A press release from Melbourne Legacy in 1975 which relates the story of George Knocks who joined Legacy and left a bequest that made a difference. The information was intended to be used by press and magazines etc. A longer version of the story is in the Weekly Bulletin - 29 Sept 1964. George was described as a lonely ex-seaman who migrated to Australia after the first world war. He learnt about Legacy and the work with widows and children. 'He joined up as a Legatee and from that day, the pattern of life changed greatly for George. He became absorbed in his new environment and spent most of his time with the children. The mothers founding him a rugged, but completely trustworthy friend.' When George died he was mourned by many Legacy friends. His left his property to four comrades, as trustees to use in continuing Legacy's work. As a result, a great many people in Legacy's care were helped, in all sorts of ways. One of them was Barry. Barry's father had died as a POW in a Japanese prison, and his mother had lost all her possessions in evacuating from Malaya. Barry had a disability and in time a new treatment was found, but it was expensive. Then Legacy came to aid Barry with money from the George Knocks fund. After long series of operations and treatments Barry made a wonderful recovery. While the fund ran out during the treatment, the last cost was met by The Stanley Savige Memorial Trust, which was a fund raised by the members of Legacy to honour the memory of their former leader. Barry went on to prosperous work, self sufficiency and a lovely marriage. Due partially to Legatee George Knocks, his bequest and the support of Legacy. More information on George Knocks includes his passport and a longer version of his story. See 02151 and 02152 and 02153.A record of how Legacy promoted their work in the 1970s and the story of the life of a legatee.Yellow foolscap page x 2 with black type of a press release in 1975.Title 'One Man's Legacy''press release, promotion, bequests, george knocks

Established by George Guthrie in 1857 (about 5km north of its current site) and then again seven years later in 1864 after it initially closed, Bendigo Pottery remains one of the most influential and longest running Pottery’s in Australia. Over the years the Pottery has contributed to the growth and development of the district through both its products including building products, table ware and decorative and commemorative war as well as artistically, being responsible for training and supporting many potters locally. The City of Greater Bendigo has had a long history of partnering with Bendigo Pottery and the Civic Collection holds a number of important items within its collection. Ned Kelly is one of Australia's most iconic outlaws. Kelly was born and raised in rural Victoria, the third of eight children to Irish parents. His father, a transported convict, died in 1866, leaving Kelly, then aged 12, as the eldest male of the household. The Kelly's were a poor selector family who saw themselves as downtrodden by the squattocracy and as victims of persecution by the Victoria Police. While a teenager, Kelly was arrested for associating with bushranger Harry Power and served two prison terms for a variety of offences, the longest stretch being from 1871 to 1874. He later joined the "Greta Mob", a group of bush larrikins known for stock theft. A violent confrontation with a policeman occurred at the Kelly family's home in 1878, and Kelly was indicted for his attempted murder. Fleeing to the bush, Kelly vowed to avenge his mother, who was imprisoned for her role in the incident. After he, his brother Dan, and associates Joe Byrne and Steve Hart shot dead three policemen, the government of Victoria proclaimed them outlaws. Kelly died aged 25 at Melbourne Goal after being captured by Police in Glenrowan and sentenced to death. (Source Wikipedia).Brown glazed slip cast jug. Includes details which are iconic to the image of Ned Kelly including face and body armour pistol and gloves. Ned's left arm forms the handle.Verso; NED KELLY / Bendigo Pottery Epsom (stamp) Underside; Bendigo Pottery / Limited / Edition Series / 879 / 3000 / Australiacity of greater bendigo tourism, bendigo pottery

Ryan was an Irish politician. He was elected to the First Dáil at the 1918 general election and, apart from the Third Dáil (1922–1923), held his seat for Wexford until his retirement at the 1965 general election. During his long career he served as Minister for Agriculture (1932–1947), Minister for Health and Social Welfare (1947–1948 and 1951–1954) and Minister for Finance (1957–1965). (Wikipedia) While studying at university in 1913 Ryan became a founder-member of the Irish Volunteers and was sworn into the Irish Republican Brotherhood the following year. During the Easter Rising in 1916 Ryan was the medical officer in the General Post Office (GPO). He was, along with James Connolly, one of the last people to leave the GPO when the evacuation took place. Following the surrender of the patriots Ryan was deported to Stafford Jail in England and subsequently at Frongoch. He was released in August 1916. Ryan rejoined the Volunteers immediately after his release from prison, and in June 1917 he was elected Commandant of the Wexford Battalion. His political career began the following year when he was elected as a Sinn Féin candidate for the constituency of Wexford South in the 1918 general election. Like his fellow Sinn Féin MPs Ryan refused to attend the Westminster Parliament. Instead he attended the proceedings of the First Dáil on 21 January 1919. As the War of Independence went on Ryan became Brigade Commandant of South Wexford and was also elected to Wexford County Council, serving as chairman on one occasion. In September 1919 he was arrested by the British and interned on Spike Island and later Beare Island until he was released after the truce with the other TDs to attend the deliberations of the Dáil concerning the Anglo-Irish Treaty which he voted against. Ryan was later imprisoned again during the subsequent Civil War, however, while interned he won back his Dáil seat as an abstentionist Sinn Féin TD at the 1923 general election. (Wikipedia)Image of a bearded man known as James Ryan.

Yhonnie SCARCE (1973- ) Born Woomera, South Australia Language group: Kokatha, Southern desert region and Nukunu, Spencer region Yhonnie Scarce works predominantly in glass. She majored in glass withing a Bachelor of Visual Arts (Honours) course at the South Australian School of Art, Adelaide, and holds a Master of Fine Arts from Monash University. One of the first contemporary Australian artists to explore the political and aesthetic power of glass, Scarce describes her work as ‘politically motivated and emotionally driven’. Scarce’s work often references the on-going effects of colonisation on Aboriginal people, In particular her research focus has explored the impact of the removal and relocation of Aboriginal people from their homelands and the forcible removal of Aboriginal children from their families. (https://thisisnofantasy.com/artist/yhonnie-scarce/, accessed 10 September 2018)Artist's Statement 'The More Bones the Better', 2016 Yhonnie Scarce was born in Woomera, SA and belongs to the Kokatha and Nukunu peoples. Scarce embraces a non traditional approach to glass blowing using glass as more than a mere material, acting as a lens and a mirror, Scarce reflects and exposes the tragedies of Australia’s colonisation. She applies the technical rigours of traditional glass blowing techniques in an innovative and unconventional manner. In particular Scarce uses glass to explore the lives and histories of Aboriginal Australians. Hand blown glass is shaped, engraved, painted and smashed to create indigenous fruits and vegetables such as bush bananas, bush plums and long yams symbolic of her peoples culture and traditions. With their elongated, torso-like shapes, they even evoke human bodies. Akin to a gatherer of bush food Scarce creates glass-gatherings of the persecuted. The repetition of brittle ambiguous bodies collected for experimentation and examination conjures the relentless impact of colonisation and the litany of abuses suffered by Aboriginal people. Within her research Scarce encountered a variety of ethnographic studies examining the use of scientific interventions amongst Indigenous cultures. These include Government sanctioned illegal drug testing of children in orphanages and other dubious medical practices amongst indigenous prison inmates. This work metaphorically looks at these situations and poses questions of what might have gone on in such a laboratory. The judge of the 2017 Guirguis New Art Prize (GNAP), Simon Maidment, Senior Curator, Contemporary Art, National Gallery of Victoria said; “The winning work by Yhonnie Scarce captures the sensitivity to materials she displays throughout her artistic practice. The blown and shattered glass elements are a delicate contrast to the shocking and little discussed histories of Aboriginal exploitation and abuse in the name of science in Australia. Engaging this topic, this work is haunting, in the same way those lived and documented experiences continue to haunt the collective unconscious of this country. Yhonnie Scarce’s work, The More Bones the Better 2016, I believe makes an important contribution to the Collection of Federation University Australia and will engage and move diverse audiences with its technical accomplishment, beauty and message. Yhonnie Scarce was born in Woomera SA and belongs to the Kokatha and Nukunu peoples. Scarce embraces a non-traditional approach to glass blowing using her medium as more than a mere material. Applying the technical rigours of traditional glass blowing in an innovative and unconventional manner, Scarce’s glass objects act as a lens and a mirror to reflect and expose the tragedies of Australia’s colonisation and, in particular, explore the lives and histories of Aboriginal Australians. Hand-blown glass is shaped, engraved, painted and smashed to represent indigenous fruits and vegetables such as bush bananas, bush plums and long yams, symbolic of Scarce’s people’s culture and traditions. While these elongated shapes on the one hand represent fruit and vegetables, gathered and grouped as in the gathering of bush food, Scarce’s torso-like bodies and forms are glass ‘gatherings’ representative of the gathering of people. Here, the many brittle bodies act as a metaphor for the collection, experimentation and examinations undertaken by government authorities on Aboriginal communities researched by Scarce. Exposing a variety of ethnographic studies, examining the use of scientific interventions on Indigenous cultures, Scarce also revealed Government sanctioned illegal drug testing of children in orphanages and other dubious medical practices undertaken on indigenous prison inmates. Scarce’s gatherings also reflect the impact of colonisation and the relentless conjuring and litany of abuses suffered by Aboriginal people. The More Bones the Better metaphorically looks at these situations and poses questions of what was undertaken and investigated in these laboratories. guirguis new art prize, yhonnie scarce, glass, aboriginal

Photocopy mock up of original booklet of The Bendigo Historical Society Inc. 'City of Bendigo Historical Walk' containing photographs of historic buildings to be seen on the walk. Front cover Queen Victorian Gardens, Town hall, Mechanics Institute/School Of Mines and Industry, H. M. Prison Bendigo, Camp Hill Police Barracks, Sandhurst Corporate High School, Central State School No. 1976, The Cascades, District Lands Office (Dudley House), Masonic Temple and Hall, Sandhurst Volunteer Rifle Brigade Orderly Room, Bank of Victoria, Henry Jackson's Store View Point,Alexandra Fountain, Beehive Store/Mining Exchange, Colonial Bank. Hustlers Royal Reserve NO. 2/R.S.L. Memorial Hall, Post Office 3rd 4th and final, Bendigo Law Courts, Shamrock Hotel 2nd and another view. Important Bendigo Dates; 1851, April gold discovered at Golden Square by Margaret Kennedy,1851 Approx. 200,000Troy oz. of gold found in Bendigo, 1852 475,857 Troy oz. Gold for the year, 1853 November 31st Bendigo Hospital admits first patient,1853 December 9th Bendigo Advertiser first issue printed, 1854 First Land Sales and streets are surveyed and named for the first time, 1854 Census of Bendigo showed 15,480 residents plus 4,000 Chinese, 1855 Sandhurst Municipal District formed, 1861 Sandhurst Proclaimed a Town. 1862 Railway to Melbourne opened, 1867 Visit by His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh, 1871 July 21st Sandhurst proclaimed a City, 1881 Population of Sandhurst 14,577 residents, 1882 First telephone communications introduced, 1890 Electric trams (battery) commenced running, 1891 May 18th City of Sandhurst changes its name to City of Bendigo.book, bendigo, buildings, historic

BHS CollectionThe Adventures of the Three Bold Babies Children's Book, author S. Rosamond Praeger. Published by Longmans Green and Co. 39 Paternoster Row, London, New York and Bombay. The plot in a nutshell: Three brave babies have adventures. The three babies (Hector, Honoria and Alisander) meet a dragon on their journey and at first, he’s afraid of them, but they put him at ease and they become friends. While riding the dragon, they are challenged by a knight who wants to put them in prison. They want to fight instead and knock the knight from his horse. He takes them to his castle, where his wife tells them the castle is theirs now. The dragon overhears the knight and his wife plotting against the children and he helps them escape. The dragon has to leave, so they all say a tearful farewell. Next, the children visit a kingdom ruled by a wicked king who insists that all his subjects have a long pointy nose like his own. When the children refuse to change their noses, the king summons the monster that he keeps to eat his prisoners. The monster turns out to be their friend, the dragon, and he attacks the king instead. The dragon apologizes to the children for eating people and plants a garden of cabbages, vowing to become a vegetarian. Author/illustrator S. Rosamond Praeger was a talented artist whose primary medium was sculpture, although she did detailed illustrations for her brother’s books on botany as well as writing and illustrating picture books of her own. The illustrations are delightfully vintage, with thin lines and washed out colours. The artwork is comical, with some funny facial expressions and one really unusual image of the king with his nose broken off. A sequel was published the following year, with the excellent title, Further Doings of the Three Bold Babes.history, children's book, s. rosamond praeger

In March 1892, Melbourne Butcher John Stamford took a prospective tenant to a house he owned at 57 Andrew Street Windsor. He noticed a 'disagreeable smell' coming from the front rooms. Suspecting foul play, Stamford called the police who quickly discovered a decomposing body and partially clad body of a young woman in a shallow grave under the fireplace. 'Her skull had been shattered and her throat cut'. Two detectives, Sergeants Considine and Cawsey, began investigations. The previous tenant, a 'Mr. Druin' who had rented the house had since disappeared was the main suspect. 'Druin' had arrived in Australia from England as 'Albert Williams' in December 1891 with his 24 year old wife Emily Mather. The body was Emily's. The crime scene investigation proved difficult as the suspect - whatever his real name- had cleaned up the scene very carefully. Much later it was discovered that the suspect was in fact Frederick Bayley Deeming, a former sailor born in Birkenhead, Cheshire, in 1854. In 1881, Deeming deserted his ship and lived in Sydney where he married and had a family. Deeply in debt, he later burned his business down to claim its insurance value and fled to South Africa before he could be arrested. He is believed to have committed numerous frauds and murders in Africa. Eventually found in Uruguay, he spent time in prison in England for fraud. After being released he married Emily and returned to Australia. After leaving England, British police began investigating him over the murder of Mrs Marie Deeming and her four children. Now using another alias, 'Baron Swanston', Deeming was arrested in Western Australia before he left the country in the company of a young woman, Kate Rounsefell, whom he planned to marry. It seems Kate would have been his next murder victim. Brought back to Victoria, in May 1892, Deeming went on trail for the murder of Emily Mather. Despite a strong defense conducted by a brilliant young barrister and 3 times Australian Prime Minister Alfred Deakin, the evidence against Deeming was overwhelming and he was found guilty. Deeming was hanged at Melbourne Gaol on 23 May 1892. He was known to be responsible for at least 6 murders and may have committed others. Black and white photograph backed onto black backing board showing a man in a long coat and top hat with his hands in his pockets and a moustachefrederick deeming, emily mather, murders

In March 1892, Melbourne Butcher John Stamford took a prospective tenant to a house he owned at 57 Andrew Street Windsor. He noticed a 'disagreeable smell' coming from the front rooms. Suspecting foul play, Stamford called the police who quickly discovered a decomposing body and partially clad body of a young woman in a shallow grave under the fireplace. 'Her skull had been shattered and her throat cut'. Two detectives, Sergeants Considine and Cawsey, began investigations. The previous tenant, a 'Mr. Druin' who had rented the house had since disappeared was the main suspect. 'Druin' had arrived in Australia from England as 'Albert Williams' in December 1891 with his 24 year old wife Emily Mather. The body was Emily's. The crime scene investigation proved difficult as the suspect - whatever his real name- had cleaned up the scene very carefully. Much later it was discovered that the suspect was in fact Frederick Bayley Deeming, a former sailor born in Birkenhead, Cheshire, in 1854. In 1881, Deeming deserted his ship and lived in Sydney where he married and had a family. Deeply in debt, he later burned his business down to claim its insurance value and fled to South Africa before he could be arrested. He is believed to have committed numerous frauds and murders in Africa. Eventually found in Uruguay, he spent time in prison in England for fraud. After being released he married Emily and returned to Australia. After leaving England, British police began investigating him over the murder of Mrs Marie Deeming and her four children. Now using another alias, 'Baron Swanston', Deeming was arrested in Western Australia before he left the country in the company of a young woman, Kate Rounsefell, whom he planned to marry. It seems Kate would have been his next murder victim. Brought back to Victoria, in May 1892, Deeming went on trail for the murder of Emily Mather. Despite a strong defense conducted by a brilliant young barrister and 3 times Australian Prime Minister Alfred Deakin, the evidence against Deeming was overwhelming and he was found guilty. Deeming was hanged at Melbourne Gaol on 23 May 1892. He was known to be responsible for at least 6 murders and may have committed others. Black and white photograph backed onto black board showing a lady in dark clothing and hat resting with her right elbow on the arm of a lounge. Woman is holding a small sprig of flowers in her left handEmily Lydia Mather. Murdered by Deeming 1892 (in black ink along top of photograph)frederick deeming, emily mather, murders

In March 1892, Melbourne Butcher John Stamford took a prospective tenant to a house he owned at 57 Andrew Street Windsor. He noticed a 'disagreeable smell' coming from the front rooms. Suspecting foul play, Stamford called the police who quickly discovered a decomposing body and partially clad body of a young woman in a shallow grave under the fireplace. 'Her skull had been shattered and her throat cut'. Two detectives, Sergeants Considine and Cawsey, began investigations. The previous tenant, a 'Mr. Druin' who had rented the house had since disappeared was the main suspect. 'Druin' had arrived in Australia from England as 'Albert Williams' in December 1891 with his 24 year old wife Emily Mather. The body was Emily's. The crime scene investigation proved difficult as the suspect - whatever his real name- had cleaned up the scene very carefully. Much later it was discovered that the suspect was in fact Frederick Bayley Deeming, a former sailor born in Birkenhead, Cheshire, in 1854. In 1881, Deeming deserted his ship and lived in Sydney where he married and had a family. Deeply in debt, he later burned his business down to claim its insurance value and fled to South Africa before he could be arrested. He is believed to have committed numerous frauds and murders in Africa. Eventually found in Uruguay, he spent time in prison in England for fraud. After being released he married Emily and returned to Australia. After leaving England, British police began investigating him over the murder of Mrs Marie Deeming and her four children. Now using another alias, 'Baron Swanston', Deeming was arrested in Western Australia before he left the country in the company of a young woman, Kate Rounsefell, whom he planned to marry. It seems Kate would have been his next murder victim. Brought back to Victoria, in May 1892, Deeming went on trail for the murder of Emily Mather. Despite a strong defense conducted by a brilliant young barrister and 3 times Australian Prime Minister Alfred Deakin, the evidence against Deeming was overwhelming and he was found guilty. Deeming was hanged at Melbourne Gaol on 23 May 1892. He was known to be responsible for at least 6 murders and may have committed others. Medium sized photograph of Frederick Deeming with a moustache drawn on the image in inkFrederick B. Deeming (on image in black ink)frederick deeming, emily lydia mather, murders

Hair clippers are specialized implements used to cut human head hair. They work on the same principle as scissors, but are distinct from scissors and razors. :Hair clippers comprise a pair of sharpened comb-like blades in close contact one above the other which slide sideways relative to each other, a mechanism which may be manual or electrical to make the blades oscillate from side to side, and a handle. The clipper is moved so that hair is positioned between the teeth of the comb, and cut with a scissor action when one blade slides sideways relative to the other. Friction between the blades needs to be as low as possible, which is attained by choice of material and finish, and frequent lubrication. Hair clippers are operated by a pair of handles that are alternately squeezed together and released. Barbers used them to cut hair close and fast. The hair was picked up in locks and the head was rapidly depilated. Mid 20thC such haircuts became popular among boys, and young men in the military and in prisons. Burman & Sons Ltd, of Ryland Road, Birmingham, West Midlands, manufactured Burman-Douglas steering gear. Their recirculating worm and ball design of steering gear was fitted to pre-war vehicles such as the Ford Eight and the Ford Prefect, the Bedford CA, plus heavy trucks and off-road vehicles - both pre and post-war. In its day, Burman-Douglas steering-gear was regarded as.... a "quality" feature of a car chassis specification, but the worm and ball design was eventually surpassed by the cheaper rack and pinion design that dominates today. The company also manufactured motorcycle gearboxes, horse clippers and barbers’ clippers. 1871 Company founded. 1897 Private company. 1930s Gearbox for Ariel Square-four motorcycle. (Exhibit at Birmingham Thinktank museum) 1933 Burman and Sons Limited, manufacturers of horse and barbers' clippers, sheep shearers, motor cycle gear boxes and steering gears, Ryland road, Edgebaston 1953 S. F. Burman, M.B.E., Managing Director, Burman and Sons, Ltd 1955 Acquired by Vono Industrial Products. 1961 Manufacturers of motor and motorcycle accessories. 1,500 employees. 1968 Supplied rack and pinion steering units to Ford 1978 Adwest Group acquired Burman and Sons, the steering gear part of Duport. 1986 Major reduction in staffing at Burman due to fall in demand for its products and delivery problems. A set of hand held barbers’ hair clippers with an adjustable screw, from Burman and Sons Ltd of Birmingham, England. Chrome plated, in good condition, c1950. On left arm ; BURMAN On right arm ; MADE IN ENGLANDbarbers, hairdressing, hair clippers, grooming, horse clippers, cars, motor cycles, gear boxes, rack and pinion , worm and ball, steering gears, steel manufacture, birmingham england, burman and sons ltd, moorabbin, bentleigh, ormond, cheltenham, market gardeners,

We have three folders catalogued for the Grimshaw name and these will in due course be consolidated/corrected: 1. EDHS_01361 – A.H. Grimshaw of Research, Vic., 1927 2. EDHS_01362 – John Grimshaw of Greensborough, 1862 (Correct name is Josiah Grimshaw) 3. EDHS_01375 – Mr Grimshaw, miner of Kinglake and Caledonian Diggings. (This is believed to be Mr J.L. (Jack) Grimshaw who reportedly discovered the first gold in Kinglake. These folders are made up of copies of pages of research undertaken by Mr Keith Chappel in the 1970s, which is now catalogued as a separate item. EDHS_04448 - Eltham District History, Eltham Road Board, 1856-1871; Research by Keith Chappel https://victoriancollections.net.au/items/5e4a290521ea671e9ccf9661 There is further information from this research concerning a William Grimshaw. Also included as part of EDHS_01375 is a photocopy of page44 from the book "Caledonia Diggings (St Andrews)", Gold Discovery in Victoria, James Flett, 1970, which references No. 2 Creek at the Caledonian Diggings as also been known as Grimshaws. We have a photo of J.L.(Jack) Grimshaw who discovered gold at Kinglake, which is part of the Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection (SEPP) SEPP_0056 - Mr. J.L. Grimshaw; the man who found the first gold at Kinglake https://victoriancollections.net.au/items/5a6c158721ea6906ac29bd3c We also have another record of interest involving Aaron Grimshaw, Farmer of Greensborough who was an indentured Trustee of the Wesleyan Chapel in Little Eltham in 1856: EDHS_04610-3-1 - Document, Conveyance of Lot 20 Henry Street, Little Eltham North to Trustees of Wesleyan Chapel, 1856 https://victoriancollections.net.au/items/60f6d644ac5d4de270b83615 The record of Joshia Grimshaw of Greensborough is grim. He was arrested and charged with the murder of John Mitchell at Greensborough, September 24, 1962. Grimshaw was ultimately convicted of manslaughter and sentenced for three years in prison. Newspaper reports of the day show his name as Josiah. Whether he was also known as John is not clear, and whether he is the same as J.L. (Jack) Grimshaw who discovered gold at Kinglake, again is unclear without undertaking further research into the matter. This murder trial was extensively reported in the newspapers and you can find those reports on the National Library of Australia’s Trove https://trove.nla.gov.au/ Some of the reports of interest: TRIAL OF GRIMSHAW FOR MURDER (1862, October 23). The Kyneton Observer (Vic. : 1856 - 1900), p. 3. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article240899299 THE GREENSBOROUGH MURDER. (1862, September 30). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 6. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article5722929 MELBOURNE CRIMINAL SESSIONS. (1862, October 18). The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), p. 6. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article154967162 CRIMINAL SESSIONS. I (1862, October 18). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 6. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article6480408 Folder of information on Mr Grimshaw, Miner, Kinglake and Caledonian Diggingsgrimshaw

The Ballarat School of Mines is a predecessor institution of Federation University Australia. Photocopied newsletters with numerous newspaper clippings. 20 June 1994 - Mission, Women's Policy, Kate Wait, Walter Haller, Stewart Moors, Cynthia Jardine, Mark Lynch, R.J. Young Scholarship, David Thomas 22 August 1994 - Wimmera Community College Agreement, SMB/University of Ballarat Affiliation Agreement Signed by Chancellor Geoffrey Blainey, Max Palmer, Matthew Barlow, Mark Dawe, Phillip Lee, John Conaughton, Elizabeth White 05 September 1994 - Employment White Paper, Workcover, Ross Furness, Nance Jeffreys, Keith Chase, Michael Ronaldson, Ron Wild, Paul Jenkins 25 October 1994 - Staff Consultation Committee, Bendix Mintex Award, Rick Williams, Mike Hickey, Sexual Harassment, Ann McCaffrey, Brewery Complex building 07 November 1994 - Karpin Report, Edgar Bartrop Scholarship, Winsome McCaughey 13 June 1995 - Female Participation in TAFE, Lake Bolac Visit, Virginia Fenelon, Hairdressing, Ararat Community College, Brian MCLennan, Forestry Industry Contract, Ararat PRison Education, E.J.T. Tippett Award, Shane Lake, SMB Graduates 1995, Tony Leonard, Colin McCurry, Steph Pilmore 26 June 1995 - Child Care Centre, computer survey responses, Ellimatta, Sharna Whitehand, Jack Veeken, John Hanmer, Aaron Block, Kirsten Martin, Rowena Worth, Jan Croggon, Andrew McEvoy 24 July 1995 - Teaching, Engineering Liaison, Graham Shearer, Carol Durant, Brian McLennan, Market Research, Ararat Campus, Kevin Martin, Myrtle Muir, Hairdressing, Carol McDonald 07 August 1995 - Childcare, Playgroup, Disabilities, Judy Mills, Former Ballarat Gaol, Private Providers, Equal Opportunity, Equal Employment Opportunity 04 September 1995 - Keith Boast, Barkly Street Campus Library, Barrie Firth, Yuille Street Building, Painting and Decorating, Bricklaying, Disability Forum Committee, Belinda Morgan, Fay Guinane, Olivia Guinane, Robert Clarke Community Centre ceramic Tile Mosaic, Neville French, Annelies Egan, Judith Davies, Tanis Yuille, Margaret Komishon, Ruth Zegir, Ray Isaac 18 September - Competition Policy, Public Sector Reform, Brewery Building contract to S.J. Weir, Ararat Campus, BHP, Peter Bell, Mining Industry, Horticulture Facility (Gillies Street), Creche Fairy Mural, Shellagh Kentish, Daylesford Neighbourhood House and Learning Centre, Jenny Beacham, Tom Bates, Colin Trembath, Alan Scanosio, Zaiga Svanosio 16 October 1995 - Rural Studies Staffing, Robyn Greig, Ross Holton, Virginia Fenelon, Michelle Loader, Christina Elshaug, Cynthia Jardine, Morgan B. John death, Ian Pym, Melissa Cameron, hairdressing, Woolshed, Great Southern Woolshed, Graham Shearer October 1995 - Employment Relations Update, Enterprise Bargaining, Sue Wright, Ron Wild 30 October 1995 - 125th anniversary, 125th anniversary Medallions, Bill Murray (died 28 October 1995), Metal Fabrication, Ron Wild, Gael Ramsay, Paul Keating 20 November 1995 - Ceramics Exhibition, Heather Campbell, Marion Byass, Barry Norman, Helen Knowles, Michael Bracher, Brian McLennan, Rural Studies, Carpark, David Nicholson, Linetter Penhall, Suzanne Brown, Marie Bedggood 27 May 1996 - David Brown Farewell, Keith Boast, Educational Services, Wally Gradkowski, Dzintra Crocker, World Wide Web, Ann McCaffrey 17 June 1996 - Lifelong Learning Through Vocational Education and Training, Lyndal Cooper, Engineering Studies, David Manterfield, Rod MacKinney 19 August 1996 - SMB Strategic Plan 1997-2001, Ian Harris, Ararat Prison Education, Moongate 06 September 1996 - Tom Johnson, Bill Gribble, Ron Wild, INternational Projects Report, Cas Anderson, Court House Theatre, Former Court House, The Moongate 11 November 1996 - Brewery Complex Opening by Prime Minister John Howard on 09 December 1996, Human Resources, Marie Kerr, Fran Kisler, Karen Neale, Trudy Horwoood, Graham Hankin, Engineering Studies, David Manerfied, Sheilagh Kentish, Goroke College 12 May 1997 - Ballarat Group Training, Ballarat Aboriginal Co-operative, SMB Flexible Learning Centre, E.J. Tippett Library, Changing Role of the TAFE Teacher, Maree Greig, Colin Prowse, Performing Arts, Dave Knowles, Karyn Kilroy 20 August 1997 - Amalgamation Update, Graham Paynter, Heather MacLeod, Performing Arts 05 September 1997 - From TAFE to VET, Leoda Atkinson, Daniel James, Ararat campus, Mark Bevelander, computers, Craftsmanship Awards, Koorie Programs Unit, Deanne Jakiel, Stephen Burns, Women's Access Program, Internet 20 October 1997 - amalgamation update, Flexible Learning Centre, Andrea Bateman, Val D'Angri, Leoda Atkinson, Paul Mason, Andrea Bateman 10 November 1997 - Ballarat School of Mines/University of Ballarat Amalgamation, Shenzhen Polytechnic China, Videoconferencing, John Ferrier (Science), Performing Arts 08 December 1997 - Last Edition of Miners' Write Ron Wild, Brian McLennan, Max Palmer, Jeanetter John, Farewell to SMB, Time Capsuleminers write, ballarat school of mines, ron wild

On the 29th of May 1954, a local Eltham carpenter by the name of John Swallow, committed a double murder at his home on New Street. This happened on the same day as the federal election of that year. John 48, his wife Mary 47, and stepdaughter Patricia 25, all went to the Eltham Courthouse on Main Road to cast their vote in the election that Saturday. After voting they returned home to their New Street house around midday. Patricia would later recall to ambulance officers, that she was feeling unwell, and so went to lay down when she heard an argument erupt over voting between her mother Mary and stepfather John. A concerned neighbour heard loud thudding noises and yelling coming from John and Mary’s house, he went to investigate. When he arrived at the house he was met by John at the front door. He would later describe John as “having a frantic look upon his face, and manic eyes”. John must have been a sight, bleeding and clutching a cut throat razor by his side. He then announced to the neighbour, “they voted commie!” before turning and going back inside. The distressed neighbour immediately raced home to call the Police. When the police arrived, they found Mary dead on the kitchen floor from catastrophic head injuries; her daughter, Patricia, clinging to life, slumped on her bed. Both women had been attacked by the same weapon, a large hammer, or sledge hammer as reported by the newspapers. John was also discovered in the house, bleeding from self-inflicted wounds from the razor, and had attempted to ingest caustic soda. Patricia was taken to St Vincent’s hospital, but died the following day, the 30th of May. John was also taken to St Vincent’s, where he remained under constant police guard for several months while he recovered from his injuries, at least the physical. He was eventually well enough to be taken to the City Watch House and then Pentridge Prison before his trial in October of the same year. When it came time for John to face the courts, the Judge called a mistrial, the Crown would not prosecute on the grounds of insanity. John was led away from the dock of The Magistrates Court and taken directly to Willsmere, the Kew Mental Asylum. On the 9th of August 1962, John Mervyn Swallow died of heart failure, he was 57. He had been a resident of Kew for four years. John’s body was returned to Eltham Cemetery and buried in the same grave as Mary. There is no mention of his name on the head stone. Patricia’s grave is next to Mary and John. A sad irony has an angel upon her grave, “its head missing”, possibly vandals or just an accident of time and events. What became of the home where all of this took place on New Street shall remain a mystery but within six months of this horrific event, the street had been re-named to Lavender Park Road after the original property near the end of the road, Lavender Park. In Memory Of Mary Josephine Swallow Died 29th May 1954 aged 47 Also Patricia Cathryn Hill Dearly beloved wife of Kel Called home 30th May 1954 Aged 25 yearsBorn Digitaleltham cemetery, gravestones, mary josephine swallow, patricia catherine hill, john swallow

The institutions of law and order in Colonial Victoria included the police, courts and prisons. The 1852 report of the Snodgrass Select Committee appointed to "identify the policing needs of the colony” noted there existed seven independent police forces that did not co-operate or regularly communicate. Following the committee's report all these police entities were merged into the Victoria Police, founded on 8 January 1853, to implement law and order responsibilities throughout the Colony of Victoria. The Eltham Courthouse (1860) and adjacent Police Residence (1859) formed a justice precinct established in the immediate aftermath of the 1852 police inquiry and the effects of the gold rush. The physical presence of these buildings, in the centre of the early Eltham township, defined centralised control over law and order. In the early days the Police Constable in charge would conduct his duties travelling around the district by horse; a stable was located at the rear of the residence. At times the horse would be grazed on the paddocks across the road. Horseshoes were forged by the blacksmith beside the Courthouse on the high side of “Policeman’s Hill”. Along with the stable, there was a two-cell bluestone lockup where prisoners were held awaiting trial in the adjacent Courthouse. Their meals were usually provided by the policeman’s wife or from the hotel just up the road. With the arrival of the railway in 1902 the town centre gradually shifted towards the railway station. The Police Station and operations were moved into the town centre in 1961 to a renovated house in Pryor Street, which was later replaced by the current Police Station. From 1961-1981 the residence was occupied by the Vermin and Noxious Weeds Destruction Section of the Department of Crown Lands and Survey. Prior to August 1967 the former Police Station was dragged to the rear of Police Residence to make way for the construction of a driveway and access from Main Road. The building was placed on the site of a former Scullery and modified for Lands Department use. In 1981 the Shire of Eltham took over management of the former Police Residence in Eltham. It remained unoccupied for a period whilst its future was discussed in Council. It was then used for a community job creation scheme until 1985. In 1985 the Shire of Eltham Parks and Environment occupied the residence. Council improved the driveway but later added a second rear access from Brougham Street due to the dangerous nature of the Main Road entrance. Additionally, a rear toilet facility between the Police Residence and the relocated former Police Station, which was doubling up as a lunchroom. Council also commenced discussions to re-establish a replica Police Station. Around November 1986 the former Police Station was demolished; believed to have been suffering termite damage. About 1989, after some years of discussion, a replica Police Station was built, based on photographs, to act as a lunchroom and meeting room for the Parks and Environment staff and volunteers doing community service. In 1996 Eltham District Historical Society held discussions with Nillumbik Shire Council commissioners throughout the year regarding a home for the Society. A proposal was put forward by the Society in October to occupy the former Police Residence. In March 1997 Eltham District Historical Society gained access to former Police Residence and on July 12, 1998, moved into its Local History Centre. In July 2018, Eltham District Historical Society gained access to the replica Police Station (which had been used as a music library and storage for the Eltham Concert Band) for use as part of regular heritage tours for schools and community-based groups. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p65This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, eltham, main road, eltham district historical society, eltham justice precinct, little eltham, local history centre, police residence, police station

Situated near the top of what was known as 'Policeman's Hill' according to Miss Ivy Reynolds, neice of the photographer, Tom Prior. From the left, Eltham Court House, Police Residence and Police station on Main Road and corner of Brougham Street. These buildings formed part of Little Eltham and still stand (without the front fence) today though the Police Station was demolished in 1986 due to termite damage. A replica was built circa 1989. The institutions of law and order in Colonial Victoria included the police, courts and prisons. The 1852 report of the Snodgrass Select Committee appointed to "identify the policing needs of the colony” noted there existed seven independent police forces that did not co-operate or regularly communicate. Following the committee's report all these police entities were merged into the Victoria Police, founded on 8 January 1853, to implement law and order responsibilities throughout the Colony of Victoria. The Eltham Courthouse (1860) and adjacent Police Residence (1859) formed a justice precinct established in the immediate aftermath of the 1852 police inquiry and the effects of the gold rush. The physical presence of these buildings, in the centre of the early Eltham township, defined centralised control over law and order. In the early days the Police Constable in charge would conduct his duties travelling around the district by horse; a stable was located at the rear of the residence. At times the horse would be grazed on the paddocks across the road. Horseshoes were forged by the blacksmith beside the Courthouse on the high side of “Policeman’s Hill”. Along with the stable, there was a two-cell bluestone lockup where prisoners were held awaiting trial in the adjacent Courthouse. Their meals were usually provided by the policeman’s wife or from the hotel just up the road. With the arrival of the railway in 1902 the town centre gradually shifted towards the railway station. The Police Station and operations were moved into the town centre in 1961 to a renovated house in Pryor Street, which was later replaced by the current Police Station. From 1961-1981 the residence was occupied by the Vermin and Noxious Weeds Destruction Section of the Department of Crown Lands and Survey. Prior to August 1967 the former Police Station was dragged to the rear of Police Residence to make way for the construction of a driveway and access from Main Road. The building was placed on the site of a former Scullery and modified for Lands Department use. In 1981 the Shire of Eltham took over management of the former Police Residence in Eltham. It remained unoccupied for a period whilst its future was discussed in Council. It was then used for a community job creation scheme until 1985. In 1985 the Shire of Eltham Parks and Environment occupied the residence. Council improved the driveway but later added a second rear access from Brougham Street due to the dangerous nature of the Main Road entrance. Additionally, a rear toilet facility between the Police Residence and the relocated former Police Station, which was doubling up as a lunchroom. Council also commenced discussions to re-establish a replica Police Station. Around November 1986 the former Police Station was demolished; believed to have been suffering termite damage. About 1989, after some years of discussion, a replica Police Station was built, based on photographs, to act as a lunchroom and meeting room for the Parks and Environment staff and volunteers doing community service. In 1996 Eltham District Historical Society held discussions with Nillumbik Shire Council commissioners throughout the year regarding a home for the Society. A proposal was put forward by the Society in October to occupy the former Police Residence. In March 1997 Eltham District Historical Society gained access to former Police Residence and on July 12, 1998, moved into its Local History Centre. In July 2018, Eltham District Historical Society gained access to the replica Police Station (which had been used as a music library and storage for the Eltham Concert Band) for use as part of regular heritage tours for schools and community-based groups.This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book,"Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years. The Reynolds family were early settlers in Research. The Reynolds/ Prior collection of photographs were taken by Tom Prior, the maternal uncle of Ivy Reynolds, around 1900 and the 60 photos in the album give a fine overview of many of the landmarks of Research and Eltham over 100 years ago. lvy lived in the family home for many years at 106 Thompson Cres Research. Ivy's father, Ernst Richard Reynolds and grandfather, Richard Reynolds, lived at the same address. Ivy's father Richard worked for Mr. Trail on his property in Research. Reynolds Road is named after the family. Mr Tom Prior (wife Eva) worked at the Melbourne zoo. He was very innovative and made his own camera, using the black cloth hood to exclude the light. The photographs are a reminder of the rural nature of Research and Eltham and its rich heritage.Digital imagechildren, court house, courthouse, eltham, eltham district historical society, eltham justice precinct, little eltham, local history centre, main road, police residence, police station, reynolds prior collection, sepp, shadow, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection

Vassilieff dynamited rock from his own property to build his house. Stonygrad is reminiscent of a grotto and in parts, of a sculpture. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p135 Stonygrad, the home built by Expressionist painter and sculptor Danila Vassilieff, is reminiscent of a grotto and in parts, of a sculpture. Vassilieff, who amongst others influenced painter Sydney Nolan and Albert Tucker, was a member of the artists group the Angry Penguins. He was also a highly regarded art teacher at the nearby Koornong Experimental School and taught at Eltham High School. Art critic Robert Hughes described Vassilieff’s painting as ‘lyrical without social commentary’, and said Vassilieff was ‘the most oddly neglected artist in recent Australian History’. Vassilieff, who was born in 1897 in Russia, had an unusually adventurous life before he settled in Warrandyte. The 12th of 18 children, he lived on a farm in the Don Basin. Vassilieff trained with the Imperial Military Academy at St Petersburg and fought in World War One as an officer in the White Russian Army against the communists. In 1920 he was captured, then escaped from prison, stole a horse and rode bareback 150 miles to the Black Sea, helped at first by Tartar freebooters. He then travelled to India, Shanghai and arrived in Queensland as a refugee in 1923 where he began painting. He and his wife Anisia bought a sugar farm near Ingram, and later he constructed railway lines at Mataranka, in the Northern Territory.4 In 1929 Vassilieff went to Brazil for formal art training from former fellow-officer Dmitri Ismailovich, but he soon left to travel up the Amazon River. He then worked as a sidewalk artist in the West Indies and travelled for two years in England, France and Spain. In 1937 he arrived in Melbourne where he lived until his death in 1958. His first major Australian series was the Carlton streetscapes and from 1951 he sculpted in local hard limestone. Vassilieff rejected all dogma and regarded religious subjects as suitable only for decorative arts. In 1944 he helped defeat a communist attempt to take over the Contemporary Art Society. For a short time, from around 1955, Vassilieff taught at various Victorian schools. The Angry Penguins painted mainly between 1937 and 1947, and included Arthur Boyd, Albert Tucker, Sidney Nolan and Joy Hester. The group formed as they felt isolated from European thought and art (including Surrealism) from which their work was derived. They were also angry at what they considered to be the complacency and insularity of their society. They maintained Australians at first were scarcely aware of the threats of the Wall Street Crash and Hitler and were little interested in the Spanish Civil War. The Angry Penguins also objected to the White Australia Policy. Hughes said although most of the Melbourne Expressionists in the 1940s were unskilled and their work crude in style, they helped jolt Australian painting from its pastoral complacency. Their style influenced nearly every painting produced by significant figurative artists in Melbourne in the 1950s such as Charles Blackman. From 1939 Vassilieff built Stonygrad, mainly with local stone. The house stands at the end of a private road surrounded by trees with the quiet occasionally broken by the sounds of bellbirds. To build his house Vassilieff dynamited rock and cut trees from his own property. The original section of the three-level house is of irregular-shaped pieces of solid stone, exposed inside like the exterior. Vassilieff later built sections with timber and brick. Inside is rustic and cave-like, and several rooms are linked by arched openings with no doors. One undulating wall was carved out of rock from which two sculptured heads protrude. Several ceilings are of rough-hewn logs and the built-in table and bookcase are rough, as is a timber ladder leading to a bedroom. Not for the elderly or unsteady! Yet the general impression in the muted light is beautiful, with artistic originality.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, danila vassilieff, hamilton road, north warrandyte, stonygrad

The Ballarat School of Mines was established in 1870 through the initiatives of the Ballarat Mining Board making it the oldest site of technical education in Australia. The Board was concerned with the shortage of mine managers for the goldfields. Classes began in surveying, mathematics, and chemistry and a decade later they included metallurgy , assaying and geology. With the decline in goldmining the direction of the college changed and broadened, the art School was established and the Ballarat Junior Technical School developed. In 1976, the tertiary sector seperated from the School of Mines and Industries Ballarat to form the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In the 1980s SMB was a Community College of Technical Education and Further Education (TAFE) offering a wide range of vocational, enrichment and preparatory programs. It is continuing the tradition of providing for the educaiton needs of people within the Central Highlands. During the 1970s and 80s it acquired and refurbished old buildings and developed new facilities to keep up with the needs of an expanding curriculum and student population. The era of these annual reports is just before the merger with the University of Ballarat.A number of soft card covered annual report for the Ballarat School of Mines. .1) 12 page black covered report featuring an image of the E.J. Tippett Library. Includes information on death of E.J. Tippett, disability policy, Peter Quinn, Patti McNulty, Bob Feary, Shane Everand, Integration, Fiona Watson, retirement of Robert Morgan, Opening of the carpentry and Joinery Facility in Davey Street, formation of the School of Business and Information Technology, Melissa Bone, opening of the E.J. T. Tippett Learning Resource Centre (Library), Refurbishment of the Administration Building, Food Service Building (Prospects), Court House Theatre, Enrolment centre, Museum, Creche, Women's Trade technical Program, Rural Education Program, Ararat Prison Program, Community Studies Section, Ararat Adult Literacy Group. Literacy Assistance for Undergraduates, Fire training, fitness, open Learning, Training & Employment Group, Awards, Filipino Visitors, oil Seed Research, Brunei, Barometer (gift) for Horticulture, Special Equipment (guillotine and brake press; programmable logic Controller; theodolite: laser lever; Universal testing Machine; Atomic Absorption Spectrophotometer)., organisational Structure. Photos include Ken Flecknoe, Peter Quinn, Patti McNulty, Bob Feary, Shane Everard, Fiona Watson,Linda Bland, Robert Morgan, David McCaughey, E.J. Tippett, Frank Sheehan, Julie Baulch, Jo Reeves, Col McCurry, Jenny Garnham .3) Blue covered book with a photograph of the M.B. John Building taken from Albert Street on the cover. Topics include: Ken Flecknoe, Peter Shiells, Ararat Campus, David Haddow, Kevin Martin, Rendle Hannah, Gary Eason, Geoff Pope, Albert Peart, M.B. John building opened, Hairdressing Salon, Community Centre, Creche, closure of Lydiard Street, Museum, Jenny Levison, Inskill, Small Business Training, Ballarat Eat free Library, Barkly Street, Wormalds Valve Group, Aboriginal Programs, Horticulture Center, Awards, Country fire Authority, tractor Donation, Women's Policy. Special purchases included surveying equipment with data recorder, test rig , CDT MIG welder, compact gas chromatograph with FID and single pen recorder, Olivetti stand-alone word processing unit. Images include Ken Flecknoe. Peter Shiells, John Crowe, Trevor Slater, Brian McLennan, Kerrie Cross, Albert Peart, John Cain, M.B. John, Enrollment Centre, Museum, Jo Watson, Wormalds, Brian Webber, Dianna Nikelson, Ian Aitken, Brendan B, Chez Dichiera, Heather Dixon, Julie Broadbent .4) 1993 - Brown and white soft covered annual review featuring students of the Ballarat School of Mines at work. Bill Gribble, Brian McLennan, Peter Shiells Retirement, Robert C. Lovett, Steven Mendelson, Max Palmer, Jenny Gough, Mary Molloy, Barrie Firth, Colin McCurry, Dora Hormann, Organisation Structure, Brewery Acquisition, Humffray Street Primary School, Grant Street Retaining Wall, Neville Bunning Plaque, VCE Plus, Ballarat Small Business centre, Ararat Prison, Ballarat Showgrounds Rotunda, .6) Green covered annual review with an aerial photograph over Albert Street, Ballarat. Content include Kerrie Cross, Peter Shiells. Kenneth Flecknoe Obituary, Ian Pimblett, Keith Boast, David Nicholson, Max Palmer, Brian Webber, Bob Lovett, Linda Bland, Prospects, Training restaurant, 3BBB, Malcolm Vallance, Aboriginal Programs, Ian Cathie, Koorie Support Unit, Caroline Hogg, 'Trained Men Make Their Own Terms' exhibition at the Gold Museum, Ricky Hains, Stephen Hughes, Jeff White, Dennis Bolster .8) Blue covered review for 1989. The contents include: Kerrie Cross, Peter Shiells, Ann McCaffrey, Kevin Alsop, Mary Molloy, Ross Furness, Robert Lovett, Victoria Street Student Hostel, Hugh Beggs, Ballarat Small Business Centre, Inskill, Ararat Campus, Hospitality and Tourism, Koorie Support Unit, Fiona Warsn, Bruce Staley, Terry Moran, Anthony Wonish, Ivan Deveson, Leo Shannon Memorial Award, Bryan Crebbin, Geoff Howard, R.C.W. Burdett, Jeff White, Ian Harris, Tom Wiseman, Bill Gribble, Allison Kay, Steven Mendelson, Keith Boast. .9) Grey covered book with a coloured photo of the Victoria Street Student Residence. Contents include: Kerry Cross, Peter Shiells, Morgan Bevan John Illuminated address. Jean Phillips, Koorie Support Unit, Andrew Sullivan, Victoria Street Student Residence, Horticulture, Inskill, Tertiary Awareness Project, Adult Education, Ivan Deveson, Brian Howe, Barry Jones, Joan Kirner, Andrew Trigg, Warren Perry, Murrell Rock Collections, Gwyn Hanssen-Piggott, Disability Awareness Day, Sebastopol Borough Logo, Phoebe Rimmer, Russell Jackson, R.J. Young Scholarship, Peter Muir, Founders Day Cake, Morgan John. .11) Black card covered booklet with five images of exteriors of the Ballarat School of Mines. the contents include: Jack Barker, Peter Shiells, Peter Ellyard, Ian Stoney, Terry Moran, Wayne Strong, David Ince, Simone Titheridge, Ian Aitken,Kevin Alsop, Bill Bridges, Clive Carmichael, Bob Feary, Rendle hannah, Roly Parfenovics, Graham Snibson, Kevin Stockdale, Len Wilson, Child Care Centre opening, Student accommodation, Victoria Street, Brewery site. naming buildings, E.J. barker. A.W. Steane K.J. Flecknow, Carpentry and joinery, Inskill, Hospitality, Pottery, ceramics, Founders' Day, Warren Perry, Agreement between Ballarat School of Mines and Ballarat university College, merger, Peter Baldwin, Awards, obituary Lindsay Hillman. Images include: Wayne Strong, David Ince, Simone Titheridge, kerrie Cross, Joan Kirner, Frank Sheehan, Bill Gribble Ros Wilkie, Judi O'Loughlin, Tony Leonard, Gemma Hearnes, Brendan Hill, Joanne Bell, Karl Moon, Stella Savy, Shirley Falkinder, Peter Baldwin, Jack Barker, Michael Ronaldson, David Kemp, Peter Shiells, Margot Healey, Sharon McLennan, Kerrie Firns, Petrena Brookers, Deb Goudappel, Claire Bond, Administration Building Lindsay Hillman. .13 ) Brown covered report with photographic images. Content includes: Pam Merrett. , Peter Shiells, Robert Lovett, Steven Mendelson, Max Palmer, Jenny Gough, Barrie Firth .14) Brown covered report with photographic images. Content includes: .15) Green covered report with photographic images. The blond woman standing on the right looking at a computer screen is Pam Merrett. Content includes: Bill Gribble, Ron Wild, Doug Sarah, Martin Hill, John Kemp, David Manterfield, Leslie Comy, Linette Penhall, Glen Martland. Virginia Fenelon. Michael Bracher, Brewery Building. Child care centre, Prospects Cafe Opening, Horticulture Training Centre, Retaining Wall, The Gordon, University of Ballarat and Ballarat School of Mines affiliation, Geoffrey Blainey, Ararat Community College Memo of understanding, Brian McLennan. 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Daniel O’Connell was born near Cahirciveen, Co. Kerry, on 6 August 1775. His wealthy childless uncle adopted him at an early age and brought him up at Derrynane. He spoke Irish and was interested in the traditional culture of song and story still strong in Kerry at the time. He also understood how the rural mind worked which served him well in later years. In 1791 he was sent to school at St. Omer and Douai and what he saw there of the French Revolution left him with a life-long hatred of violence. He read law at Lincoln’s Inn (1794 -96) and continued his studies in Dublin where he was called to bar in 1798. He had soon built up an enormous practice. The 1798 rising and the terrible butchery that followed it confirmed his horror of violence. While he approved of the principles of the United Irishmen, their call for reform and for Catholic Emancipation, he disagreed with their methods. In 1815 O’Connell criticised harshly the Dublin corporation. O’Connell was challenged to a duel by one member D’Esterre. In the exchange of shots D’Esterre was killed and O’Connell vowed never to fight again. O’Connell was soon drawn into political action. Hopes of Catholic emancipation had been raised by promises given while the act of union was being passed. In 1823, O’Connell founded the Catholic Association. The aim of the organisation was to use all the legal means available to secure emancipation. It turned into a mass crusade with the support of the Catholic clergy. All members of the association paid a membership of a penny a month (the Catholic rent). This helped to raise a large fund. The Clare election in 1828 was a turning point. O’Connell, with the support of the forty-shilling freeholders, managed a huge victory against the government candidate. He was well supported by the clergy whose influence on the poor uneducated peasant class was enormous. The polling took place in Ennis at the old courthouse where the O’Connell monument now stands. At the final count, O’Connell was elected by a majority of about eleven hundred votes. The ascendancy party had suffered its first big knock since 1798. The whole country was aflame. The British Government feared a rising and granted Catholic emancipation in April 1829. The franchise was, however, raised to 10 pounds which excluded the forty-shilling freeholders. O’Connell was now the undisputed leader in Ireland and he gave up his practice at the bar to devote his time entirely to politics. At the King’s insistence, O’Connell was not allowed to take his seat until he had been re-elected for Clare. In February 1830, O’Connell became the first Catholic in modern history to sit in the House of Commons. For the rest of his life, he was supported by “The O’Connell Tribute”, a public collection out of which O’Connell paid all his expenses. O’Connell now decided to concentrate on winning repeal of the act of union and getting an Irish parliament for the Irish people. British political leaders feared repeal as they did not fear emancipation. They saw repeal of the Act of Union as the first step in the break-up of the act of union, as the spirit of the repeal movement was revived when the young Ireland writers wrote about it in the Nation. In 1841, O’Connell was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin and in 1843 the subscriptions to his Repeal Association, the Repeal “Rent” came to 48,400 pounds. He now began to organise monster meetings throughout the country. It is thought that three-quarters of a million people gathered on the hill of Tara to hear the man they called the “Liberator”. The government became alarmed at the strength of the Repeal Movement and a meeting which O’Connell had planned for 8 October 1843 in Clontarf, Dublin was banned. Huge crowds were already on their way when O’Connell called off the meeting to avoid the risk of violence and bloodshed. He was charged with conspiracy, arrested and sentenced to a year in jail and a fine of 2,000 pounds. The sentence was set aside after O’Connell had been three months in prison. When he was released he continued with his campaign for repeal. However, a turning point had been reached. The tactics that had won emancipation had failed. O’Connell was now almost seventy, his health failing and he had no clear plan for future action. There was discontent within the Repeal Association and the Young Irelanders withdrew. There was also some failure in the potato crop in the 1840’s, a sign of things to come in the Great Famine of 1845-1847. Aware of the fact that he had failed with his great goal, (the Repeal Movement), O’Connell left Ireland for the last time in January 1847. He made a touching speech in the House of Commons in which he appealed for aid for his country. In March, acting on the advice of his doctor, he set out to Italy. Following his death in Genoa on 15 May 1847, his body was returned to Ireland and buried in Glasnevin Cemetery. [http://www.clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/people/daniel.htm, accessed 13/12/2013]Portrait of a man known as Daniel O'Connell.ballarat irish, daniel o'connell, o'connell

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Parnell was an Irish nationalist and statesman who led the fight for Irish Home Rule in the 1880s. Charles Stewart Parnell was born on 27 June 1846 in County Wicklow into a family of Anglo-Irish Protestant landowners. He studied at Cambridge University and was elected to parliament in 1875 as a member of the Home Rule League (later re-named by Parnell the Irish Parliamentary Party). His abilities soon became evident. In 1878, Parnell became an active opponent of the Irish land laws, believing their reform should be the first step on the road to Home Rule. In 1879, Parnell was elected president of the newly founded National Land League and the following year he visited the United States to gain both funds and support for land reform. In the 1880 election, he supported the Liberal leader William Gladstone, but when Gladstone's Land Act of 1881 fell short of expectations, he joined the opposition. By now he had become the accepted leader of the Irish nationalist movement. Parnell now encouraged boycott as a means of influencing landlords and land agents, and as a result he was sent to jail and the Land League was suppressed. From Kilmainham prison he called on Irish peasants to stop paying rent. In March 1882, he negotiated an agreement with Gladstone - the Kilmainham Treaty - in which he urged his followers to avoid violence. But this peaceful policy was severely challenged by the murder in May 1882 of two senior British officials in Phoenix Park in Dublin by members of an Irish terrorist group. Parnell condemned the murders. In 1886, Parnell joined with the Liberals to defeat Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Gladstone became prime minister and introduced the first Irish Home Rule Bill. Parnell believed it was flawed but said he was prepared to vote for it. The Bill split the Liberal Party and was defeated in the House of Commons. Gladstone's government fell soon afterwards.(http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/parnell_charles.shtml, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League (Irish: Conradh na Talún) was an Irish political organisation of the late 19th century which sought to help poor tenant farmers. Its primary aim was to abolish landlordism in Ireland and enable tenant farmers to own the land they worked on. The period of the Land League's agitation is known as the Land War. Within decades of the league's foundation, through the efforts of William O'Brien and George Wyndham (a descendant of Lord Edward FitzGerald), the 1902 Land Conference produced the Land (Purchase) Act 1903 which allowed Irish tenant farmers buy out their freeholds with UK government loans over 68 years through the Land Commission (an arrangement that has never been possible in Britain itself). For agricultural labourers, D.D. Sheehan and the Irish Land and Labour Association secured their demands from the Liberal government elected in 1905 to pass the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1906, and the Labourers (Ireland) Act 1911, which paid County Councils to build over 40,000 new rural cottages, each on an acre of land. By 1914, 75% of occupiers were buying out their landlords, mostly under the two Acts. In all, under the pre-UK Land Acts over 316,000 tenants purchased their holdings amounting to 15 million acres (61,000 km2) out of a total of 20 million acres (81,000 km2) in the country. Sometimes the holdings were described as "uneconomic", but the overall sense of social justice was undeniable. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014) The Irish National Land League was founded at the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, the County town of Mayo, on 21 October 1879. At that meeting Charles Stewart Parnell was elected president of the league. Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries. This united practically all the different strands of land agitation and tenant rights movements under a single organisation. The two aims of the Land League, as stated in the resolutions adopted in the meeting, were: ...first, to bring out a reduction of rack-rents; second, to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. That the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years. Charles Stewart Parnell, John Dillon, Michael Davitt, and others including Cal Lynn then went to America to raise funds for the League with spectacular results. Branches were also set up in Scotland, where the Crofters Party imitated the League and secured a reforming Act in 1886. The government had introduced the first ineffective Land Act in 1870, then the equally inadequate Acts of 1880 and 1881 followed. These established a Land Commission that started to reduce some rents. Parnell together with all of his party lieutenants, including Father Eugene Sheehy known as "the Land League priest", went into a bitter verbal offensive and were imprisoned in October 1881 under the Irish Coercion Act in Kilmainham Jail for "sabotaging the Land Act", from where the No-Rent Manifesto was issued, calling for a national tenant farmer rent strike which was partially followed. Although the League discouraged violence, agrarian crimes increased widely. Typically a rent strike would be followed by evictions by the police, or those tenants paying rent would be subject to a local boycott by League members. Where cases went to court, witnesses would change their stories, resulting in an unworkable legal system. This in turn led on to stronger criminal laws being passed that were described by the League as "Coercion Acts". The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views were much more extreme, seeking to nationalise all land, as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland". Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party preferred for tenant farmers to become freeholders on the land they rented, instead of land being vested in "the people".(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irish_National_Land_League, accessed 21 January 2014)Image of bearded man known as Charles Stewart Parnellballarat irish, parnell, charles parnell, home rule

16 issues of the, "Tramway Topics" - "The Official Bulletin of The Melbourne & Metropolitan Tramways Board", issues 50, 51, 53 to 61, issued between August 1947 and October 1948. All printed on cream coloured paper. Headings of significance are listed below. Common items were; Retiring and Death Gratuities, Appointments and Promotions, long service records. 918.1 - 50 - August 1947 - 4 pages - Comment from London, Scalers in Sydney, Brisbane Services, PAYE to go, Newcastle wants to own the trams, Diesels in favour, Fares in London and Melbourne, Something like a deficit, a remarkable record (substations), Work of Testing Department, Accidents are Expensive, and Transport Operations Indicted (National City Lines - USA) 918.2 - 51 - Sept. 1947 - 4 pages - Our SW6 tram, Transport in the US, Conductresses again, How bus costs have risen, Footscray Extensions, Of Course you are good (drivers and driving), How Fares Go, 40-Hour week. 918.3 - 53 - November 1947 - 4 pages - No increase in fares, an unusually interesting tram (Glasgow), alcohol and driving do not mix, pedestrian crossing case, how wages have increased, Russia prefers trams, Sydney's "Honesty" joke, Higher Fares wanted, Tramcars as hearses, an editor on Trolley buses, buses lead - but at a cost (Leicester), the Non paying passenger (Sydney) 918.4 - 54 - December 1947 - 4 pages - Christmas 1947 (Chairman's notes on the future), New Stockholm tram, according to use and wont - Birmingham, Trams in the USA, Board re-appointed, Buses few, so coaches are hired (London), transport from Footscray, "Philadelphians must have the best" - so they are given trams!, The Merri Creek Bridge and appreciations. 918.5 - 55 - March 1948 - 4 pages - That 4/- doubts arising over the 5-day week, Buses carried pick-a-back, Sydney to lose L500,000 this year, Trolleybuses, Rapid transit with PCC trams, another compliment (rosters in Perth), the bill for it all (Melbourne tram strike), an Extraordinary award (Washington DC), Prison tram's last load (Sydney), Douglas horse trams, Lord Ashfield, Glasgow's all night buses. 918.6 -56 - April 1948 - 4 pages - The Board's ambassadors (MMTB Conductors), Brisbane's bus routes, Another deficit in sight (Liverpool UK), Poor Paris, The resilient wheel, the 5-day week rosters, a subway and its costs (Detroit), PCC's in Belgium, South London Trams. 918.7 -57 -May 1948 - 4 pages - Spread of Hours Payment - 5 day week, weak breaks, Buses multiply - losses expand (Manchester UK), Static Electricity, L750,000 deficit in Sydney, praise for conductresses, no purchase by Newcastle, a loss at Adelaide, Transport in Switzerland, Denmark's giant bus, new trams for Glasgow, Grants for sports, single deckers out of favour (UK buses), Transport by Water (London). 918.8 - 58 - June 1948 - 8 pages - Stirring up strife (Melb.) No profit - no sharing (Kansas City), Just why - prices and fares in the US, MMTB staff needs from 5 day week, Section fares in the US, trams at L5,500 each (Sheffield), The unfinished dance (Perth and Hay St.), Thanks from Bristol, Interest in Melbourne trams (letters to the Board), Adelaide's Deficit, Fares up in Sydney and Adelaide, Moscow transport, No trolleybuses thankyou in Belgium, thanks to the Traffic staff, the Late Inspector Boardman, 24,000 irregularities (passengers), Sth London trams, Melbourne's trams amazing, Winnipeg's transport Growth and Standing passengers - London. 918.9 - 59 - July 1948 - 4 pages - The Red Light - RACV and red lights on trams, A request from Argentina,, where our SW6's are, the last 5c fare (New York), Work in the Fog, Traffic headaches in the US, Brisbane's Streamlined tram, Safety glass, Now for La Trobe St. The Tramways Band (South St.), Transport Losses in Sydney. 918.10 - 60 - August 1948 - 4 pages - from Pretoria (Comments on Melbourne), Buses with sliding Doors (OPS1), PCC trams, trams of the future (Glasgow), new trams in Rome, Clearing up the Parking Problem (Sacramento), Fantastic figures - world tram car figures - anti tram, Trainer Drivers, the railway trams and disaster to Liverpool trams, Monte Video trams purchased. 918.11 - 61 - September 1948 - 4 pages - The Year's Work (Melbourne), How Absurd (transport management), items from Britain, Tramway Band News, Food from Melbourne (to Scotland floods), London's Extraordinary traffic, New trams for The Hague, who are the road hogs, the La Trobe St. extension, out clothing factory, Preston Workshops, Toil on the tracks, how the money comes in (fares distribution). 918.12 - 62 - October 1948 - 4 pages - Melbourne's tram fares, Bourke St., Sydney's Street Transport, Scientist or Baker (London), Trolleybuses out of favour, London's poor bus fleet, tram and bus fares, The band at Wattle Park, Madras tramway deal, 121 decide for 6000 (Sydney Sunday trams), Preston workshops, A Engineer's tribute, Was the Street Quiz on trams faked? (The Sun). 918.3 - No. 31 - September 1945 - Year in review - trams more reliable than buses, loss on buses to munitions and Fisherman's bend, ticket checking, Hawthorn clothing factory SW6 trams construction, news from cities in Europe, sub-stations. 918.14 - 64 - September 1949 - higher operating expenses and revenue, school children behaviour, headway recording system - communication issues, golf at Wattle Park, Mr Bell lives in Riversdale Rd. 918.15 - 67 - December 1949 - Record Payment to Consolidated Revenue, payment to MFB etc, flat fares, Latrobe St extension - delayed, fare concessions - who pays, 918.16 - 68 - January 1950 - Bourke St conversion - Risson looking for an early start, fitting of radios to MMTB vehicles, Resilient wheels 918.4 - on top edge in pencil is "Mr Russell", and 918.10 ditto.trams, tramways, mmtb, melbourne, tramways

Water is key to a thriving community and it is through the representation of water Flow enlivens the space at Bakery Hill. Historically ‘water races’ ran through the valleys of the Greater Ballarat area unearthing the minerals that forged prosperity and wealth. This water still flows today unearthing new possibilities for the community. Possibilities focusing on sustainability, ecology, health and prosperity. Flowing over the site a series of kinetic turbines flutter in the wind creating a contemporary water race. The interactive elements offer visual stimulation enticing people to connect with the artwork and in turn the surrounding spaces. Bakery Hill has great historical significance. It’s connection to the Eureka Stockade and the series of events that were to unfold during the 1850’s was to become the turning point in Australian political history. The placement of each turbine is to mirror a point of history in the timeline of events that occurred during the Eureka Stockade. The Water Race is a symbol of possibilities, the ones created by history and those of modern society. It is a visual timeline that can be read by traversing the site. The connecting turbines that flow and turn in sync are a representation of time passing and the interconnectedness of history with the community that surrounds it. The gateway to Bridge Mall is framed through the placement of each turbine allowing the sense of prosperity and wealth to flow through to the surrounding community. This gateway also references the significance of Bakery Hill reinvigorating the historical site by reconnecting it back to its town centre. The artwork is of aesthetic and historical significance to the people of BallaratTwelve steel turbines set on poles with dates attached and a large bronze 'timeline' plaqueFLOW/ Plotting the motion of Wind, Water, History and Time/ by Holly Grace and Aaron Robinson/ This site has great historical significance. It’s connection to the Eureka Stockade and the series of events that unfolded in the 1850’s was to become the turning point in Australian history. The placement of each turbine within this artwork mirrors a point of history in the events that led up to the Eureka Stockade. It is a visual timeline that can be read by traversing the site. The connecting turbines that flow and turn in sync are a representation of time passing. They are a symbol of the community’s connection to their history. 1851 June James Esmond makes the first discovery of gold in Victoria at Clunes./ 1st July The Port Phillip District separates from New South Wales and becomes the Colony of Victoria. It is still subject to British rule./ August Gold is discovered at Buninyong and at Golden Point, Ballarat. Lt-Governor La Trobe introduces the Gold Licence system in an attempt to reduce the colony’s debt./ 20th September First gold licences issued in Ballarat. / 1852 August/ Eureka Lead discovered on the Ballarat goldfields. December Charles La Trobe resigns as Lt-Governor but he is not relieved until 1854/ July – December/ Unrest builds on the various goldfields with protest meetings held in Bendigo and Castlemaine. Bendigo’s Red Ribbon Movement is active on the goldfields and the Bendigo Petition is presented to Lt-Governor./ December/ Charles Hotham is appointed Lt-Governor/ 1854 March/ A bill to extend the Elective Franchise is passed by the Legislative Council and sent to London for the assent of the British Parliament. 22nd June/ Lt-Governor Sir Charles Hotham arrives in Victoria. The colony faces mounting debt and Hotham orders weekly licence hunts in an attempt to increase income./ August/ Hotham is acclaimed during his visit to the Ballarat goldfield./ 13th September? Hotham orders twice-weekly licence hunts to further increase revenue./ September – October/ Miners are experiencing problems – no shafts bottomed on the Eureka Lead for five weeks./ 7th October/ James Scobie is murdered outside the Eureka Hotel. Many diggers believe that publican James Bentley is responsible./ 9th October/ At Scobie’s inquest, Bentley is acquitted, despite strong evidence of his guilt./ 10th October/ Father Smythe’s servant is beaten up by authorities and falsely arrested for not holding a licence./ 15th October/ Mass meeting of miners on Bakery Hill. Catholic miners meet after Mass. // 17th October/ A meeting of up to 10,000 Diggers is held near the Eureka Hotel to protest against Bentley’s acquittal. The meeting results in the burning of the hotel. Three diggers, Westerby, Fletcher and McIntyre, are arrested. Hotham dispatches 400 soldiers to Ballarat. 22nd October/ Another large meeting is held to address grievances. The Catholics send their leaders, Hayes, Kennedy and Manning to meet Rede. The Government Camp is under siege 11th November/ A public meeting on Bakery Hill results in the formal establishment of the Ballarat Reform League and adoption of the League’s proposals./ 21st November/ The enquiry into the Bentley affair is published. It recommends the dismissal of the judge and the establishment of a Royal Commission. 23rd November/ Westerby, Fletcher and McIntyre are convicted of burning the hotel. The Ballarat Reform League demands their release. 27th November/ A deputation from The Ballarat Reform League, including Humffray, Black and Kennedy, meet with Hotham to demand the release of the three prisoners. Hotham does not believe the diggers have the right to “demand anything”, Rede requests reinforcements in Ballarat. 28th November/ Miners attack the troop reinforcements and wagons passing near the Eureka diggings. A drummer boy is seriously wounded. 29th November/ A “Monster Meeting” attended by more than 10,000 diggers is held on Bakery Hill. The Southern Cross flag is flown for the first time. Peter Lalor addresses the miners and a number of diggers burn their licences. 30th November/ A licence hunt occurs in the morning at the order of Commissioner Rede. Another meeting of radical miners is held on Bakery Hill. Peter Lalor becomes leader of the diggers and calls for volunteers. Many diggers wear an oath to defend their rights and liberties under the Southern Cross flag. A number of diggers move to the Eureka Lead and start to erect a stockade. 3rd December In the early hours of Sunday morning 296 soldiers and police led by Captain Thomas proceed from the Government Camp to the Eureka Lead and attack the Stockade. 22 diggers and 7 military are officially listed as being killed. Many others are wounded. Approximately 120 diggers are arrested and marched to the Government Camp. 4th December/ Funeral of some of the fallen diggers and soldiers. Martial Law is proclaimed in Ballarat. Henry Seekamp, editor of the Ballarat Times is charged with seditious libel. 6th December/ Major General Sir Robert Nickle, commander-in-chief of the military forces in the Australian colonies, arrives in Ballarat. 9th December/ General Nickle repeals martial law. 14th December/ The Gold Fields Commission sits for the first time. 18th December/ The first Ballarat sitting of the Gold Fields Commission is held at Bath’s Hotel. 1855 23rd January/ Henry Seekamp is found guilt of sedition and sentenced to three months in prison. 22nd February/ The Eureka trials starts in Melbourne. February to March/ 13 prisoners are tried and acquitted amid great public rejoicing. 27th March Report of the Royal Commission recommends miners’ rights and significant reforms. 10th November/ Peter Lalor and John Basson Humffray are nominated for seats in the legislative Council. 31st December Sir Charles Hotham dies before his resignation takes effect. flow, aaron robinson, holly grace, public art, eureka stockade, bakery hill

Thursday, December 15, 1949, the quiet little bank was embroiled in an infamous wild shoot-out between a daring thief and two bank officers. Today, the building still carries the scars ; a bullet hole remains visible in a cedar bench testifying to the events that played out that day. 3.30 a.m., Friday, December 9. The manager of the Commercial Bank branch at Greensborough, Mr Harry Wallace and his wife are asleep in their bedroom of the little house behind the branch. Harry is awakened by a noise and sees an intruder in a corner of the bedroom. He calls out but the intruder who has switched off the power in anticipation flees through a side door and scarpers down Main Street. Harry summons the police but a search by First Constable Thomas of the Greensborough Police assisted by a wireless patrol car is unsuccessful. A report is filed noting the theft of a .25 calibre pistol from the wardrobe. Thursday, December 15th. It is 1pm and the Commercial Bank has just opened. The branch is only open Mondays and Thursdays from 1-3pm. The morning started off a little cool with some scattered showers but it has fined up and the temperature is now around 61 degrees (16 C). A new grey Singer sports car with soft-top pulls up on the opposite side of the road and a young man, neatly dressed in a dark blue suit, wearing a grey hat and carrying a brief case exits the vehicle. He looks around then crosses the road and walks up the steps and through the door into the bank. There are three people inside; Mr. Jack Burgoyne whose grocery store is situated just 50 yards up the road, Mr. Lindsay A. Spears, the Eltham Agency Receiving Officer and by chance, Mr Harry Wallace, manager of the Greensborough branch. Jack Burgoyne takes note of the young stranger; thinking to himself he appears nervous. The man approaches the counter and introduces himself as John Henderson of Greensborough and explains that he wishes to open a new account. He places his hat and £3 on the counter. Mr Spears attends to the paperwork. He asks the young man to sign two forms, which he does but then he withdraws from the counter and starts walking towards the door. Suddenly he spins around pulling an automatic pistol from his right-hand pocket. He exclaims forcefully; “The game’s on! I’ll take the lot!” Spears appears to comply by pretending to open a drawer. The man shouts loudly, “Keep your hand away from that drawer.” Spears instead reaches for a pistol in his pocket and challenges the man, “Here it is. Come and get it!” At the same time, Harry Wallace pulls a pistol from his pocket as well. The bandit fires a shot but misses, the bullet striking the counter. Both Spears and Wallace open fire and Jack Burgoyne ducks for cover. As the bandit turns and runs for the door leaving his £3 behind, he fires another shot, which strikes the ceiling. Spears fires back, and thinks he may have hit him in the foot. The bandit flees the bank and heads for the grey Singer car, registration NO-106, parked opposite. Wallace and Spears pursue him to the door and open fire again, striking the car three times around the driver’s door. Spears lets off eight shots and Wallace, seven before his gun jams. The getaway car initially heads slowly down Main Road towards Bridge Street. About 100 yards down the road, Dave Adams, a PMG employee, who has heard the shots, throws a steel manhole step at the driver. It hits the roof of the car nine inches above the driver’s head and tears the hood. Another witness claims to have seen the door blow open and the driver raise his hand. The car gathers speed and swings left into Bridge Street racing along at about 60 miles an hour careering recklessly past council employee, Mr. Percy Williams, who is driving a dray along Smarts Road [believed to be Bridge Street]. At the end of the road the Singer fails to get round the sharp turn and crashes into an embankment skidding to a stop outside the home of Mr John Clifford. One side of the car is wrecked. Mr Clifford, an aircraft engineer hears the fast travelling car bump heavily into the road bank at about 1.25 p.m. Hearing the whine of an engine he goes outside to find the grey Singer parked at the side of the road. Jack George also lives at the corner and hears the car crash. “The bandit opened the car door, ran 50 yards, and suddenly turned back,” exclaims Jack. “He took something from the car. It might have been a gun.” In his haste, the bandit drops his grey felt hat, size 6 7/8, on the road and dashes up Sherbourne Road for about 200 yards then disappears into the scrub carrying a brief case and a bundle in which a sailor’s cap can be seen. About 3 p.m., Mr H.D. Pettie of Mountain View Road, Montmorency is looking through his field glasses and notices a young man walking through thick scrub on private property some distance from his house. The man is wearing a sailor’s cap and disappears along the railway track toward Montmorency. As the day progresses, ten police cars, one motor cycle, and about 40 police led by Det. Sgt. McMennemin of Malvern CIB are searching for him. They believe he is hiding in thick scrub along the bank of the creek about half-a-mile outside Eltham township. Wireless patrol cars, four mobile traffic cars and the CIB area cars from Malvern and Kew are taking part. Police check the thief’s car and discover it was stolen from Helen Baxter, of Doncaster Road, North Balwyn from outside Victoria Barracks. Harry Wallace informs the police that he believes he recognised the bandit as the man who took his pistol from his bedroom the previous Friday morning. As night falls, armed police are posted at strategic points in the Eltham-Greensborough district. Police in cars are watching the roads. Others are searching the bush and checking passengers on trains. Little do they realise the young man has already slipped out of the net. SEQUEL YOUTH OF 19 CHARGED WITH ATTEMPTED ARMED ROBBERY OF BANK AT ELTHAM Weekly Times, Wednesday 15 February 1950, page 6 Detectives who raided a house in Bell St., Coburg, Melbourne, charged a 19-year-old youth, of South Yarra, with attempted armed robbery at the Commercial Bank’s Eltham (Vic.) receiving depot on Dec. 15. Police say they recovered a loaded automatic pistol, diamond and signet rings worth more than £200, a complete set of house-breaking instruments, a sailor’s uniform, and chloroform gauze in the raid. The youth was charged that while armed with an offensive weapon, he attempted to rob Lindsay George Spears of a sum of money. He was further charged on six counts of breaking, entering and stealing. Police allege that the person who tried to hold up Mr Spears in the Commercial Bank receiving depot at Eltham on December 15. escaped in a stolen car, after Mr Spears and Mr Henry Wallace, manager of the bank’s Greensborough branch, had fired at him. After the car crashed, he escaped into thick scrub and is alleged to have changed into a sailor’s uniform. On December 9 an automatic pistol was stolen from Mr Wallace’s bedroom at the Greensborough bank. The chloroform pad recovered is alleged to have been stolen from the Dental Supply Company, Plenty Road, Preston. The rings are alleged to have been taken in a £513 burglary from the shop of James Paton. Sydney Road, Coburg. Det. Sgt. H. McMennemin conducted the investigations with Senior Dets. R. Newton and M Downie, Detectives l. Dent, R. Rayner, P. Pedersen and M. Handley and First Constable A. Thomas. The youth will appear at Eltham Court on February 22. Manager’s Gun Used in Holdup at Bank The Age, Thursday 23 February 1950, page 4 It was stated in Eltham court yesterday that a youth who robbed a bank manager of his pistol, later used it in an attempt to hold-up the bank. Kay Arthur Morgan, 19, draftsman, of Castle-street, South Yarra, was committed for trial on charges of breaking and entering, and stealing a pistol and attempted robbery while armed with an offensive weapon. He pleaded guilty. The manager of Eltham branch of the Commercial Bank of Australia Ltd., Henry Clifton Cabot Wallace, said he disturbed someone in the bedroom, in which he and his wife were sleeping, at 3 a.m. on December. 9, 1949. Later he found that his automatic- pistol was missing. On December 15 a youth, who said his name was John Henderson, entered the bank and opened a new account. As the youth was leaving the bank he turned round with a pistol in his hand and said: — “I want the lot.” Spear indicated a drawer under the counter; and said.— “Here it is. Come and get it.” The youth said:— “Keep your hand away from that drawer.” Witness said Spear then drew his pistol from his hip pocket. The youth fired at them, and Spear returned the fire. “I pulled my pistol and fired, too” said witness. The youth fired again, ran out to a car and drove off. Witness and Spear fired several shots at the car. The youth was the accused Morgan, sitting in court, witness said. Evidence was given that one bullet was found in the celling and the other in the bank. Morgan was allowed £100 bail on each charge. Morgan ended up serving three years for the failed armed robbery and became a notorious criminal. He had twin sons, Peter and Doug and even though only ten years old, Morgan would get his sons to act as lookouts whilst he committed burglaries. The lads became building contractors but when the industry suffered a downturn in 1977 and they were short on cash, they returned to the family business. Over the following 23 months they undertook 24 raids on country and outer-suburban TABs and banks. Whilst robbing one country bank for the third time, just like their father, it all went wrong ending up with a police officer shot. They were nick-named the “After-dark” bandits and are considered to be Australia’s last bushrangers. They were convicted and served 17 years in prison.5 x A4 photocopied pagesbank hold-up, cba bank, det sgt mcmennemin, eltham, h.d. pettie, harry wallace, jack burgoyne, kay arthur morgan, lindsay a. spears, main road

Centred over present day Reynolds Road and Mount Pleasant Road, Eltham (including Diosma Rd, Stokes Pl, Nyora Rd and Eucalyptus Rd) Historic Aerial Imagery Source: Landata.vic.gov.au Aerial Photo Details: Project No :1931 Project : MALDON PRISON Run : 21 Frame : 3160 Date : 11/1931 Film Type : B/W Camera : F8 Flying Height : 11000 Scale : 18860 Film Number : 60 GDA2020 : 37°43'31"S, 145°10'20"E MGA2020 : 338912, 5823086 (55) Melways : 22 E8 (ed. 42) A History of the Development of Crown Allotment 15, Section 5, Parish of Nillumbik – Stokes Orchard Crown Allotment 15, Section 5, Parish of Nillumbik (CA15) is a square allotment of 158 acres or approximately a quarter of a square mile. It lies just beyond the eastern end of Pitt Street, south of Nyora Road to the northern end of Eucalyptus Road and extends east from Eucalyptus Road to Reynolds Road. The topography of CA15 is generally steep, sloping up to a hill near the centre of the land, the ridgeline passing through the properties along the southern side of Diosma Road. Eucalyptus Road is a straight north-south road with its northern end at the north west corner of CA15. Until the end of the 1970s this road was an un-named Government Road and was largely not open to traffic. With residential development in the 1970s the road was constructed, and the council allocated the name obviously in recognition of the predominant species of the local bushland. CA15 was purchased from the Crown by George D’Arley Boursiquot, a prominent Melbourne printer, on 28th October 1852. On November 23, 1922, former Member for Gippsland and Melbourne Real Estate Agent, Hubert Patrick Keogh purchased the allotment then sold it March 13, 1925, to local farmer, Robert David Taylor, a former Shire of Eltham Councillor (1911-1920) and Shire President (1919). Taylor had extensive land holdings stretching west towards Bible Street and Main Road. The Taylor home was situated at the top of the hill in Bible Street at present day 82 Bible Street. At the time of Taylor’s purchase in 1925, CA15 was subdivided into 48 lots that could be described as small rural properties or large residential lots. A typical lot size was one hectare or 2.5 acres. The subdivision created two roads, Nyora Road, and Diosma Road, each following an irregular alignment between Eucalyptus and Reynolds Roads. However, the lots were not sold off separately nor were the roads constructed. The land effectively remained as one parcel for many further years. Robert David Taylor died November 30, 1934, and probate was granted to his son of the same name, Robert David Taylor of Bible Street, Salesman and William McLelland Vance Taylor of 73 Emmeline Street, Northcote, Clerk, with the transfer of the land into their names on July 8, 1935. Frank Stokes worked as a qualified accountant at Kennons leather factory in Burnley, while living at 1 Thomas Street, Mitcham. He suffered from migraines and wanted to return to working the land (he had previously worked on farms and orchards since coming to Australia from England in 1926, both in WA and Vic.). He first travelled to the district by train in July 1942 to find land with the intention to establish an orchard. By chance he met Arthur Bird of Bird Orchard (bounded by Pitt Street, Eucalyptus Road, and Wattle Grove) and they got talking over their common interest. Arthur put Frank up for the night and pointed out the land, 158 acres- part of the Taylor Estate- £900, Crown Allotment 15, Section 5, Parish of Nillumbik (CA15) somewhat diagonally opposite Bird Orchard. Stokes applied through the Riverina Agency to purchase the land who in turn applied for permission from Canberra to sell as there was a new government regulation introduced during the Second World War banning land sales except for immediate production. Stokes obtained a loan on his Mitcham house of £600 @ 5% and paid £450 deposit with quarterly payments of £15 spread over 5 years. Stokes was assisted and advised by Arthur Bird who farmed the neighbouring orchard. In early 1943 Stokes took possession and would catch the train out to Eltham on Fridays after work and began building a hut on the corner of Nyora Road and the Government Road (Eucalyptus Road) for shelter and to lock up tools. He established an orchard on the central western part of the land through the centre of which ran a natural waterway (part of the present-day linear park) and was able to pay a neighbour (Hawkins) to help with clearing and fencing 25 acres, and with a horse and single furrowed plough, planted approximately 2,500 fruit trees - cherries, peaches, plums, almonds, pears, apricots and lemons as well as a few apples and oranges; a massive task. Aerial photographs from the 1940s through to the 1990s clearly show the orchard with most of the larger CA15 site remaining as natural bushland. A huge problem was hares and rabbits eating all the new buds off the tiny trees. As well as laying poison he painted the trees with a mixture of cow manure and lime, often working by moonlight. Procurement of wire and wire netting was difficult because of the war but after much effort he obtained a permit from the Agricultural Department for supplies in March 1944. In February 1945 Stokes applied for a permit to build a “packing shed” as no house building was allowed. It was to be 33 feet x 21 feet and cost £312. It was constructed mostly from second-hand materials, which were hard to obtain, especially iron for roofing. Stokes finished work at Kennons on October 31, 1945, and in March 1946 he sold the family home at Mitcham for £1,230 plus £170 for furniture. On May 15, 1946, title to the CA15 property was issued to Frank Howard Alfred Stokes, Orchardist and Gladys Ethel Stokes, Married Woman, both of Pitt Street, Eltham. The family of five then moved into the very unfinished “packing shed” at Eltham, which was a struggle to weatherproof. Eventually rooms were divided off and lined with hessian bags and whitewashed. Their income was firewood (cut and sold), selling rockery stones and cut Sweet Bursaria. (It was discovered during the 1940s that Sweet Bursaria contained the sunscreen compound Aesculin. The RAAF utilised this compound from Sweet Bursaria during WW2 for pilots and gunners.) The orchard’s first fruit sale was a half-case of Le Vanq peaches in December 1947 for the price of 8 shillings. In 1956 plans for house were drawn and Glen Iris bricks purchased (1956 Olympic Rings variant). The building of the house commenced in 1957 - 12 feet of original packing shed was removed – and was completed in 1959. Water was connected from newly built pressure storage on the property at the end of 1959 and the electricity connection for the first time at 3pm on April 29, 1960. The house remains to present day (somewhat modified) at 1 Nyora Road, home to Nyora Studio Gallery. On occasions, spare remnants of the 1956 bricks have been known to be unearthed in gardens on the estate as they were utilised by Frank Stokes to fill in rabbit holes. On May 26, 1950, a parcel of land was compulsorily acquired by the Melbourne and Metropolitan Board of Works on the hilltop to establish an easement for a high-level service reservoir to augment Eltham’s water supply. The project also included pipe tracks for the necessary water mains. The reservoir has now been superseded by higher level water tanks east of Reynolds Road and its former site is now a public reserve. On November 27, 1964, the State Electricity Commission served notice to compulsorily acquire a further parcel through the eastern part of the land for a major electricity transmission line that augmented supply from the La Trobe Valley to Melbourne. The easement was registered February 11, 1966. The easement was widened July 18, 1969 for a second transmission line to be constructed. In 1971 Melbourne Metropolitan Planning Scheme amendments adopted Nyora Road as the boundary between a residential zone to the north and a rural zone to the south. This determined the future development of the land. In the mid-1970s the Shire of Eltham divided the orchard into numerous rate-able parcel lots, the 48 lots having been established in 1925 and the subsequent rates assessment proved unsustainable for Stokes. He commenced selling lots outside the boundary of the orchard, north of Diosma and South of Nyora. However shortly later the land between Nyora and Diosma Roads and west of the electricity easement was sold and subdivided into residential lots, a housing development by Macquarie Builders and marketed as the Stokes Orchard Estate. New streets were created, and most were named after trees, although one, Stokes Place, commemorates the former owners. The development was undertaken in two stages; Stage 1 (1975) encompassing Scarlet Ash Court, Ironbark Close and Peppermint Grove bounded by Nyora and Eucalyptus roads and Stage 2 (1978) encompassing Stokes Place, Orchard Way, The Crest and The Lookout bound by Nyora and Diosma roads. The developer, Macquarie Builders went bankrupt shortly after the release of Stage 2 leaving many purchasers to fend for themselves and arrange for their own independent builders. There were also difficulties with sewerage for the land immediately south of Diosma Road and so the conventional residential lots were abandoned in favour of larger lots. The development of Orchard Way, The Crest and The Lookout did not proceed as planned and the proposed lots were incorporated into five-acre parcels instead. These included a low-density group housing development by the Graves family and the award winning Choong House (1983) with Gordon Ford developed garden immediately next door situated on the ridge of the hill nestled amongst the original bush, Eucalypt trees and Sweet Bursaria. In 1994, Nillumbik Shire Council applied Significant Environment and Significant Landscape overlays upon the properties on the south side of Diosma Road to ensure protection of this natural bush garden environment. With the arrival of the sewer along Diosma Road in the 1990s, most of these five-acre parcels have since been subdivided multiple times. The Choong house presently sits on a 2.7-acre property, which in 2022 Nillumbik Council nominated for Cultural Significance Heritage protection and is considered potentially significant at State level. The Stokes family were also associated with the Eltham Christian Church. In the 1970s this church had met in temporary premises in Eltham. Lots of the original 1925 subdivision remained south of Nyora Road and a number of these lots were utilized for the Eltham Christian School, which was established by the Eltham Christian Church in 1981. The school operated on this site until 2000. The premises are now used by The Vine Baptist Church. By the mid-1980s the whole of CA15 had been developed for residential and school purposes, except for the sections north of Diosma Road and between the transmission lines and Reynolds Road. Sewerage issues had been resolved for the section north of Diosma Road and in 1987 it was in the process of being subdivided into residential lots. The development coincided with the discovery of colonies of the rare and endangered Eltham Copper Butterfly on the site. This resulted in a community and political campaign to save the butterfly habitat. With the co-operation of the land developer the subdivision was altered to create two bushland reserves in the critical butterfly habitat areas. In the late 1980s the State Government was investigating options for establishing a metropolitan ring road link between Diamond Creek and Ringwood. The chosen route was adjacent to Reynolds Road and so this created a freeze on development of CA15 between Reynolds Road and the electricity easement. The ring road proposal was eventually abandoned, and this part of the land was subdivided into low density residential lots. Diosma Road has been discontinued at the electricity easement and the eastern part incorporated into View Mount Court with access from Reynolds Road. The whole of CA15 has now been developed for residential or associated purposes, ranging from conventional density to quite low density south of Nyora Road. Some remnants of the orchard remain, a few cherry trees on the Graves property and a lone apple tree in Stokes Place. The butterfly reserves comprise significant areas of remnant bushland. Linear reserves through the estate link with central Eltham via the Woodridge linear reserve and with Research along the electricity easement. CA15 as it exists today has a complicated history of rural use, Government acquisition, urban development, and community action. References: • “Stokes Orchard, an incomplete history”; Russell Yeoman with Doug Orford • Correspondence, Beryl Bradbury (nee Stokes) • Aerial Photographs, 1931-1991, Landata (landata.vic.gov.au) • Certificate of Title, Vol. 4930 Fol. 985900 • Plan Number LP 10859 aerial photo, diosma road, eltham copper butterfly, eucalyptus road, ironbark close, nyora road, peppermint grove, peter & elizabeth pidgeon collection, power transmission lines, reynolds road, scarlet ash court, stokes orchard estate, stokes place, woodridge estate, frank stokes