN ENGLAND. inside ' MADE IN 14 LINES ENGLAND 'horden anthony senior, horden and son pty ltd, sydney, new south wales, moorabbin, department stores, market gardeners, pioneers, dressmaking, craftwork, sewing needles, clothing, buttons

Nyal was originally registered in 1911 with an extensive portfolio of products ranging from perfumed soap to toiletries, sold exclusively through pharmacy. Over the decades since that time Nyal has changed its focus to concentrate solely on the healthcare category, providing trusted medication at affordable prices to Australian families Current manufacturer INova Pharmaceuticals (Aust) Pty Ltd Level 10, 12 Help Street, Chatswood, NSW 2067 A brown glass bottle with a metal screw top, in original box, for 'NYAL' throat tablets NYAL / IODISED / THROAT TABLETS / / for SORE THROAT, TONSILITIS / (formula….)/ DIRECTIONS …/ NYAL COMPANY SYDNEYglassware, bottles, manufactured glass, pharmacy, medicines, nyal pty ltd, moorabbin, bentleigh, cheltenham

WT Rawleigh (1870-1952) Freeport USA began in 1889 the direct selling method to sell his products, travelling around on horse and cart in the early days from house to house selling his medicines and other lines. Rawleigh's wide range of products includes: Medicinal, Nutritional, Gourmet, Homecare, Personal Care, Animal & Plant Care Since 1889, millions of families around the world have learned to rely upon and keep Rawleigh's reliable medicines and other products on hand ready for emergencies to relieve sickness, pains, injuries and for their daily needs. By 1920, young Rawleigh had built the biggest manufacturing organisation in the world. Mr Floyd George Rawleigh who was the son of David Rawleigh, W.T.Rawleigh's brother, came to Australia, with Mr Jackson, in 1931 and set up the Rawleighs Company Business . Generations of Australians, Canadians and Americans grew up waiting for The Rawleigh Man to arrive at their front door with his sample case of goodies to add spice to their life and to heal their ailments. In World War II, most Australian soldiers posted overseas carried a tin of Rawleigh Antiseptic Salve in their kits to treat wounds and ward off infection The Rawleigh Man brought to family front doors the best materials money could buy from around the world: spices from Sumatra, Java, China, India, Africa, the West Indies; black pepper from the island of Ponapai; lemon and orange oils from California and Sicily and Vanilla from Madagascar and Java; high grade coffee beans from the Andes. Most of the herbs, roots, barks and buds used in making cough medicines and tonics came from Europe, India, Ceylon, China, North America, the West Indies, Jamaica, Honduras and Asia. From Japan came camphor and menthol for making medicines. From Tavenui, the Garden Island of Fiji, came the food grade coconut oil for Rawleigh's gold medal winning Coconut Oil Soap. Rawleigh products are still only available from Rawleigh men and women who carry on the time-honoured tradition of the Rawleigh company to give individuals a go at developing their own business supplying products to people in their homes. Only now they are also doing it in cyberspace. A clear glass jar with a metal screw lid containing Mustard Ointment made by W.T. Rawleigh Co. Ltd. .Melbourne Lid ; Rawleigh’s Front ; Rawleigh’s / Net WT. / 1 ½ oz / COMPOUND / MUSTARD OINTMENT / WILL NOT BLISTER /preferable to Mustard Plaster / MNUFACTURED BY / The W, T. Rawleigh Co Ltd / MELBOURNE. / Left side ; DIRECTIONS …….. , / Right side ; Useful pharmacy, medicines, mustard ointment, w.t. rawleigh company ltd., hospitals, nursing, containers, moorabbin, bentleigh, cheltenham, melbourne, respiratory diseases

These are original items of VX5104 L/Col VJ Schofield MBE who served with 23rd Battalion (The City of Geelong Regiment). In 1929 this Battalion was amalgamated with the 21st Battalion to become 23rd/21st Battalion and adopted the territorial designation of 'The City of Geelong Regiment/The Victorian Rangers'. The Battalion went to the Northern Territory during WW2 before being disbanded, however VX5104 VJ Schofield became redeployed and served in New Guinea during WW2. He was awarded an MBE for his service. (Reference The Argus (Melbourne, Vic.) Friday 20 July 1945. (Awards for Service in Papua-New Guinea). The original plaques were located at the Geelong Returned Soldiers, Sailors and Airman Woollen Mill (commonly referred to as the RS&S Mill). Schofields Father was responsible for the raising of the Mill, with Federal Funding, he was the CEO. It is not known if Victor John Schofield worked at this Mill but the plaques were found there and donated to the Geelong RSL Sub Branch by Roger Burt CEO of Godfrey Hirst Group during the Hirst takerover of the RS&S Mill.Two Plaques - one the Rising Sun, one the Maxwell Family Crest which is related to L/Col Schofield MBE. Timber materials used in the manufacture of both items.None on the Rising Sun. One The Maxwell Family Crest 'Rebiresco' Maxwell.ww2, vx5104 jc schofield mbe, papua-new guinea, city of geelong regiment, 23rd/21st battalion

Large families were the norm, rather than the exception up to the time of the World wars. perhaps the senseless destruction of those young lives sickened humanity- perhaps the increased taxes and cost of living resulting from the wars caused a necessary reduction in family size. Perhaps the independence won by women as they carried on their daily lives without their men, made mothers say, "Enough" The Warren family farmed the fertile Fyans Creek flats in the Grampian Mountains of Western Victoria. Some say Halls Gap was so named because the bushranger Hall holed up there in the early days. The rugged slopes and hidden gullies could have hidden a whole gang of bushrangers, but little remained undiscovered to a wandering family of 12 children growing up with their flocks and herds grazing the ranges. A tired rider could nod off, safe in the knowledge a trusty stockhorse would plod steadily homeward into the night. Responsibility quickly made youngsters capable and reliable. Then Australia went to war. There were three older brothers, then the girls, then young Frank. All the men went, including Frank. So the girls had to run the farm alone. Their mother had her hands full with the youngsters, still attending school, a daily walk over the mountain to Pomonal and return. But the loss of the men's casual wages from timber cutting and labouring jobs, meant great hardship is some method of earning a cash income had to be devised. Paying guests! That was it. So Myrtle Bank Guest House was born. City folk flocked to the mountain resort. High stepping mountain horses met them at the Stawell raid-head, with the tall and beautiful Warren girls driving them in experienced fashion, their auburn hair sometimes falling from its pins to fly free, as the dray bowled along towards the hills. The would hitch up their skirts to saw and chop wood for the stoves and fires. They milked cows and delivered calves. They shore sheep and trimmed their feet. They mustered their cattle as the seasons rolled by, and the paying guests watched and participated, fascinated. With laughter and song, the girls would wash up in a tin dish, throw on their house clothes to wait on table, sing and play piano, violin, accordion, enjoying the talk of the city and that other world so far away from their mountain home. The simple country menu was a hit, and the homemade bread, butter, jams and preserves, fruit and vegetables sent guests staggering to their armchairs. Picnics, hikes, goodbyes and welcomes blurred as the years of the war dragged by. Bookings were made and remade as the new enterprise became established. Peace was declared. the men returned A whole new building rose with two floors, inviting verandahs and bathrooms. Myrtle Bank would remain a family business all its lifetime, until buried below the Bellfield Dam, by which time more than one the girls had joined their beloved Frank, lost on Flanders Field. Article in book or magazine describing life at Myrtlebank during war years Other article written from letter from soldier P Lillis to his sister 3rd article of woman from country enlisting in WAAF Submitted by Carol of Bannockburn, Submitted by D Langley Submitted by Meryl of South Frankstonaccommodation, myrtlebank, people, warren

This historical family photograph spans three generations of the Cooper Family, a pioneer family, still residing in the Kiewa Valley. The large axe held by Pat was a handy tool for pioneer families to chop down trees for land clearing, building sheds and fences, outhouses and fire wood. This photograph was taken during a time where both male and females did some heavy lifting and processing. The rural sector at this point in time was physically a hard location for both sexes. The segregation of the sexes into specific job categories was some times non existent although household "chores" was in the main a woman's domain. The rural sector was in this point of time one which women were highly respected and the unwritten law of providing "assistance" and "reverence" by men in such actions as, socially opening doors, tipping the cap, offering a sturdy arm for support and refraining from doing or saying anything "uncouth" in a woman's presence. It was in a time when women's liberation was just starting to grow strength. Rural areas, on the hole, took longer to interfuse "city" hatched norms of behaviour. This photograph of a pioneer family still residing in the Kiewa Valley demonstrates not only the close protective environment that the valley has on all its inhabitants but also the close bonding that neighbors have towards each other. The term "God's gifted country" fits warmly with all the settlements in the valley. The relatively isolated (physically, visually and communications wise) has since post World War II been whittled away by faster and vastly improved communications with "the outside" world. The strength of commitment to the rural life can be seen in the faces of the family members in this photograph. The proud heritage is displayed without any external pressure. This large black and white family photograph is a reproduction on Fujicolor Crystal Archive Paper manufactured by Fujifilm. It is 200gsm matt finished paper with no borders. On the reverse side, written in pencil "Ted Cooper sitting aged 24-25, Pat Amery (Ted's youngest sister) holding Ted's eldest son Doug and Ted's father John Franklin Cooper(22-8-1892)"john cooper, ted cooper, pat amery, doug cooper, pioneer family kiewa valley

This book was produced in a period of time when Australians, especially those in rural areas referred to Britain as "the mother" country. It was a time when the transition from a colonial dominion of Britain to the status of an individual State through the Australian Constitution was quite apparent, except for the affection and respect of the majority of the population towards "their" Queen. It was a time when the Governor General (Queen's representative) were British born and picked. Australia had grown from a colonial status to an individual state. The feeling towards the monarchy is aptly demonstrated by the words from the High Commissioner for Australia, Sir Thomas White K.B.E., proposal for Australia to adopt the royal title "Elizabeth the Second by the grace of God of the United Kingdom, Australia and her realms and territories Queen, Head of the Commonwealth, defender of the Faith" Here faith implies the christian (Church of England) religion. In rural Australia the respect and admiration for the Queen was very high and all public offices, clubs and halls displayed a well positioned, large photograph of the Queen. The respect for British royalty was quite pronounced by the royal toast, offered before "official" proceedings commenced, and in the military flying the royal "blessed" colours.This book was donated by one of the founding families residing in the Kiewa Valley and is typical of the general feeling of respect and admiration felt by the rural communities towards the British Royal Family, especially towards Queen Elizabeth II. The rural slant towards any form of patriotism was along the lines of "Queen and Country", in that order. After World War II the social texture through multi-culturalism (especially in the Cities)moved away from this "motherland" bondage but it had taken a longer period to penetrate those rural sectors within the Kiewa valley and high plains areas. The great post World War II immigration of European refugees started a shift of numbers of Australian families whose parents were not born in Australia or had British family ties. The book represents a period in time where ties to Britain where a lot strong and entrenched in the social fabric of the Australian rural sector. The growing push for a republic is becoming stronger and stronger as the level of rural royalists deminishes.This item is a hard covered book of 200 pages including 8 pages in full colour and over 250 photographs covering the British royal family and in particular Queen Elizabeth II and her coronation. The external protective paper dust-jacket is in colour. Specific references to Australia appear on pages 9,36 to 41 and 97. The hard cover has a "off" white cloth textured (glued reinforced) cover over thick cardboard . The front and back pages depict the Royal investiture carriage with guards and footmen. Little cherubs are portrayed around the sheath holding the Royal Crown. Crowned lion and stallion sit at attention on either side of the carriage, with the Royal shield supporting their front legs.,The dust jacket is in full colour with the wording "The CORONATION BOOK of QUEEN ELIZABETH II" With a Pictorial Record of the Ceremony" The spin of the jacket (in gold print on a regal red background) "THE CORONATION BOOK OF QUEEN ELIZABETH II" on the bottom "ODHAMS" The cover has a pressed oval shaped double lined border enclosing a crown and the words Elizabeth R, below which is pressed 1953. The spine has the following words in gold coloured print "THE CORONATION BOOK OF QUEEN ELIZABETH II. The front, inside flap, of the dust jacket details the significance of what is contained within the book and the back inside flap has the contents and those personages who contributed. The back of the dust jacket has a brief review of three other books covering other aspects of British royalty and they are titled "THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH" ( a pictorial biography), "QUEEN MARY" (her life and times) and "ROYAL HOMES ILLUSTRATED" (with an essay on the royal palaces by A.L. Rowse.modern australian history, british royalty, queen elizabeth ii, coronation of queen elizabeth ii, australia's "mother country"

This teacher's aid publication was used by the teachers in the The Bogong Primary School from 1941 and also the Mount Beauty Primary School from its establishment in 1947. Both had most of their pupils recruited from SEC(Victoria) Hydro Electricity Scheme employees working for a limited time scale. Rural based children benefited greatly by the decision by the SEC to provide these facilities for their worker's families. This bypass of the "typical rural provisions" offered to other schools, by the Victorian Department of Education was a bonus to the Kiewa Valley educational community. These schools had a higher level of facilities available to them than other "typical" rural schools. Treasured facilities such as a comprehensive library, movie projector, tape recorder and public address system placed these two schools at the level of the Greater Public School of city or the larger towns rather than the small rural schools in Victoria.This item was used in Mount Beauty Primary School as part of a teacher's curriculum. The fact that it is in a rural area, in an enclosed SEC construction worker's village in the Kiewa Valley did present a slightly different learning atmosphere than in the larger towns and cities. The majority of parents within the Kiewa Valley, had a slight resentment of the "high and mighty" attitude of city dwellers with a "plum in their mouths" and the effectiveness that city bred teachers had to achieve was to overcome these ingrained mores. The majority of students at this primary school had parents who were working for (the closed "village" of the SEC Hydro Electricity Scheme. In the 1940s this school would have children from multi-cultural backgrounds as many of the parents were recruited as labourers or with European technical backgrounds. In the book,the black and white photographs detailing the classroom sizes and configurations point to larger classes and slightly different teaching methods than that which existed in Australia. This teacher's aid book presents the Australian rural teachers with an advanced American approach to teaching methods. These methods were based on the then modern "group" psychological teachings and were a good guide in the development of a more effective and progressive teaching platform. The one thing that it did not address was the easy going Australian psyche of "she'll be right mate" of the Australia rural community. The socio-economic identity of the Kiewa Valley rural community was not that of the typical city community (American) and this was a challenge for city based and trained teachers. The principles that the book presents is not constrained by the date of publication or its time of use (1954).This hard cardboard covered book is sleeveless but bound by a red cloth glued onto a thick cardboard base. It has the title printed in gold script on the spine with horizontal and fifteen black horizontal lines at the top and bottom. The front cover has the title printed in gold coloured letters (the first and last words are in freehand script style)On the spine and front cover is printed "The TEACHER IN THE MODERN ELEMENTARY School" school organisation, developmental stages of children, subliminal classroom mental and physical stimulation, usa 1940s teacher aids.

This butter mould/pat may have been manufactured post 1967(year post codes appeared in Australia) however the post code was only stamped on after it was machined. This type of butter mould was used by rural families to fashion home/farm made butter. This period was in most rural regions a time of self sufficiency where any domestic type implement which could be fashioned by the family would be crafted with skill. Shopping for goods required catalogues from stores located in major rural towns and cities and involved lengthy waiting times. Travelling to and from these specialised stores was not pleasant due to the relatively poor quality of the roads and the lengthy times taken. The small general stores in the Kiewa Valley could not cater for all the needs of the valley. The 1960's was a time when facilities especially goods and services started to improve drastically. The S.E.C. of Victoria with its Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme provided not only an improvement of facilities in the valley but also a increase in the population. This increase resulted in a greater demand for local produce. This item is one of many domestic food processing implements used by Kiewa Valley households in the mid 1900s, whether on the farm or in the small towns and hamlets. Self sufficiency was the key to survival during these early times. Where ever possible supplies from within the valley were preferred to that brought in by travelling salesmen or traders. This butter mould and butter pat was commonly used to fashion "home" made butter throughout the valley and in some cases supplied to "outside" regional towns. Although this method of production was phased out by better access to goods from nearby cities the revival of the good organic home grown produce in the 1980s saw a greater demand of this type of farm based produce.This well crafted circular wooden butter mould could also be used as a butter pat.The handle in the middle of the mould was not added after the crafting but has been fashioned from the initial block of wood when the bowl was crafted. The bowl structure has a rim around the edge.The top of the handle has an ink stamp "T. & W. Dav" on the top line and "Tawonga 3697" underneath.domestic food preparation, wooden butter pat, butter mould circular, dairy industry

This butter pat profiler may have been manufactured post 1967(year post codes appeared in Australia) however the post code was only stamped on after it was machined. This type of butter mould was used by rural families to fashion home/farm made butter. This period was in most rural regions a time of self sufficiency where any domestic type implement which could be fashioned by the family would be crafted with skill. Shopping for goods required catalogues from stores located in major rural towns and cities and involved lengthy waiting times. Travelling to and from these specialised stores was not pleasant due to the relatively poor quality of the roads and the lengthy times taken. The small general stores in the Kiewa Valley could not cater for all the needs of the valley. The 1960's was a time when facilities especially goods and services started to improve drastically. The S.E.C. of Victoria with its Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme provided not only an improvement of facilities in the valley but also a increase in the population. This increase resulted in a greater demand for local produce.This item is one of many domestic food processing implements used by Kiewa Valley households in the mid 1900s, whether on the farm or in the small towns and hamlets. Self sufficiency was the key to survival during these early times. Where ever possible supplies from within the valley were preferred to that brought in by travelling salesmen or traders. This butter mould and butter pat was commonly used to fashion "home" made butter throughout the valley and in some cases supplied to "outside" regional towns. Although this method of production was phased out by better access to goods from nearby cities the revival of the good organic home grown produce in the 1980s saw a greater demand of this type of farm based produce.This butter Pat/Profiler has on its base two patterns. On each end it has horizontal grooves cut into the wood which produce distinct lines onto the surface of the butter. between these grooves there is a section of two double lines crossing in the middle and separated by eleven horizontal lines The base has an elongated rectangular shape. The upper body has been sanded into a smooth convex shaped form where a wooden circular hand grip has been fashioned.On the top of the hand grip is stamped in black print"T. & W. Davies" and under this"TAWONGA 3697"domestic food preparation, wooden butter pat, butter mould circular, dairy industry

This butter pat profiler may have been manufactured post 1967 (year post codes appeared in Australia) however the post code was only stamped on after it was machined. This type of butter mould was used by rural families to fashion home/farm made butter. This period was in most rural regions a time of self sufficiency where any domestic type implement which could be fashioned by the family would be crafted with skill. Shopping for goods required catalogues from stores located in major rural towns and cities and involved lengthy waiting times. Travelling to and from these specialised stores was not pleasant due to the relatively poor quality of the roads and the lengthy times taken. The small general stores in the Kiewa Valley could not cater for all the needs of the valley. The 1960's was a time when facilities especially goods and services started to improve drastically. The S.E.C. of Victoria with its Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme provided not only an improvement of facilities in the valley but also a increase in the population. This increase resulted in a greater demand for local produce.This item is one of many domestic food processing implements used by Kiewa Valley households in the mid 1900s, whether on the farm or in the small towns and hamlets. Self sufficiency was the key to survival during these early times. Where ever possible supplies from within the valley were preferred to that brought in by travelling salesmen or traders. This butter mould and butter pat was commonly used to fashion "home" made butter throughout the valley and in some cases supplied to "outside" regional towns. Although this method of production was phased out by better access to goods from nearby cities the revival of the good organic home grown produce in the 1980s saw a greater demand of this type of farm based produce.This butter pat is one of two,see KVHS 0071 (B). It has been crafted from wood. One side has grooves running from the handle to the square shaped bottom. These grooves would stop the wet butter from clinging to the pat. The top side of the pat has been bevelled on both sides and the bottom edge. The hand grip is flat and curved to allow for a comfortable hold.domestic food preparation, wooden butter pat, butter mould circular, dairy industry, butter

This butter pat profiler may have been manufactured post 1967(year post codes appeared in Australia) however the post code was only stamped on after it was machined. This type of butter mould was used by rural families to fashion home/farm made butter. This period was in most rural regions a time of self sufficiency where any domestic type implement which could be fashioned by the family would be crafted with skill. Shopping for goods required catalogues from stores located in major rural towns and cities and involved lengthy waiting times. Travelling to and from these specialised stores was not pleasant due to the relatively poor quality of the roads and the lengthy times taken. The small general stores in the Kiewa Valley could not cater for all the needs of the valley. The 1960's was a time when facilities especially goods and services started to improve drastically. The S.E.C. of Victoria with its Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme provided not only an improvement of facilities in the valley but also a increase in the population. This increase resulted in a greater demand for local produce.This item is one of many domestic food processing implements used by Kiewa Valley households in the mid 1900s, whether on the farm or in the small towns and hamlets. Self sufficiency was the key to survival during these early times. Where ever possible supplies from within the valley were preferred to that brought in by travelling salesmen or traders. This butter mould and butter pat was commonly used to fashion "home" made butter throughout the valley and in some cases supplied to "outside" regional towns. Although this method of production was phased out by better access to goods from nearby cities the revival of the good organic home grown produce in the 1980s saw a greater demand of this type of farm based produce.This butter pat is one of two,see KVHS 0071 (A). It has been crafted from wood. One side has grooves running from the handle to the square shaped bottom. These grooves would stop the wet butter from clinging to the pat. The top side of the pat has been bevelled on both sides and the bottom edge. The hand grip is flat and curved to allow for a comfortable hold.domestic food preparation, wooden butter pat, butter mould circular, dairy industry

This coffee pot was made for flat heating surfaces and not the open fire. The enamel coating was used as a thermal barrier to keep the contents hot. This could have been used as an all day coffee source for busy farm workers or breakfast and lunch times. When this pot was used at dinner time, it was a time period when dinner was more formal, with the whole family sitting at the dinner table. The white enamel would have been sufficient for the majority of households. When this pot was in use the dinner period was when the whole family was together and communication within the family was considered very important as a cohesive force. This was a time before television intruded into the atmosphere of relaying the day's activities to the whole family.In small rural communities within the Kiewa Valley a good cup of tea or coffee was a time for relaxation from the hard work of the day. This relaxation period was beneficial for not only the mind but also the body. This was particularly for the house bound mother with domestic chores that had, at this time in history not many "time saving" pieces of domestic equipment. A good pot of tea or coffee at "smoko" was a god sent. Although regarded by well groomed city folk that a coffee pot was for coffee only the less social etiquette standards of country folk permitted its use for tea. Versatility even within the household was of great benefit to the folk in the Kiewa Valley. This was even so for the immigrants that joined in and were warmly welcomed within this rural sector of Australia.This coffee pot is in the French style with a goose neck. It is fully coated in white enamel and has a concave bottom. It has a hinged lid and the main body has been rolled fastened to the bottom plate. The sandwiched steel body is approximately 1mm thick. The two piece neck has been welded together similarly the hinged lid and handle. Rivets are installed to the both bases of the handle. country kitchens, well heated coffee, coffee break in rural regions

This glass ginger beer bottle was manufactured and used early to late 1900's, until the time that cheaper containers were invented(plastic bottles). This bottle was so constructed to be easily moved within the ginger beer processing plants from the brewing vats/holding tanks to the final corking/sealing of the bottles for eventual distribution. From 1990s the bottle slowly became phased out of production however boutique suppliers still preferred thick glass to contain any explosive action. Two major glass bottle works companies, e.g. Melbourne Glass Bottle Works Co. were the main suppliers for the Victorian State. In the period when this bottle was manufactured and used the major ginger beer brewing plants for the whole of Victoria were located in Melbourne because this was where its greatest consumer base was there and most rural areas were supplied by domestic sources (mother brewing ginger beer for the children). The Kiewa Valley and its region was one rural area which until road invrastructure was enhance covered the ginger beer thirst by local family production. As the population expanded considerably in the late 1940's (SECV Hydro Scheme) with a greater demand for "soft" drinks" being established supplies from larger towns and cities were call for. Each bottle was "branded" during manufacturing to show the contents were from a reputable supplier (H Taylor) and where it originated from. These bottles were recyled by the manufacturer as a way to cut production costs. This method of recycling the bottles back to the specific manufacturer has (except for South Australia)been overtaken by a no cost recycling collection by councils (funded by their communities). This method by passes the user cost principle as the bottles are processed as non generic. The uneconomical "on cost" which was replaced by the "throw away" less costly plastic containers however did not provide the keen domestic brewer of the "beer" with a reusable bottle. This heavy gauged glass ginger beer bottle has a rim and a distinctive head at the top. This head has been manufactured to facilitate the movement of the bottled along the filling production line. The method of pouring ginger beer into the bottle has been part of the "production line". This bottle has a one and a half pint capacity and is made from "light green" coloured glass(a protection against light penetration). This thick glass bottle, to contain ginger beer, required its thickness because of the extensive handling (man and machine) before final consumption. During this period delivery to homes in cities and towns was made initially by horse and cart and later by truck. Ginger beer was a "soft drink" of great demand. On the middle portion of this bottle is a large elongated circle within it and following the spherical line is "H. TAYLOR" ans a star separates this from "MELBOURNE" rounding out the bottom curviture. Within these words are the large initials "T H" . The "T" superimposed onto the "H". On the base and covering the whole bottom is the letter "T". At the opposite side to the manufacturers logo is "THIS BOTTLE CANNOT BE SOLD OR USED BY ANY OTHER PERSON & IS NOT COMPLETE WITHOUT STOPPER" glass bottle, non alcoholic drink, taylor ginger beer bottle, reuseable bottles

This glass ginger beer bottle was manufactured and used early to late 1900's, until the time that cheaper containers were invented(plastic bottles). This bottle was so constructed to be easily moved within the ginger beer processing plants from the brewing vats/holding tanks to the final corking/sealing of the bottles for eventual distribution. From 1990s the bottle slowly became phased out of production however boutique suppliers still preferred thick glass to contain any explosive action. Two major glass bottle works companies, e.g. Australian Glass Manufacturers and the Melbourne Glass Bottle Works Co. were the main suppliers for the Victorian State.In the period when this bottle was manufactured and used the major ginger beer brewing plants for the whole of Victoria were located in Melbourne because this was where its greatest consumer base was there and most rural areas were supplied by domestic sources (mother brewing ginger beer for the children). The Kiewa Valley and its region was one rural area which until road invrastructure was enhance covered the ginger beer thirst by local family production. As the population expanded considerably in the late 1940's (SECV Hydro Scheme) with a greater demand for "soft" drinks" being established supplies from larger towns and cities were call for. Each bottle was "branded" during manufacturing to show the contents were from a reputable supplier (PHIBBS Bros) and where it originated from. These bottles were recycled by the manufacturer as a way to cut production costs. This method of recycling the bottles back to the specific manufacturer has (except for South Australia)been overtaken by a no cost recycling collection by councils (funded by their communities). This method by passes the user cost principle as the bottles are processed as non generic. The uneconomical "on cost" which was replaced by the "throw away" less costly plastic containers however did not provide the keen domestic brewer of the "beer" with a reusable bottle.This heavy gauged glass bottle (Ginger Beer) has a rim and a distinctive head at the top. This head has been manufactured to facilitate the movement of the bottled along the production line. The method of pouring ginger beer into the bottle has been part of the "production line" process of automation. This bottle has a capacity to hold 250ml of ginger beer and is made from "clear" glass. The marority of ginger beer bottles produced in this time frame where made with a "green" tint in them.This tinting helped reduce the sunlight effecting the contentsAround the bottom side of the bottle and blown into the glass is "THIS BOTTLE IS THE PROPERTY OF PHIBBS BROS, ALBURY" above this, in "running script" and sloping up from left to right is "Phibbs Bros" and underneath parallel to it "ALBURY". On the base of the bottle is molded a big "L 289" underneath this "M" and below this "AGM".ginger beer bottle, soft drink bottles, cordial bottles

When this winter appeal badge was produced the Australian economy was in recession (financial down turn) and the ability of some of the unemployed sectors of the community required but could not purchase warm clothes. The Australian recessions of 1945 and 1961 left their mark on the economy and accounted for a long and slow recovery in the 1960's and 1970's. The Red Cross was one of a few benevolent agencies/organisations that provided those more affluent in society to donate money to these types of appeals for financial donations. the money collected was used in obtaining warm close for those in need.In the Kiewa Valley the lingering recessional consequences (high interest rates, slowdown in Australian manufacturing) had an effect upon those whose produce was consumed by large towns and cities. The manufacturing industries including textile and clothing industries were feeling the start of the invasion of cheaper imports. Unemployment was beginning to be an ongoing major political and social issue. The need for support for the financial strapped city and country towns was on the increase and this Red Cross Badge (Winter Appeal) was one of several appeals to help those financially disenfranchised families to overcome the severe clothing shortages in both country and city environments.This badge has an enamel front with red and blue lettering and the circumference is marked to represent a 'life ring, life buoy, life belt' which has all of the red lettering with in its boundary. The fastening mechanism is a "stick" pin made from mild steel (fashioned as a semi circular spring contained within the back rim of the badge. The "stick" protrudes beyond the badge allowing it to be fastened onto clothing.At the top of the badge and in red print "RED CROSS" and at the bottom "WINTER APPEAL" with a"1/-" (one shilling coin - modern equivalent to 10 cents). In the middle of the badge is printed a red cross and above that "HELP"societies, red cross appeals, apparel badges, numismatics badges

This bottle was used in a period when "soft" drink ginger beer was "brewed" not only in homes but also in specific breweries. Most rural areas had families which produced their own ginger beer. Medium to large towns and cities had ginger beer "factories". These factories had large "on bottle" advertising who the producer was. This producer advertising was firmly infused into the bottle and not on removable labels (late 1900's on wards). Regional breweries had a strong following, similar to State beer producing breweries. The competition between breweries of ginger beer was regional and not state or international. Return of bottles was not a sign of saving the environment or becoming eco- friendly but a requirement to keep production costs low. This is highlighted by "This bottle Remains the Property", in other words return when empty. Up to the end of the second World War Australian "soft drink" demand was for local produce. The American invasion of other flavours of "soft drink" came in the 1950's. Multi -Corporations producing non alcoholic beverages at lower production costs reduced local manufacturers considerably. This however had little effect on semi isolated rural areas where home brews flourished.This bottle shows the impact that small regional towns had and still have on semi isolated rural communities(Kiewsa Valley). With better communications (radio/television/newspapers) and a better transport connections specialised breweries such as the Wangaratta Brewery had an extensive customer "hinterland" to serve. The "canny" rural population would be able to reuse this bottle for their own specific purpose. Because of the long distances between Kiewa Valley residences and the major towns available to them, the issue of adaptability of any purchases made was always closely linked to their long term usefulness.This bottle is made from thick clear glass and has a capacity of one and a half pints. It has a flat top with a wooden screw stopper (internal thread). On one side "THIS BOTTLE REMAINS THE PROPERTY OF WANGARATTA BREWERY PTY LTD" On the top rim of bottle on both sides "17". On the bottom of the base are "AGM" AND "346"ginger beer bottle, soft drink bottles, cordial bottles, wangaratta drinks

Bottled Phenyle cleaner was used throughout the 1900's in domestic kitchens, toilets and other "clean, germ free" environments. Some of these environments would encompass dairying milk handling rooms and hospital kitchens and ablution areas. It is a product which has resulted in the poisoning of some unwitting users (newspaper accounts of a woman in 1928 who drank some phenyle mistakenly for wine and died). The reliance of effective poisonous cleaning products in kitchens, especially in the 1900's was and is still a very hazardous element that the "most pivotal place in a house" contains. In the era when this particular bottle was used (1920's) the main means where consumed around the kitchen table, and this was especially so in rural areas. Keeping this area "germ" free was a mandatory requirement.This bottle is significant to the Kiewa Valley because this area was mostly rural with "out houses" and milk collection areas that required that "extra attention" of sanitation. Rural areas also where more prone to have the kitchen area as a general meeting place for the family before dinner and other meals. Sanitation was of greater importance in rural areas, due to the greater distances to hospitals and doctors if contamination occurred. City homes at this time frame had lounge rooms for the daily get together of the family unit. This was an era before the television and computer age fragmented and isolated family members from one another. This was a time that family members grouped together in the kitchen to find out "the latest news".This amber glass, diamond shaped bottle with cork stopper once contained Phenyle. Phenyle is a highly poisonous liquid. The amber opaque glass was used and not a clear glass to highlight it's content. It has a cork stopper at the top of a slender neck. All the glass embossed writing is highlighted by a string of crosses. The cross was used to enforce a visual danger sign.On one side "THIS BOTTLE IS THE PROPERTY OF" and in large print underneath "KITCHEN'S" and below this and underlined "POISONOUS". On the next side "NOT TO BE TAKEN" and next side in very large print and surrounded by a border "PHENYLE" with crosses enclosing it. On the bottom of a "blank side is "REGd. No. 2140" On the base is M 959 and Mkitchen cleaners, food preparation area, ablutions

This clear, light green, glass "hand blown" fruit preservation jar was used before the mass manufacturing of "screw topped" fruit preservation glass jars imported from Asia or great Britain. The "Mason's Patent" on the jar was for the screw-neck form of the jar top. The screw neck provided the jar with a vacuum seal (preservation) method of fruit jar storage. The reference on the jar of the actual date that the patent was established was in effect for 13 years with extension of a further 7 years. It was an American world wide patent which resulted in only specific manufacture to Glass Works that had paid the manufacturing levy imposed. The air bubbles in the glass suggests that this jar was "hand blown". This would then place the manufacture date before 1900. Preserves came in glass jars bought at the local grocery store or at a large city store on a shopping expedition. The shape of the jar changed as did the stopper used to seal it. Jars were recycled remaining the property of the manufacturer. History of Mason's.This fruit jar is significant to a rural area such as the Kiewa Valley and in the early 1900's when the preservation of fruit and vegetables was an intrinsic part of the typical rural farm/property family. Local shops could only supply fruit and vegetables as seasons permitted. The travelling "green grocer" was more prevalent in towns and cities but not in semi remote rural areas. Historical: Change of jars - shape, glass, stopper, embossing & use. Aesthetic: Display showing embossing & shape especially if in good condition.This vintage "Mason's Patent", screw on thread lid fruit jar was hand blown (air bubbles). It was produced for the home canning of local fruit. The jar is made from thick glass and is tinted light green. Clear glass jar with slight green tinge used for preserves. sides almost straight but jar has a slight bulge almost all the way to the top. Heavily embossed on 1 side. Horizontal print in large capital letters. At the top - manufacturer's name with emblem beneath it. The base has a slight bulge inwards with embossing.In a half ecliptical form "MASON'S" and underneath the Mason's logo.Under the logo "PATENT/ NOV 30 th / 1858". On the base "C201" (double molded).fruit and vegetable preserves, domestic fruit and vegetables bottling, off seasonal fruit and vegetable storage, jar, bottle, preserves, mason's preserves

This canister which contained a blend of Rasawatte tea was produced in the early 1900's and for the most of those who acquired it for its contents it was useful (because it was made from solid pressed steel) as a tea caddy or container for other kitchen utensils or loose grains etc. It was also a good advertising item for a general agent W.M. Peterson & Co. in Melbourne. This company along with neighbouring tea importers offices were burnt down in a horrific building fire in Melbourne.This item was used in a period of time when the tea beveridge was the main hot beveridge to accompany meals, and "high tea" was a special treat to enjoy quality teas and "finger" food. In the rural sector of the Kiewa Valley, the favourite hot drink at "smoko" or other rest times was a freshly "brewed" pot or "billy" of tea. The hot drink tea was later in time challenged by the hot cup of coffee. This change occured at a later time in the rural sector than in cities or larger towns. The rural sector in this time frame was a lot more "traditional" in a lot of their day to day learned mores. Life style changes took longer to evolve mainly due to lack of media bombardment (mainly from city based advertisers) within the family home . "The latest jadgets" took longer to permeate into "isolated or semi isolated rural regions" such as the Kiewa valleyThis cylindrical tin container, which originally contained fine Ceylon tea is totally constructed from pressed light steel. It is embossed with content details and the name of the general tea agent. The main body has been fastened by pressed, not soldered connections.Embossed with the following "Ceylon Flavoured" and in bold large letters "RASAWATTE TEA" and below this in smaller print "ONE POUND NETT" This is encapsulated by Tea plant petals and vines. On the opposite side and in script writing "3M" below this in an unfolded banner presentation "BLENDED & PACKED BY" below this "Peterson & co Melbourne" This is also encapsulated by Tea plant petals and vines.kitchen storage, tin container, cannister/caddy, kichen advertising

This early 1900's tin which contained loose leaf blended tea was imported into Australia by those tea merchants who wanted to provide the Australian tea drinkers with quality tea. It could well be early Lipton distributors to both city and rural clients and consumers. This was in a period when most rural families were heavy tea drinkers. It was well before the introduction of coffee as a drink (especially instant) for the early morning, after meals and general "drink any time" pick me up beverage.This relatively large tea tin marks a period in time when loose leaf tea was in great demand and large quantities were not only used by families but also restaurants, workers mess halls and remote large rural families. The ability to obtain a quick tea supply in semi remote rural areas such as the Kiewa Valley was not possible due to the factors of all weather road access and the economics of traders going out of their way. Stocking up with important beverages, such as tea, was a "one of those things" that early rural communities had to endure with. Bulk storage tins such as this item were not only a requirement but also offered storage for other household items. This usefulness was not overlooked by the "canny" rural family.This large metal tin container was specifically manufactured for the kitchens requiring a bulk storage "bin" type of loose leaf tea content. When emptied, it could also be used as a general kitchen storage container for other bulk consumables.On the front side and in the background, there are three sketches of Egyptian pyramids(increasing in size from left to right). At the forefront there is a camel "train" loaded with supplies and handlers, making their way over the sandy desert going towards a large sign(in a freehand script) "PYRAMIDS BLEND". The left side "Specially Selected" and underneath "PURE TEAS" below this and within a circle is the figure of a Geisha clad of Asian appearance (with a fan in a raised hand with boxes(of varying sizes) around her. All these are in (off white design and wording on a green background. On the back in green print on off white background "PYRAMIDS BLEND" and underneath "OF SPECIALLY SELECTED PURE TEAS". On either side are columns of similar print. To the left "THESE UNRIVALLED BLENDS ARE GUARANTEED TO CONTAIN ONLY PURE TEAS".To the right "SPECIALLY SELECTED FROM THE CHOICE GROWTHS OF CHINA INDIAN & CEYLON". Below both columns is "for delicacy & fragrance of flavor, combined with great strength, and are confidently recommended to the public as the best values in teas obtainable" On the last side is a sketch of an " Indian encircled, holding a staph with palm trees in the background and four tea containers on his left, with "PYRAMID BLEND" as a subject heading. There are two Oxen pulling a two wheeled cart with a load of six large boxes. On lid and barely readable "FIVE POUNDS NET"loose leaf tea containers, food storage tins, kitchen tidies

This biscuit/tea caddy was probably targeting the "theatre going" family or those who liked looking at the colourful shakespearian scenes. This item however demonstrates that the rural (Kiewa Valley) appreciation of classic English plays was, in this time period (early 1900's), just as strong as in the larger towns and cities. This item also presents the period in which the "olde" Elizabethian phrases and words were taught in regional high schools. Although this speech pattern and phraseology was of a specific time period and going out of fashion when Australia was first settled it was an inherited form of communication(higher social/economical level). In the context of the rural Australia "scene" and in this time frame of the elite "boarding school" generation this item was a visual reinforcement of the education level and position of the family who owned this tin.This item is highly significant because it not only presents the social aspects of early life in the Kiewa Valley but also the variety of educational levels and economical variations of the rural population within the Kiewa Valley. The egalitarian perception of the inhabitants of the Kiewa Valley was still at the infancy of early Australian social interactions. This biscuit /tea container was however a leveling of the socio-economic playing field of the time.This biscuit or tea tin, has besides having an outer lid (hinged), it also has an internal lid(with a circular finger grip). Although the shape is rectangular it has a slight concave bulge at each side of the centre of each of its main frame. It is made of pressed light steel and has a raised floor. The corners are bevelled and the outer lid has a bevelled slope ridge in parallel to the extremities of the main tin frame. There are painted scenes from the following Shakespearian plays on each side of the tin; "As you like it", "Hamlet" and on each of the bevelled corners are the portraits of Shakespeare(in the middle), the caricature mask faces of "the theatre" above and on the bottom section the "Director's chair"food storage, kitchen table container, domestic educational storage, shakespeare illustrations