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Sunshine and District Historical Society Incorporated
SPECIAL AWARD to No 1 FORGE O.F.M, 4th LIBERTY LOAN (1943), Probably around Circa 1943-1944
O.F.M. was the ORDNANCE FACTORY MARIBYRNONG. Up to the end of June 1943 and at a time when the wages were about £5 ($10) to £6 ($12) per week Australia had spent £1,106,000,000 (£156 per head) on the war effort. A lot of the money was spent at home in making war necessities such as armaments, munitions, boots, clothing, and in providing special training. Significant increases in numbers occurred in the personnel employed in the fighting services, and also in the work force involved in the war effort. During the financial year 1942-1943 the war cost Australia £561,743,000 (over a billion dollars), while the Income Tax raised from individuals totalled only 16.5% of this amount. To finance the war the Australian government had previously borrowed money from the public, and from institutions such as the savings banks, friendly societies, and life assurance societies, by running three successfully subscribed Liberty Loans. The institutions had contributed considerably more money to these Liberty Loans than the public, however it can be argued that the public members of these institutions had also contributed some money indirectly. The 4th Liberty Loan which opened on 5 October 1943 and closed on 9 November 1943 was intended to raise £125,000,000, with the government aiming for 750,000 subscribers. Bonds costing £10 each could be bought on a time payment scheme. A total of £126,408,000 was raised at two different interest rates and maturity dates, however the number of subscribers had only reached 567,533. Some newspaper reports of the time indicate that the low number of subscribers was a partial failure of the loan, because spare money in the community could lead to inflation at a time when goods were in short supply. The government set target quotas on how much money should ideally be raised in a particular district, and how many subscribers should ideally take part. Often these quotas proved to be excessive. The Special Red Pennant Award as given to the No 1 FORGE O.F.M. was normally for achieving the highest per capita contribution within each particular group. What is unknown at this stage is what other entities were in the same group, or how large the group was. There were other variations of the awards such as those given to country districts, where a star was placed on the left hand corner of the pennant if the money quota was reached, while two or three stars indicated that the quota was doubled or tripled. A bar was also included on the pennant if the quota of subscribers was achieved, while two bars indicated double the quota of subscribers. The above information was sourced from Trove newspaper articles at: (1) http://nla.gov.au.nla.news-article70439716, (2) http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article141292541, (3) http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11797265, (4) http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11788072, and from (5) http://static.awm.gov.au/images/collection/pdf/RCDIG1070158--1-.PDF (see page 580).This framed award has significance in that it serves as a historic reminder that the No 1 Forge O.F.M. and the Ordnance Factory Maribyrnong once existed within the Shire of Braybrook, and later the City of Sunshine, and that it was involved in the manufacture of ordnance for World War 2. It also serves as a historic reminder that it costs a huge amount of money for a country to be involved in a major war, and that a big contribution is required from the public to raise money and to produce goods for the war effort.Permanently sealed brown stained wood frame with a glass face. Enclosed behind the glossy glass is a triangular shaped pennant made of red felt material. The red colour appears to be somewhat faded. The inscriptions and markings on the pennant are in blue, gold, and white coloured inks.The AUSTRALIAN COAT OF ARMS diagram plus the following writing: SPECIAL AWARD / 4th LIBERTY LOAN / Oct.-Nov. 1943 / No 1 FORGE O.F.M.4th liberty loan, special award, ordnance factory maribyrnong, no 1 forge o.f.m., oct - nov 1943, red pennant -
Melton City Libraries
Newspaper, Crosses lay out pledge to remember, 2015
"The outbreak of World War I in August 1914 had an immediate impact on communities across Australia, and it was no different in Melton. Young men began enlisting immediately, and Australia’s initial offer of 20,000 troops was soon exceeded by Victorian enlistments alone. Over the four years of the war, approximately 114,000 Victorians enlisted and around 91,000 servicemen and women were sent overseas. They came not just from Melbourne, but from all over the state; from farms, small towns and suburban areas. They included locals, newly arrived migrants and Indigenous people. The Australian home front was a hive of activity throughout the war, and the Melton community played its part. Following the announcement that Australia was joining the war with Great Britain and its allies on 5 August 1914, the Melton community lost no time in launching into action. A meeting ‘to assist the Red Cross fund’ was held in the Melton Mechanics’ Institute hall on 18 August – just days after the outbreak of the war. Collectors were appointed for each corner of the shire and individual donations were made. A Melton branch of the Australian Red Cross Society was formed in June 1915 and focused its energies on raising funds to purchase material that was used to make clothes for sick and wounded soldiers. A depot was established in Melton to collect clothing and other ‘comfort’ items for the soldiers – including reading material, tobacco, linen, canned foods and soap – and to coordinate the branch’s work and activities. Local cab driver Percival Stubbs volunteered to transport all the packages to the Melton railway station, until he enlisted and departed for the front in 1916. Such were the numbers of people getting involved that branches were also established in Toolern Vale and Rockbank. Regular community events were held to farewell soldiers who were leaving on active service and to welcome those who returned home. Gunner Robert (Bob) Wynne, whose uncle’s family ran the general store in Toolern Vale, was presented with a pair of field glasses (binoculars), a gold watch, inscribed locket and autographed letter by the Toolern Vale community before he set sail for the front in 1916. His mother noted that he ‘sailed away in good spirits with a smile till out of sight’. From June 1915 to June 1919, the Melton Red Cross branch donated 2,156 pairs of socks, 1,357 shirts, 425 kit bags, 251 pillowslips, 224 towels and 121 pairs of pajamas. Countless fundraising events were held, including jumble fairs, concerts and gift evenings. Local schools also encouraged students to contribute through fund-raising and making and collecting comforts for the soldiers. People across the country engaged in similar activities, but Victoria’s rural communities found unique ways of contributing. In Melton, people were encouraged to send rabbits and hares ‘in good condition’ to an exporter in Spencer Street, for export to Belgium ‘for the relief of those suffering". Special Anzac Memorial article featured in the Star Weeklylocal identities, war -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Hong Kong Street Flyer by an unknown artist, 2019, 06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, A thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Seven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai, 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Crowds Gather on June 16 on the Streets of Causeway Bay, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour Photograph, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Geelong Football Club
Geelong Cats Print 1990s players Sholl, Brad: Snell, Jason: Kilpatrick, Glenn: Hocking, Garry: Pickering, Liam: Riccardi, Peter: Colbert, Leigh: McGrath, Tim: Stoneham, Barry: Mansfield, Michae
Brad ‘Nails’ Sholl Born: 10/11/1972 From: Geelong College via North Melb Height: 184cm Weight: 84kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 12 First senior match for Geelong: Round 1, 1995 v Melbourne at Kardinia Park The attacking small defender delighted fans with his adventurous attacks on the ball and dashes out of the danger area. He was an excellent mark for his size and lacked nothing in courage and determination. His ability to rush to space to create a viable target for a team-mate was another of his trademarks. Occasionally, he was moved forward with success, where he took great delight in booting important goals. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 54 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1996 Fourth in club B&F count: 1997, 1998, 2000 Fifth in club B&F count: 1995 Seventh in club B&F count: 1999 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (2001) Career span for Geelong: 1995-2002 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 169, Night/Pre-Season Series 12, Interstate 1 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 46, Night/Pre-Season Series 5, Interstate 0 Finals matches for Geelong: 7 Finals goals for Geelong: 0 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 19, 2002 v St Kilda at Docklands Stadium Jason Snell Born: 27/07/1977 From: Upwey-Tecoma/Eastern U18 Height: 181cm Weight: 81kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey numbers: 25 (1996-97) & 4 (1998-2001) First senior match: Round 1, 1996 v Melbourne at the MCG The courageous mid-fielder/small forward possessed sound skills and an excellent football brain. Opposition coaches experienced difficulty in finding suitable match-up opponents to counter him. In a match at Kardinia Park against Port Adelaide in 1997 he scored a match-winning five goals after spending the first half on the bench. He won the club most improved player award in 1999. Tragically, a shocking leg injury sustained at the MCG prematurely terminated his highly promising career. Total Brownlow Medal votes: 5 Career span: 1996-2001 Total matches: Premiership 68, Night/Pre-Season Series 8 Total goals: Premiership 62, Night/Pre-Season Series 3 Finals matches: 3 Finals goals: 1 Last senior match: Round 3, 2001 v Melbourne at the MCG Glenn ‘Killer’ Kilpatrick Born: 29/08/1972 From: Studfield via North Melb Reserves, West Adelaide (SA) & Essendon Height: 184cm Weight: 85kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 13 First senior match for Geelong: Round 5, 1996 v Richmond at Kardinia Park No-one could accuse the dogged half-back flanker and mid-fielder of not giving his all in every match that he played. He used courage and determination to win the ball, negate an opponent or block for a team-mate. Often, his repeated efforts would inspire his fellow Cats. Although effective disposal by foot did not come easy for him, he worked hard on the training track to improve. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 27 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1997 Seventh in club B&F count: 2000 Eighth in club B&F count: 1999 (equal) Career span for Geelong: 1996-2002 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 120, Night/Pre-Season Series 12 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 31, Night/Pre-Season Series 1 Finals matches for Geelong: 3 Finals goals for Geelong: 0 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 20, 2002 v Fremantle at Subiaco Garry ‘Buddha’ Hocking Born: 08/10/1968 From: Cobram Height: 182cm Weight: 84kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey numbers: 51 (1987) & 32 (1988-2001) First senior match: Round 3, 1987 v Melbourne at Kardinia Park As one of football’s genuine tough and skilful performers, he gave the Cats magnificent service. Undoubtedly, he became one of the code’s all-time greats. His ability to make perfect position, fix eyes on the ball at all costs, seize the ball in packs, mark with vice-like fingers and dispose by hand and foot on either side of his body to bring team-mates into the play made him a nightmare opponent. He delighted in applying gorilla-like tackles and bone-shattering bumps to open up opportunities for his allies. During the last few seasons of his career a severely damaged knee saw him ignore agonizing pain to continue to contribute. He just loved footy! Total Brownlow Medal votes: 133 Captain: 21 matches (1994-95; 1999) Third in Brownlow Medal count: 1991, 1994 Club Best & Fairest: 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1990, 1998 Sixth in club B&F count: 1989, 2000 Seventh in club B&F count: 1997 Ninth in club B&F count: 1995 Tenth in club B&F count: 1992 All Australian selection: 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996 GFC Team of the Century selection (ruck-rover) GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Hall of Fame Legend GFC Life Membership (1995) Career span: 1987-2001 Total matches: Premiership 274, Night/Pre-Season Series 19, Interstate 8 Total goals: Premiership 243, Night/Pre-Season Series 6, Interstate 10 Finals matches: 21 Finals goals: 21 Last senior match: Round 22, 2001 v Carlton at Princes Park Liam Pickering Born: 09/09/1968 From: Stawell via North Melb Height: 184cm Weight: 85kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 23 First senior match for Geelong: Round 3, 1993 v North Melb at Kardinia Park After being unable to command regular senior selection with the Kangaroos, the dogged mid-fielder quickly gained the respect of Geelong coaching staff and team-mates with his faultless reading of the play and ability to bring others into the game. Although not fleet of foot, he was capable of instant decision-making and quick, accurate disposal. He knew how to restrict talented opponents with disciplined manning-up, while having a positive influence on play himself. A series of injuries terminated his career prematurely. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 12 Captain: 3 matches (1996-97) Club Best & Fairest: 1997 Third in club B&F count: 1995 Eighth in club B&F count: 1994 Career span for Geelong: 1993-99 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 102, Night/Pre-Season Series 3, Interstate 1 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 46, Night/Pre-Season Series 1, Interstate 0 Finals matches for Geelong: 9 Finals goals for Geelong: 8 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 20, 1999 v Carlton at the MCG Peter Riccardi Born: 17/12/1972 From: West St Peters Height: 183cm Weight: 89kg Natural kicking foot: Left Guernsey number: 15 First senior match: Round 4, 1992 v West Coast at Subiaco Few players with more natural pace have represented the club. He is a crisp ball-handler, a safe mark and a long raking left-foot kick. Many of his goals have been registered in spectacular fashion from a long way out, on the run. His versatility as a mid-fielder/forward has been a valuable asset. In recent season he has improved his team-play by improving his tackling and chasing techniques. Total Brownlow Medal votes: 60 Club Best & Fairest: 1998 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1999 Third in club B&F count: 2002 Fifth in club B&F count: 1996 Sixth in club B&F count: 1995 Ninth in club B&F count: 2000 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1999) Career span: 1992-2006 Total matches: Premiership 288, Night/Pre-Season Series 26, Interstate 2 Total goals: Premiership 286, Night/Pre-Season Series 24, Interstate 1 Finals matches: 19 Finals goals: 13 Last senior match: Round 19, 2006 v St Kilda at Docklands Stadium Leigh ‘Spider’ Colbert Born: 07/06/1975 From: Golden Square Height: 192cm Weight: 92kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey numbers: 35 (1993) & 2 (1994-98) First senior match for Geelong: Round 7, 1993 v West Coast at Kardinia Park Although not strongly built, he was a fearless competitor who performed well at centre half-back. His versatility allowed him to be effective anywhere on the field. Reliable marking, sure ball handling and accurate disposals were features of his play. In 1999 he was appointed captain but a serious knee injury sustained in a pre-season practice match caused him to miss that season. He left the club in controversial circumstances. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 10 Captain: 3 matches (1998) Third in club B&F count: 1996 Fifth in club B&F count: 1997 Sixth in club B&F count: 1998 Career span for Geelong: 1993-98 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 105, Night/Pre-Season Series 7, Interstate 3 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 50, Night/Pre-Season Series 3, Interstate 1 Finals matches for Geelong: 10 Finals goals for Geelong: 4 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 22, 1998 v Essendon at the MCG Transferred to North Melb in 2000 Tim ‘Bluey’ McGrath Born: 07/10/1970 From: North Dandenong via North Melb Height: 190cm Weight: 94kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey number: 17 First senior match for Geelong: Round 1, 1992 v Hawthorn at Waverley Park He has been one of several players recruited from the Kangaroos to give the club excellent service. His first match for the Cats was a hectic one at full-back opposed to a rampant Jason Dunstall. The selectors showed faith in the strong red-headed defender and he rewarded them with a long string of highly serviceable performances. His determination, safe marking, sound defensive skills and leadership qualities were great assets. Often, he was able to outpoint champion opponents. Around the club he was a valuable role-model with his general attitude. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 26 Captain: 8 matches (1999) Runner-up in club B&F count: 1998 Third in club B&F count: 1993, 1999 Seventh in club B&F count: 1998 Eighth in club B&F count: 1995, 1997 Ninth in club B&F count: 2001 Tenth in club B&F count: 1996 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1998) Career span for Geelong: 1992-2002 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 219, Night/Pre-Season Series 15, Interstate 1 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 18, Night/Pre-Season Series 3, Interstate 0 Finals matches for Geelong: 14 Finals goals for Geelong: 1 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 2, 2002 v Adelaide at Football Park Barry Stoneham Born: 09/02/1968 From: St Josephs (VCFL) Height: 194cm Weight: 98kg Natural kicking foot: Right Guernsey numbers: 53 (R 6, 1986) & 26 (R 7, 1986-2000) First senior match: Round 6, 1986 v Footscray at Kardinia Park A fanatical Geelong supporter all his life, the determined big man was in his element at centre half-forward. Excellent positioning, agility, magnificent marking, a mean streak and endless determination were his trademarks. He was able to bring crumbing team-mates into the play and score goals regularly. He was sufficiently versatile to play successfully in any key position or as a relief ruckman. Tragically, in 1994 a badly broken leg severely restricted his mobility and kicking power. Despite such restrictions, he retained his effectiveness by developing additional team skills. Total Brownlow Medal votes: 21 Captain: 59 matches (1991-93; 1996-98) Club Best & Fairest: 1990 Runner-up in club B&F count: 1989 Third in club B&F count: 1992 Fourth in club B&F count: 1991, 1993 Tenth in club B&F count: 1997, 1999 All Australian selection: 1989, 1992 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1994) Career span: 1986-94; 1996-2000 Total matches: Premiership 241, Night/Pre-Season Series 21, Interstate 7 Total goals: Premiership 223, Night/Pre-Season Series 14, Interstate 2 Finals matches: 15 Finals goals: 14 Last senior match: First Elimination Final, 2000 v Hawthorn at Docklands Stadium Michael Mansfield Born: 08/08/1971 From: St Josephs (VCFL) Height: 183cm Weight: 85kg Natural kicking foot: Left Guernsey numbers: 49 (1990) & 21 (1991-99) First senior match for Geelong: Round 18, 1990 v Essendon at Kardinia Park The well-balanced performer played mostly as an attacking half-back flanker but was capable of being used effectively on the forward line. His exceptional strength, reliable marking and considerable mobility made him a difficult opponent who did not lack courage. His performances in finals matches were outstanding. Total Brownlow Medal votes for Geelong: 28 Captain: 9 matches (1997-99) Third in club B&F count: 1994, 1997 Fourth in club B&F count: 1995 Sixth in club B&F count: 1996 Eighth in club B&F count: 1998 GFC Hall of Fame inductee (2002) GFC Life Membership (1998) Career span for Geelong: 1990-99 Total matches for Geelong: Premiership 181, Night/Pre-Season Series 10, Interstate 4 Total goals for Geelong: Premiership 100, Night/Pre-Season Series 0, Interstate 1 Finals matches for Geelong: 15 Finals goals for Geelong: 9 Last senior match for Geelong: Round 22, 1999 v Fremantle at Kardinia Park Transferred to Carlton in 2000 Historical information provided by GFC Historian Col Hutchinson The print consists of ten player photographs and a Geelong Cat Mascot in the top centre of the print with the words - GEELONG/CATS - below the picture. In the top left are action photographs of Sholl and Snell. In the top right corner are action photographs of Kilpatrick and Hocking. Along the bottom of the print from left to right are action photographs of Pickering, Riccardi, Colbert, McGrath, Stoneham and Mansfield. Each photograph has the player's surname in white text in the bottom left hand corner. Has a wire along the back for hanging. 1990s players Sholl, Brad: Snell, Jason: Kilpatrick, Glenn: Hocking, Garry: Pickering, Liam: Riccardi, Peter: Colbert, Leigh: McGrath, Tim: Stoneham, Barry: Mansfield, Michael. -
Ringwood and District Historical Society
Photograph, North Ringwood & South Warrandyte residents beach picnic c1905
Image O0054b has list of namesSmaller photograph with numbers and identification attached reads as follows: "North Ringwood & South Warrandyte residents beach picnic c1905. Photo from M. zoch, Hardings Rd. South Warrandyte. 1. Mr. Daniels, 2. Marion Coleman, 3. V. Zoch, 4. Mrs. Daniels, 5. Len Milne, 6. Miss D. Coleman, 7. Mic Johansen, 8. Mrs. Johansen, 9. Miss A. Sloan, 10. Mrs. Hussey, 11. Mrs. B. Milne, 12. Mrs. Tortice, 13. Bert Milne, 14. P. Coleman, 15. Miss J. Tortice, 16. Miss S. Tortice, 17 May Tortice, 18. Mrs. J. Coleman, 19. Claude Milne, 20. Rosie Johansen, 21, M. Zoch, 22 Harold Milne, 23. Miss O. Johansen, 24. Miss F. Sloan, 25. Eileen Mitchell, 26. Amy Johansen, 27. Roy Milne, 28. Stan Milne, 29. Dave Coleman, 30. Bell Mitchell, 31. Reg Danields, 32. Vicki Tortice, 33. Harry Tortice, 34. Millie Mitchell, 35. Florrie Tortice, 36. Bill Tortice, 37 Emily Tortice". -
Ballarat Tramway Museum
Badge - SEC pass - set of 12, AMOR, c1940?
Set of 12 Stamped enamelled round brass pieces with a hole stamped at the top and ring placed through. Used as a SEC tramways employees pass for either all Provincial tramways, Geelong, Ballarat or Bendigo only. All badges have the SEC logo in the centre, organisational name (State Electricity Commission of Victoria) in white enamel and outer ring the words "Electricity Supply Department, Provincial Tramways", or "Electric Tramways Ballarat" or "Electric Tramways Bendigo" or "Electric Tramways Geelong". This is in blue enamel. On the rear are stamped numbers and manufacturers name - "AMOR MELB" or "STOKES & SONS MELBOURNE" in the bottom portion of the pass, except .9 which is "STOKES" only. Items .1 -> .12 individually tagged. 1941.1 - Geelong - No. 46 - Stokes - silver background, has been used - see image file btm1942i1 and for back btm1942i2. .2 - Bendigo - No. 51 - Stokes - has been used - partially worn, silver background. .3 - Ballarat - No. 55 - Stokes - may have been used, silver background, silver background. .4 - Ballarat - No. 100 - Stokes - has been used, red in shield very faded, silver background. .5 - Ballarat - No. 102 - Stokes - has been used, worn and chipped on blue enamel near top gold centre, brass back. .6 - Bendigo - No. 105 - Stokes - gold/brass back, may have been used, some wear on right side. .7 - Ballarat - No. 106 - Stokes - appears to have been used - dirt marks on rear and front of badge, brass/gold background. .8 - Bendigo - No. 106 - Stokes - appears not to have been used, brass/gold quite bright. .9 - Geelong - No. 111 - Stokes - appears to have been used, silver back - see image file btm1942i3. .10 - Bendigo - No. 123 - Stokes - may have been used - silver background. .11 - Provincial - No. 570 - AMOR MELB - has not been used brass/gold background. .12 - Provincial - No. 657 - AMOR MELB- has not been used, brass gold background.tramways, trams, employees pass, tickets, provincial tramways, badges -
Ballarat Tramway Museum
Book, State Electricity Commission of Victoria (SECV), "Electric Tramways of the State Electricity Commission of Victoria - By-Law No. 1 - August, 1965", Aug. 1965
1297 - Booklet with red heavy card cover and 24 pages inside and a four page supplement glued into rear cover giving details of the by-laws operating for the SEC tramways in Ballarat and Bendigo. Gives details of the definitions, fares and charges, sale of tickets, regulating number of passengers, stopping places, nuisances, smoking, dangerous goods, luggage and goods, general matters and fares broken into adult fares for each section and Children's fares and Pensioners' Concession fares for both Ballarat and Bendigo. Note - introduced decimal currency into the fares as well as pence. Document number on front cover "TYE 1-270". This by-law replaced or revoked all previous by-laws and amendments. Came in effect 1/10/1965 with a fare rise. Received Governor In Council approval on 24/8/1965. These fares have been amended in pencil for Ballarat. The amendment pasted into the rear of the booklet is dated 2nd August. 1966 and came into effect on 1/9/1966. 1297.1 - ditto, but actual used copy by D. J. Everett - see Reg. Item 2292 for details of SEC Ballarat Employee. On page one or title sheet, has an additional amendment pasted in - dated 14/1/1969 giving details of fare increases in Ballarat and Bendigo to come into effect 14/1/1969. Single sheet printed both side. See also Reg items 66 and 281 for this sheet of paper by itself. Item added 2/3/2003. 1297.2 - booklet as above for 1297, but without supplements - in as printed condition 8/1965. 1297.3 - as for 1297 with 1966 and two number 1969 supplements pasted into the book. One 1969 supplement at the front and additional at the rear. 1966 supplement pasted into the rear of the book. Has BTPS Catalogue Numbers 207, 208 and 209 written onto the front of the booklet. Four other copies - unnumbered held. Additional items added 10/7/2005. Additional copy of 1297.3 added 6/8/2016 from donation of T. Jeffreys. 1297 - In pencil on pages 15 to 18 showing revised fares and the number "58 676" on page 24 - possibly a telephone number. 1297.3 - has "Ballarat Tramway Preservation Society Catalogue Nos. 207, 208, 209" written in black ink on the top of the cover.trams, tramways, secv rules, by laws, tickets, fares, ballarat, bendigo -
Melbourne Tram Museum
Ephemera - Timetable, Melbourne & Metropolitan Tramways Board (MMTB), Set of 29 MMTB tram timetables, Jul. 1969
Set of 29 MMTB tram timetables, folded sheets, 4 fold, providing timetables for specific routes, day of week giving information on tram times at the terminus, sections and fares, running times. Some signed by W. J. Richards as Acting Traffic Manager, or R. C. Drummond as Traffic Manager. Route Numbers not given on cover, generally given on inside. Where a All night service was applicable, shown as well. .1 - Burwood - City - 9/1962 .2 - Camberwell - City - 9/1962 .3 - Carnegie - City - 6/1962 .4 - Domain Rd - City - 10/1962 .5 - East Brighton - City - 6/1962 .6 - East Coburg - city - 9/1962 .7 - East Malvern - Darling Rd - City 27/5/1962 .8 - East Preston - City - 11/1962 .9 - Essendon Aerodrome - City - July 1962 .10 - Essendon (Matthews Ave) - City - 7/1962 .11 - Glen Iris - City - 8/1962 .12 - Hawthorn - Spencer St - 7/1962 .13 - Kew Cotham Rd - St Kilda Beach - 8/1962 .14 - Malvern Burke Rd - City - 8/1962 .15 - Mont Albert - City - 7/1962 .16 - Moreland - City - 9/1962 .17 - number not used. .18 - North Balwyn - Spencer St - 7/1962 .19 - North Coburg - City - 6/1962 - has Sunday only Fawkner Railway station service on rear - 6/1962 .20 - North Richmond - Prahran and St Kilda Beach - 7/1962 .21 - Northcote (via St Georges Rd) - City - 7/1962 .22 - Prahran - City - 7/1962 .23 - South Melbourne and St Kilda Beach - City - 6/1962 .24 - St Kilda Beach - City - - 9/1962 .25 - Toorak - City - 8/1962 .26 - Wattle Park - Elgar Rd - City - 9/1962 .27 - West Maribyrnong - City - 7/1962 .28 - West Preston - City - 6/1962 .29 - West Coburg - City - 10/1962Some have "Robert Wilson" stamp on the covers.trams, tramways, timetables, tickets, fares, mmtb, all night services -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Clothing - Hat and Hat Box, late 19th - early 20th century
This hat and hat box was donated to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village by the family of Doctor William Roy Angus, Surgeon and Oculist. It is part of the “W.R. Angus Collection” that includes historical medical equipment, surgical instruments and material once belonging to Dr Edward Ryan and Dr Thomas Francis Ryan, (both of Nhill, Victoria) as well as Dr Angus’ own belongings. The Collection’s history spans the medical practices of the two Doctors Ryan, from 1885-1926 plus that of Dr Angus, up until 1969. McDade is the surname of Dr Angus’ daughter Berry (Berenice) McDade nee Angus. This had belonged to her father Dr William Roy Angus, Surgeon and Oculist (1901 –1970), who wore it on the ship T.S.S. LARGS BAY when travelling from Australia to Scotland for extended studies to be a “Fellow” of the Royal College of Surgeons in Edinburgh in the 1929. This bicorn cocked hat was worn with the narrow points towards front and back. It is decorated with flat gold braid or ‘lace’ with a geometrical design. Regimental lace was worn on the uniform and headdress of regimental officers in the 19th century. Gold lace chevrons were worn on coats to signify rank. Drummers and Foot Guards also wore regimental lace on their garments to distinguish them from other military personnel. In the late 19th century the English and Welsh infantry officers’ uniforms displayed a rose-pattern lace. The gold bullion and underlying crimson ‘eyes’ have been used to signify the rank of the owner. The crimson eyes were used for military, blue eyes for naval personnel. Different numbers and colours of the bullion and eyes may have been used to represent different military ranks. The Regulations specify nine tassels and eleven underlying eyes but there could have been variations. We have not yet been able to identify the rank for this particular hat. The gold button’s emblem has a cross with five stars, a crown, and the motto “AUT PACE AUT BELLO”, translated “either in peace or in war”. Museum Victoria has a similar button and writes that buttons with this design were used in the nineteenth century by the Victorian Volunteers. The Australian War Memorial Curator of Military Heraldry advised Museum Victoria that these buttons dated from 1880-1892 and were worn by regular, unranked soldiers. The Australian War Memorial has a hat that is very similar in design, described as an “Artillery Staff Officer’s cocked had with plume, worn by Volunteer Artillery Staff in the Victorian Colonial Military Forces”. That hat is different in that it has a plume and the braid and button are silver. Berry MdDade, the donor, has used the hat many times as a dress-up hat but doesn’t know the origin of it. The hat seems to fit the design of the Staff Officers in Victorian Volunteers in Colonial times, but the button on this hat was used for unranked volunteers. Also, military uniforms usually have very clear manufacturer’s labels, as they are made by reputable companies under contract to the Defence Department. The manufacturer’s mark is not discernible on this hat. The origin, original wearer and use of this particular hat is unclear. The military bicorn cockade hat belonged to Dr William Roy Angus and is part of the W.R. Angus Collection. It is significant for still being located at the site where it is connected with, Doctor Angus being the last Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool. The collection of medical instruments and other equipment is culturally significant, being an historical example of medicine from late 19th to mid-20th century. Dr Angus assisted Dr Tom Ryan, a pioneer in the use of X-rays and in ocular surgery. Black bicorn cocked hat and case. It appears to be part of a 19th century Colonial full dress military uniform. The long, narrow crescent-shaped hat is made of beaver fabric and the crown is lined with crimson silk and finished with a hand stitched leather sweatband. On one flat side there is a pleated black silk, lace cockade woven in the pattern of oak leaves and acorns. The cockade is overlaid with a double row of gold lace braiding secure with a Victorian Volunteer’s gold button. Wide diagonal bands of black lace braid trim are on each side of the gold braiding. The other side of the hat is plain. The front and back points of the hat each have seven gold bullion tassels with nine underlying twists of crimson ‘eyes’. The fitted metal carry case has a catch and a metal plaque on one side. The button bears a crown and cross with five stars and a motto. Inside the hat is a white name tag with clear adhesive over it, with black printed text with the name “Mc Dade”. The hat is part of the W.R. Angus Collection. The hat has no maker’s marks although there is a darker colour in the centre where there could have been a label. Inside the hat is taped a printed label; “Mc DADE 801 1032” Button’s emblem- a cross with five stars, under a crown, all within a buckled belt with the motto “AUT PACE AUT BELLO”. The plaque on the case has no legible marks. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, dr w r angus, t.s.s. largs bay, berry mcdade, 19th century colonial military uniform, artillery staff officer’s cocked had, victorian volunteers, victorian colonial military forces, colonial militia, aut pace aut bello, cocked hat, cockade hat, bicorn hat, military bullion, oak leaves and acorns pattern, gold bullion tassels, military heraldry, w.r. angus collection. -
Eltham District Historical Society Inc
Photograph, Eltham Railway Station, c.1904
A Victorian F-class steam locomotive and passenger train at Eltham Railway Station, c.1904 Intending passengers were able to walk down from the Main Road straight onto the railway platform as the station initially only had tracks on the far side. The rail yard and storage shed for heavy goods is across the tracks. The platform shed-like building is best seen in the 1910 and 1912 photographs. The Victorian Railways F class locomotives were built in 1874 (the pattern engine), 1876–77 and 1879–80 by Beyer, Peacock & Company and the Phoenix Foundry in Ballarat as 2-4-0 tender locomotives. They were normally used on passenger trains. In 1911 the Victorian Railways decided to convert seven of them into "motor" locomotives. These became 2-4-2 tanks. They kept their numbers 172–184 (evens only). The unrebuilt tender engines were taken off register between 1916 and 1922. The "motors" were taken off register between 1920 and 1929. Photographer: J.H. Clark John Henry Clark was the youngest of three boys born to William Henry Clark (1823-1877) and Maria White (1843-1914). He and his brothers, William Charles Clark (1872-1945), Clement Kent Clark (1874-1912) operated a photography business (Clark Bros.) from 25 Thomas Street, Windsor near Prahran during the period c.1894 to 1914. Following death of Clement in September 1912 and their mother in 1914, the Clark Bros business appears to have dissolved, the premises demolished, and a new house was under construction in 1915. John set up business independently in 1914 operating out of 29 Moor Street, Fitzroy where he is registered in the 1914 and 1915 Electoral Rolls. By 1916 John had relocated to Eltham where he continued his practice as a photographer and took many of the early images around the district of Little Eltham. Around 1930 John changed professions and opened a small cobbler's shop in 1931 near the pond opposite Dalton Street adjacent to the Jarrold family cottage. He never married and continued his profession as a bootmaker from this little shop, maintaining a close relationship with Mrs Jarrold for the rest of their lives. His bootmaker shop remains today beside the Whitecloud cottage and is one of only three remaining shops in the area from the early 20th century. There are a couple of images of Eltham taken by Clark Bros. in the Eltham District Historical Society collection, one such example being Hunniford’s Post Office with Miss Anne Hunniford out front (EDHS_00140 - marked on the back of the print, Clark Bros., 25 Thomas St. Windsor), which would date this image between c.1894 and 1914. Other early images of Eltham taken by John Henry Clark are marked on the face “J. H. Clark Photo” and it is assumed these are dated between 1914 and 1930. It is noted that the Grant of Probate for John H Clark of Eltham South dated 5 April !957 (513/387) records his occupation as "X Photographer".Reproduction print of a Clark Photo postcardeltham railway station, postcards, steam train, j.h. clark photo, f-class 2-4-0 steam locomotive, victorian railways, tait train -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Machine - Guillotine, c. 1880's
This guillotine is a hand operated machine specifically designed to cut through multiple sheets of paper or card. It has a very heavy and sharp single blade knife mounted between vertical guides or runners. The main users of a machine like this is in by the printing and publication binding industry. Book binding companies use a guillotine to evenly trim the pages of a book after it has been bound. The way the guillotine is used is - paper or card is stacked squarely on the flat table and pushed firmly against the back guide - the handle below the table at the front of the machine is wound around, which brings the back guide forward, pushing the paper stack forward and positioning the centre of the stack below the vertical frame - the upper wheel is wound around, which brings the clamp and firmly in position on top of the paper, to hold it very firmly - the large wheel on the side of the machine is turned around to lower the long sharp blade down onto the pages and cut them through. The sharp edge of the blade is protected somewhat from becoming blunt; a block of wood sits in the table under the stack of paper An early model of a guillotine was patented in 1837 by Thirault, who built a model with a fixed blade. Guillotines similar in principal to this one were patented by Guillaume Massiquot in 1844 and 1852. Over the years many improvements have been made and operation has moved from man power to electricity. Oscar Friedheim Ltd. was the importer and wholesaler of a large range of machinery and equipment for the printing and bookbinding industry. He sold most of his equipment under his own name. On this guillotine or paper cutter he refers to the origin of the guillotine’s manufacture only as “German Manufacrure”. A reference book “Commercial Bookbinding: a description of the processes and the various machines used" by Geo. Stephen, 1910, recommends Oscar Friedheim, amongst others, for the supply of “reliable cutting machines for hand or power”. It also recommends Oscar Friedheim’s for a wide range of other printing machinery and processes. OSCAR FRIEDHEIM LIMITED, LONDON Oscar Friedheim Ltd. was established in 1884 and operated from Ludgate in London. The company was an importer and wholesale supplier in the 1880’s, offering machinery and equipment for the printing and packaging industry for the UK and Ireland. The company became incorporated in 1913. An advertisement of 1913 includes a telegraphic code plus two telephone numbers for Oscar Friedheim Ltd and invites readers to call at the Ludgate, London, showrooms to see the machines working. The company later became Friedheim International Ltd. The book titled “Friedheim, A Century of Service 1884-1984 by Roy Brewer, celebrates Oscar Friedheim’s achievements. Friedheim International currently operates from Hemel Hempstead, on the northern outskirts of London UK. It promotes itself as “… the leading supplier of finishing, converting and packaging machinery to the printing, graphic arts, and highly varied packaging industries in the UK and Ireland. The company’s policy is simple – “employ the best people, work with the best equipment manufacturers in the world, and treat our customers as partners!” The company still sells guillotines. The guillotine is significant for its ability to represent aspects of the printing trade in Warrnambool and in a typical port town circa 1850 to 1910. It represents communication methods and processes used in the time before electrically powered equipment became common in industry.Guillotine (or paper cutter), hand operated. Metal framework with vertical guides, stand and metal mechanical parts including wheels and gears. Table with back guide; handle below front of table winds to move the back guide. A wheel at top of machine winds to adjust pressure of the clamp on the work on the table below it. The cutting blade fits between vertical guides; a timber insert in the table below the blade helps minimise the loss of sharpness of the blade. A handle on the side of the machine turns a large spoked wheel, which rotates a large gear, causing the blade to move up and down. Makers details are on a small oval plaque with embossed maker’s details is screwed onto main body. Maker is O Friedheim, London, and the machine is of German manufacture, circa late 1880’s.Maker’s plaque inscribed "O. FRIEDHEIM / London / German Manufacture"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, printing machinery, printer’s guillotine, paper guillotine, paper cutter machine, oscar friedheim ltd london, friedheim international ltd, bookbinding industry, printing industry -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Plaque - Nameplate, James & Alexander Brown, 1849 – 1931
This is one of two cast brass nameplates of James & Alexander Brown in our collection. The Newcastle, NSW, firm was renowned for its coal mining and exporting business established in colonial Australia in 1843. The firm had an office in Melbourne and sold coal for commercial use and from the Wharf for the domestic market. The coal was then distributed along the southwest coast of Victoria in steamships or steam packets and into the regional areas of Victoria by cart and wagon. In 1890 there was a strike of coal workers but the Geelong Advertiser, September 1, 1890, announced that “a firm of coal merchants only recently received some large cargoes from Newcastle”. This supply of coal could have originated at the colliery of James & Alexander Brown. About James & Alexander Brown: - James (1816-1894), John (1823-1846) and Alexander Brown (1827-1877) migrated with their parents from Scotland to Sydney, Australia, in 1842. The next year James leased land and was assisted by his brothers Alexander and John in mining coal in the area near Maitland. The market was very competitive, with the government controlling prices. James was instrumental in a legal battle that resulted in the introduction of open competition for coal mining. James and Alexander had become business partners by 1852 and moved south of Newcastle where they established and worked a profitable mining enterprise. Their assets by 1857 included a ships’ chandlery, a fleet of steamships and an overseas trading business. They were the first firm to import rum, sugar and coffee into Newcastle. By 1892 they were exporting coal to New Zealand, China, North America, and various colonial ports. They had elaborate workshops to service their own steam engines and steamships. They were the first to use a steam collier vessel in Australian waters and they set up the second tug boat in Newcastle, the beginning of being owners of many more tug boats and performing a towing business. By 1868 James & Alexander Brown was the largest coal producer in the colony. James focused on managing the colliery and Alexander on overseas trade. It was estimated that the firm had produced over eight per cent of coal in New South Wales by 1914. James & Alexander Brown advertised in the Melbourne Herald in the early 1900s and kept an office at Queen Street, Melbourne as well as at the Wharf, stating their telephone numbers for both places. The coal was available for ‘Immediate Delivery’ for household and industrial purposes. The advertising claimed that their Pelaw Main coal was the famous household coal that met the highest test in Australia and burned bright and clean. Domestic customers could purchase the coal at the wharf or pay for delivery. Commercial customers could load their purchases into their steamships or wagons for further distribution into regional Victoria. After James’s death in 1894 his son John managed the firm, which was also known as J & A Brown. John passed away in 1930 and his sons took over. In 1931 the firm amalgamated with Abermain Seaham and the new name was J & A Brown & Abermain Seaham Collieries Ltd. commonly abbreviated to JABAS, which merged with Caledonian Collieries Ltd in 1960 and Coal & Allied Industries Ltd. was formed. The pair of nameplates is significant for its connection with the firm James & Alexander Brown. The firm was established in 1845 and became one of the largest collieries in colonial Australia. It was involved in trading within Australia and overseas. James was involved in the introduction of open competition for coal mining prices. They were the first to use a steam colliery in Australian waters and the first to import goods such as rum, sugar and coffee into New South Wales. The firm had a Melbourne office in the early 1900s, selling and distributing coal throughout Victoria, which likely included the Port of Warrnambool, which opened in 1890. The nameplates are likely to have originated from the Melbourne location.Brass Entrance Name Plate, one of a pair. Eight holes are formed through the plate; one in each corner, and four more holes are within the inscription area. The cast plate has three rows of text with the company’s name and type of business. The plate was owned by James & Alex. Brown. "JAMES & ALEXR. BROWN / COLLIERY PROPRIETORS / & STEAMSHIP OWNERS"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, nameplate, james & alexander brown, j & a brown, james & alexr brown, colliery proprietors, steamship owners, ship chandlers, coal mine, coal export, australian import, australian export, newcastle, colliers, coastal trade, steamships -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Plaque - Nameplate, James & Alexander Brown, 1849 – 1931
This is one of two cast brass nameplates of James & Alexander Brown in our collection. The Newcastle, NSW, firm was renowned for its coal mining and exporting business established in colonial Australia in 1843. The firm had an office in Melbourne and sold coal for commercial use and from the Wharf for the domestic market. The coal was then distributed along the southwest coast of Victoria in steamships or steam packets and into the regional areas of Victoria by cart and wagon. In 1890 there was a strike of coal workers but the Geelong Advertiser, September 1, 1890, announced that “a firm of coal merchants only recently received some large cargoes from Newcastle”. This supply of coal could have originated at the colliery of James & Alexander Brown. About James & Alexander Brown: - James (1816-1894), John (1823-1846) and Alexander Brown (1827-1877) migrated with their parents from Scotland to Sydney, Australia, in 1842. The next year James leased land and was assisted by his brothers Alexander and John in mining coal in the area near Maitland. The market was very competitive, with the government controlling prices. James was instrumental in a legal battle that resulted in the introduction of open competition for coal mining. James and Alexander had become business partners by 1852 and moved south of Newcastle where they established and worked a profitable mining enterprise. Their assets by 1857 included a ships’ chandlery, a fleet of steamships and an overseas trading business. They were the first firm to import rum, sugar and coffee into Newcastle. By 1892 they were exporting coal to New Zealand, China, North America, and various colonial ports. They had elaborate workshops to service their own steam engines and steamships. They were the first to use a steam collier vessel in Australian waters and they set up the second tug boat in Newcastle, the beginning of being owners of many more tug boats and performing a towing business. By 1868 James & Alexander Brown was the largest coal producer in the colony. James focused on managing the colliery and Alexander on overseas trade. It was estimated that the firm had produced over eight per cent of coal in New South Wales by 1914. James & Alexander Brown advertised in the Melbourne Herald in the early 1900s and kept an office at Queen Street, Melbourne as well as at the Wharf, stating their telephone numbers for both places. The coal was available for ‘Immediate Delivery’ for household and industrial purposes. The advertising claimed that their Pelaw Main coal was the famous household coal that met the highest test in Australia and burned bright and clean. Domestic customers could purchase the coal at the wharf or pay for delivery. Commercial customers could load their purchases into their steamships or wagons for further distribution into regional Victoria. After James’s death in 1894 his son John managed the firm, which was also known as J & A Brown. John passed away in 1930 and his sons took over. In 1931 the firm amalgamated with Abermain Seaham and the new name was J & A Brown & Abermain Seaham Collieries Ltd. commonly abbreviated to JABAS, which merged with Caledonian Collieries Ltd in 1960 and Coal & Allied Industries Ltd. was formed. The pair of nameplates is significant for its connection with the firm James & Alexander Brown. The firm was established in 1845 and became one of the largest collieries in colonial Australia. It was involved in trading within Australia and overseas. James was involved in the introduction of open competition for coal mining prices. They were the first to use a steam colliery in Australian waters and the first to import goods such as rum, sugar and coffee into New South Wales. The firm had a Melbourne office in the early 1900s, selling and distributing coal throughout Victoria, which likely included the Port of Warrnambool, which opened in 1890. The nameplates are likely to have originated from the Melbourne location.Brass Entrance Name Plate, one of a pair. Eight holes are formed through the plate; one in each corner, and four more holes are within the inscription area. The cast plate has three rows of text with the company’s name and type of business. The plate was owned by James & Alex. Brown. "JAMES & ALEXR. BROWN / COLLIERY PROPRIETORS / & STEAMSHIP OWNERS"flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, nameplate, james & alexander brown, j & a brown, james & alexr brown, colliery proprietors, steamship owners, ship chandlers, coal mine, coal export, australian import, australian export, newcastle, colliers, coastal trade, steamships -
Puffing Billy Railway
92 NQR - Open Medium Truck, 2/ 3/1907
The NQRs were the standard Medium open goods wagon. Generally the sides and ends were removable thus providing a totally flat truck. Three long drop-down doors formed the sides thus allowing easy loading and unloading. 218 of these goods vehicles were built between 1898 and 1914 ? numbered 1 - 218. Originally, these wagons carried the code letter R as they were built with sides and ends. They later had the R removed. Unlike the Broad Gauge, VR's 2 ft 6 in (762 mm) narrow gauge network never had four-wheeled wagons (aside from a handful of trolleys). Because of this, a single design of open wagon emerged and this was the only type of wagon ever used on these lines. This was the NQR class, a wagon with the same length and loading capacity as a Broad Gauge four-wheeled open wagon to make transferring freight between the gauges easier. The wagons, numbered 1 through 218, were built between 1898 and 1914. The wagons used the same underframe as most other non-locomotives on the VR Narrow Gauge. Letters and numbers were originally painted only on the end bulkheads and doors, both of which could be removed as traffic dictated, and this made wagon identification difficult until the decals were transferred to the underframes of each wagon In the 1910s some NQRs were provided with removable wood and steel frameworks with canvas roof canopies and side curtains, and internal seating to supplement the rest of the passenger stock during busy holiday periods. Puffing Billy has re-created these for emergency capacity. Five more NQRs, numbered 219-223, were built between 1990 and 1992 initially for passenger use so were fitted with the removable frames In the 1960s the Puffing Billy Railway added grids in the floor of some to enable them to be used to drop ballast on the track where needed. Vehicle Length 25 feet 2 inches ( 7671 mm) Coupled Length 27 feet 4 inches (8330 mm) Width 6 feet 3 inches (1905 mm) Weight 5 tons Capacity 11 tons Built 1898 - 1915 (1992) Number Built 218 (223) In use 14 To be restored 6 92NQR - Goods Vehicle - Open Medium Truck NQ/NQR OPEN MEDIUM TRUCKS. 218 of these goods vehicles were built between 1898 and 1914 numbered 1-218. Originally, these wagons carried the code letter R as they were built with sides and ends. Some later had the R removed if they regularly ran as flat wagons without theh sides and ends. Over the years, a number of NQRs were provided with removable wood and steel frameworks with canvas roof canopies and side curtains, and internal seating to supplement the rest of the passenger stock during busy holiday periods. Puffing Billy has re-created these for emergency capacity. Five more NQRs, numbered 219-223, were built between 1990 and 1992 initially for passenger use so were fitted with the removable frames. 92 NQR VR Service History : *NQR 92.VA - 2/ 3/1907 NWS Built new - / /1926 - To NQ 92.VA -Historic - Victorian Railways - Narrow Gauge Rolling Stock - NQR Open Medium Truck with drop ends Victorian Heritage Register (VHR) Number H2187 The Puffing Billy Rolling Stock Collection 92NQR - Open Medium Truck with drop ends made of Steel and metal92NQR puffing billy railway, pbr, rolling stock , 29 nqr, narrow gauge rolling stock, victorian railways, nqr wagon -
Puffing Billy Railway
26 NQR - Open Medium Truck, 10/12/1898
The NQRs were the standard Medium open goods wagon. Generally the sides and ends were removable thus providing a totally flat truck. Three long drop-down doors formed the sides thus allowing easy loading and unloading. 218 of these goods vehicles were built between 1898 and 1914 ? numbered 1 - 218. Originally, these wagons carried the code letter R as they were built with sides and ends. They later had the R removed. Unlike the Broad Gauge, VR's 2 ft 6 in (762 mm) narrow gauge network never had four-wheeled wagons (aside from a handful of trolleys). Because of this, a single design of open wagon emerged and this was the only type of wagon ever used on these lines. This was the NQR class, a wagon with the same length and loading capacity as a Broad Gauge four-wheeled open wagon to make transferring freight between the gauges easier. The wagons, numbered 1 through 218, were built between 1898 and 1914. The wagons used the same underframe as most other non-locomotives on the VR Narrow Gauge. Letters and numbers were originally painted only on the end bulkheads and doors, both of which could be removed as traffic dictated, and this made wagon identification difficult until the decals were transferred to the underframes of each wagon In the 1910s some NQRs were provided with removable wood and steel frameworks with canvas roof canopies and side curtains, and internal seating to supplement the rest of the passenger stock during busy holiday periods. Puffing Billy has re-created these for emergency capacity. Five more NQRs, numbered 219-223, were built between 1990 and 1992 initially for passenger use so were fitted with the removable frames In the 1960s the Puffing Billy Railway added grids in the floor of some to enable them to be used to drop ballast on the track where needed. Vehicle Length 25 feet 2 inches ( 7671 mm) Coupled Length 27 feet 4 inches (8330 mm) Width 6 feet 3 inches (1905 mm) Weight 5 tons Capacity 11 tons Built 1898 - 1915 (1992) Number Built 218 (223) In use 14 To be restored 6 26 NQR - Open Medium Truck (11) 10/12/1898 NWS Built new Vehicle Length 25 feet 2 inches ( 7671 mm) Coupled Length 27 feet 4 inches (8330 mm) Width 6 feet 3 inches (1905 mm) Weight 5 tons Capacity 11 tons Built 1898 - 1915 (1992) Number Built 218 (223) In use 14 To be restored 6 VR Service History *NQR 26.VA - 10/12/1898 NWS Built new - / /1926 - To NQ 26.VA - NQ 26.VA - 24/10/1936 NWS Into Workshops - 7/12/1936 NWS Out of Workshops (45 days) /10/1954 - Sold (to) - Puffing Billy Service History or Notes Historic - Victorian Railways - Narrow Gauge Rolling Stock - NQR Open Medium Truck26 NQR - narrow gauge Open Medium Truck made of Steel and metal26 NQRpuffing billy railway, pbr, rolling stock , 26 nqr - open medium truck, victorian railways, narrow gauge rolling stock, nqr wagon, 26 nqr, nqr open medium truck -
The WAMA Project : The National Centre for Environmental Art
Painting, Marianne Wehl (1867 - 1926), Untitled (Tetratheca ciliata, Marianthus bignoniaaceus, Leptospermum myrsinoides, Thryptomene calcina, Epacris impressa), c1887 to 1924
The artist: Marianne Louise Charlotte Amalie Wehl (19 Sept. 1867, Mt Gambier; 26 Oct. 1926, Melbourne), a flower painter who was active in South Australia and Victoria, and not to be confused with Marie Magdalene Wehl. Connection with Baron von Mueller: Von Mueller’s younger sister, Clara married Doctor Eduard Wehl and they lived in South Australia. They had 14 children, 6 of whom collected and painted botanical studies – some now in the National Herbarium, Melbourne. A cousin of Doctor Wehl – Carl Wehl – married Sophia Caroline (née Gorte) and one of their daughters was Marianne Wehl. It is recorded that von Mueller visited the Wehls and D’Altons in Halls Gap (Henrietta D'Alton was also a painter of wildflowers), so it is hard to believe that there is no influence at least. Von Mueller had over 1,400 collectors/artists working for him and 225 of them were women and children. Their work is housed in the National Herbarium, Melbourne. The donor believes that Marianne contributed to this work. There is no record of that, however, as only 169 of the artists have been identified, it may be a possibility. Marianne was one of six children of Carl Jakob Wilhelm Wehl (1830–1899) and Sophia Caroline Wehl (née Gorte) (1843–1920). She never married. https://data.environment.sa.gov.au/Content/Publications/JABG34P001_Dowe.pdf The plants: All of the plants painted by Marianne Wehl's in this donation were identified by Botanist Neil Marriott & Wendy Marriott, in July 2022. Neil Marriott said that the quality and beauty of these botanical studies made it easy for them to identify all the plants. He suggested they may be some of the first paintings of Grampians wildflowers. This makes the paintings highly important scientifically and botanically. Visitors to WAMA will be able to compare them with today’s plants in the Endemic Garden. Neil marvelled that Marianne found the specimens, as some of them are endemic and found only in the highest parts of the Grampians (Mt Rosea, Mt William and Major Mitchell Plateau) and are listed as rare and endangered. Some of these same rare plants have now been propagated by the WAMA team and in winter 2022 were planted in WAMA's Endemic Garden. Left to right: (Neil's comments) Tetratheca ciliata - Black-eyed Susan. Common and widespread. Marianthus bignoniaceus –Orange Bell-Climber. Confined to drainage lines and winter-wet areas, generally well shaded. A most beautiful light climber with the Grampians being its only location in Victoria, but amazingly, it is also found in small numbers in the wetter parts of the Mt Lofty Ranges and on Kangaroo Island in South Australia. Although not strictly endemic, it has been propagated for planting in our endemic garden due to its rarity in Victoria. Leptospermum myrsinoides - Heath Tea-tree. Common and widespread. Spider Orchid Caladenia species- need my orchid books for accurate identification! Thryptomene calycina - Grampians Thryptomene. Grampians endemic but common. Epacris impressa - Common Heath - white flower form. Common and widespread NB In some records she is called Marianna (as the donor calls her) and in others Marianne. Wildflower art, Wildlife artGift of Barbara Crick in memory of Marjorie and Lachlan McLennanSix individual, small paintings of Grampians wildflowers, matted together and framed in a smooth gloss olive green simulating wood or bamboo.All are signed with the initials “M.W.” underlined, to the left or right of the stem of the plant. On the reverse side - Shield-shape stamp centre top: “J.A. Reynolds. Decorator & Picture Framer, 28 Sturt St., Ballarat”. Hand-written right of that in black felt pen at an angle, “McLennan, 106 Bennett Rd. (2)”.wildflowers, flowers, marianne wehl, marianna wehl, wama, painting, gouache, wildlife art museum australia, wild art museum australia, flower painter, works on paper, halls gap, botany, baron von mueller, ferdinand von mueller, carl wehl -
Ringwood and District Historical Society
Booklet, City of Ringwood 1991 Community Guide, 1991
Community information booklet issued by City of Ringwood for 1991 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. Includes 2 free passes to Ringwood Aquatic Centre.CONTENTS: (page no.) After School Programme 20 Aged Services 17 Aquatic Centre 12 Aquatic Centre Bonus Vouchers 14 Biological Wasp Control 35 Budget 10 Building Information 28 By-Laws 25 Chief Executive's Message 8 Children's Services 20 Citizenship 24 Civic Centre (i) Committees of Council 6 Common Questions 39 Council Meeting Dates 6 Council Representatives 7 Councillors 4 Dogs 25 Emergency Telephone Numbers 67 Family Day Care 44 Fire Hazards 31 Garbage 32 Golf Course 14 Health and Environmental Services 35 Home Help 52 Home Maintenance Services 17 Incinerators 31 Knaith Road Child Care Centre 21 Library 24 Library Services Senior Citizens 18 Maternal and Child Health 21 Mayoral Message – Cr. Betty Milton 1 Meals on Wheels 17 Members of Parliament 40 Parks and Gardens 26 Rates 10 Ringwood Convention Centre & Performing Arts Centre 15 Ringwood District Centre 10 Ringwood Festival 23 Shopping Bus 48 Town Planning 27 Works Depot 29 Youth Worker 19 rinx -
Ringwood and District Historical Society
Booklet, City of Ringwood Information Guide 1983, 1983
Community information booklet issued by City of Ringwood for 1983 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. Cover photograph: Ringwood Lake Reserve.CONTENTS: (page no.) Aged — Centre for the Frail Aged 22 Building — General Information 28 By-Laws and Regulations 27 Circuit Bus — Ringwood City 33 Commissioners for taking Declarations and Affidavits 29 Committees of Council 6 Council Meeting Dates 6 Council Officers 8 Council Representation 7 Councillors 4 Cultural Centre 36 Disabled Persons - Facilities 21 Emergency Telephone Numbers 58 Elections for Council 10 Festival 23 Finance - Council 11 Garbage Collection 58 Golf Course 37 Health 18 Home Help 25 Immunisation Programme 20 Immunisation Schedule 19 Items of Interest 32 Justices of the Peace 29 Lake — Ringwood Lake Reserve 59 Leisure Areas 16 Library — General 12 Library - Service for our Senior Citizens 26 Major Works Programme 14 Map of Municipality 30 Mayor’s Message – Cr. Pat Gotlib, J.P. 2 Meals on Wheels 24 Members of Parliament 56 Nature Strip Maintenance 34 Pensioners — Rate Assistance 11 Rates 10 Recycling of Waste 57 Roll — Municipal 10 Shuttle Bus 33 Swimming Centre 37 Voting — Compulsory 10 Welfare and Community Services 38 rinx -
Federation University Historical Collection
Document - letters, Documents relating to the Establishment of the Sandhurst (Bendigo) School of Mines, 1871, 1871
The Ballarat School of Mines was established in 1870. The first enrolments took place in 1871 making this group of documents historically important.Paper documents relating to the advice being sought by the Sandhurst Mechanics' Institute from Ballarat School of Mines in relation to starting a School of Mines at Bendigo. .8) Correspondence to the Ballarat School of Mines from Joseph Phillips of the Sandhurst Mechanics' Institute and Free Library. The letter seeks advice on setting up a School of Mines in Bendigo. The correspondence was dated 01 January 1871, was signed by Joseph Phillips, and was answered on 04 January 1871. .14) Ballarat School of Mines Council Agenda, 20 January 1871. Signed by James Baker, secretary. .18) Letter from R.M. Serjeant to the Ballarat School of Mines dated 09 January 1871. .22) Letter from prospective student A. Ansaldi regarding starting at the Ballarat School of Mines. .24) Letter from prospective student James Hore regarding starting at the Ballarat School of Mines. .26) Memorandum during the Mechanics' Institute Sandhurst requesting information concerning teachers. Dated 25 April 1871. .27) Sandhurst Mechanics' Institute & Free Library requesting information from the Ballarat School of Mines in relation to numbers of pupils, number of paid staff, number of honorary staff, salary of head master and whether the school was a success. It is dated 19 April 1871 and is signed by Joseph Phillips. .35) My dear sir If it will suit youor convenience I take the liberty of appointing Friday the 2nd of June for my lecture on Geology at the School of Mines. You expressed a wish to assist me in any diagrams that it might be possible to obtain. In am very anxious to have a large map of the solar system. One that might be clearly seen from any part of the Hall. It will be of great importance to my lecture. [ ? ] diagrams I will find it necessary to prepare myself. I am most faithfully H. B. de la Poer Wall R.W. Newman Esqr Vice President PS as the whole of my lecture depends on the hearing the early part it might be well to put in the Advt at 8.00 punctually. In announcing my name it might be well to put ex-Fellow of the Royal Geological Society. Asking your pardon for these suggestions. Sebastopol June 14th 1871 Gentlemen, I am desirous of joining the classes of Surveying, drawing, &c in your valuable Institution.i am 16 years of age, and been through the 1st first book of Euclid, Decimals &c. Trusting to meet with your approbation. I am gentlemen, Yours obedietly A. Ansaldi To the Administrative Council School of Mines Ballarat Darling Streetl Ballarat July 1871 To the secretary of the School of Mines Ballarat. Sir, I called on Monday but you were not present but I saw Mr Phillips and he informed me that I might commence at once, and that my nomination &c might be going on in the mean time. If there be any objection to my joining the classroom Monday night, will you be good enough to let me know. Yours &c John Hore. Sandhurst April 25 1871 To The secretary School of Mines, Ballarat, Please let me know what subjects your paid instructor teachersl JP By Jas Philipsballarat school of mines, bendigo school of mines, sandhurst school of mines, sandhurst mechanics' institute, bendigo, sandhurst, joseph phillips, phillips, hore, john hore, james phillips, ansaldi, ballarat school of mines establishment, robert borugh smyth, robert m. sergeant, james baker, de la poer wall, warrington rogers, h.b. de la poer wall, r.w. newman, lecture, royal geological society, a. ansaldi, mechanics' institute sandhurst, r.m. sergeant -
Coal Creek Community Park & Museum
Music Sheets
A selection of 36 music sheets. Numbers against each song title has been written by the original owner. 1 - Ginger Headed Feller 2 - Dreamy Hawaiian Moon 3 - Small Fry 4 - A Little Kiss At Twilight 7 - Musical Comedy Favourites Pt 1 & 2 9 - Moonlight in Waikiki 12 - You're Pretty as a Picture / My Own 19 - Sweethearts and Wooden Shoes (2 Copies) 20 - One Day When We Were Young 24 - Who Do You Think You Saw Last Night? / You're Lovely Madam 25 - Thanks For Everything / I Found My Yellow Basket 27 - Josephine / I'm Singing a Song for the Old Folks 30 - Romany / The Park Parade 31 - A Song of Old Hawaii / So little Time 83 - A Pretty Girl is like a Melody / You 101 - One Never Knows, Does One / Goodnight My love 103 - Someone to Care For Me / Rainbow on the Rive 105 - Miracles Sometimes Happen / I Want the Whole World to Love You 112 - The Coronation Waltz 116 - Looking Around Corners For You / There's That Look in Your Eyes Again 117 - May I Have The Next Romance With You? / Head Over Heels in Love 118 - Harbour Lights / There's Yoo-hoo in Your Eyes 146 - Its The Natural Thing to Do / The Moon Got In My Eyes 150 - The Little Boy Santa Forgot / Have You Ever Been In Heaven 152 - Where an Old Spanish Town Used To Be / Once In A While 154 - You're a Sweetheart / My Fine Feathered Friend 157 - Sweet Someone / Broadway's Gone Hawaii 158 - Always and Always / A Gypsy Told Me 160 - Got A Pair Of New Shoes / A Serenade to the Stars 161 - Down Where the Trade Winds Blow / Hawaii Calls 163 - More Than Ever / Let's Give love Another Chance 165 - A Foggy Day / Rosalie 166 - Who Are We To Say / Shadows on the Moon 169 - Melody Farm / The One I Love 170 - Moonshine Over Kentucky / An Old Straw Hat 175 - On The Sentimental Side / My Heart is Taking Lessonspencil and blue ink numbering system. -
Bendigo Historical Society Inc.
Document - MCCOLL, RANKIN AND STANISTREET COLLECTION: NORTH VIRGINIA GOLD MINING COMPANY NL, 1933
McColl Rankin & Stanistreet, North Virginia Gold Mining Company NL. a/ Application for Mining Lease No. 10027, agreed to purchase from Executors in the Estate if the late W H Millet Allotments 164 & 165 Section (A) for the sum of 40 pounds, Executors agreed to sell North Virginia Gold Mining Company NL, Executors and beneficiary Herbert Jackson Leed consented to the sale. Dated 17/8/1933 Signed by: H J Leed & S Millett. b/ Letter dated 11/8/1933, an agreement to sell Allotments 164 &165 Section (A) Parish of Nerring County of Bendigo to the North Virginia Gold Mining Company for 40 pounds. Signed by S Millett. c/Typed receipt for 150 pounds as cash consideration for the purchase and transfer of leases No 10027 and 10150, Bendigo. Dated 21/8/1933. Signed J J Hall. Stamp Duty Stamp 3 pence. d/Particulars And Conditions Of Sale of Freehold Property, by private sale on 23/8/1933. Land allotments 168 & 159 of Section A Parish of Nerring County of Bendigo. Harry Eastwood Jones the vendor sold to North Virginia Gold Mining Company NL purchaser. Signed by Harry Eastwood Jones, Albert L Biescher, J Michelsen, Stanistreet. e/ Particulars And Conditions Of Sale of Freehold Property, by private sale on 23/8/1933. Land allotments 160 of Section A Parish of Nerring County of Bendigo. Charlotte Jones the vendor sold to North Virginia Gold Mining Company NL purchaser. Signed by Charlotte Jones, J Michelsen, Albert L Biescher, Stanistreet. f/ Written on blue paper. Received from McColl Rankin & Stanistreet for 200 paid up shares in North Virginia Cold Mining Co NL distinctive numbers 49801/5000. Signed Scott Bently. Dated 26/9/1933. Pinned to Typed receipt: 50 pounds and 1800 Fully paid up shares in North Virginia Gold Mining Co NL. Dated 13/1/1933 between H J Veale and J J Hall, J A Michelsen, J J Stanistreet date signed 15/9/1933. Stamp Duty Stamp 3 pence.organization, business, gold mine -
Melbourne Tram Museum
Ephemera - Ticket/s, Melbourne & Metropolitan Tramways Board (MMTB), Set of twenty MMTB paper tickets, 1960's
Set of twenty MMTB paper tickets. All have black numbers with City Section over printed in black ink where relevant. See image i1 for tickets and i2 for the rear advertisements. .1 - 4d -printed in green ink on white paper - Aa 374101 .2 - 6d - red ink on off white paper - Hg829068 .3 - 6d - City Section - red ink on pink paper - Ef779926 - has a John Randle Hairdresser of 234 Collins St with a 10/- discount on cold wave or 2/- on your trim or setting. .4 - 6d - City Section - blue ink on off white paper - Bg964676 - has a John Randle Hairdresser of 234 Collins St with a 10/- discount on cold wave or 2/- on your trim or setting, different layout to .3. .5 - 7d - black ink on a light red paper Vd906440. .6 - 7d - City Section - blue ink on off white paper - Am776471 - has an advert - "Build in Thomastown" by the promote Thomastown Committee. .7 - 10d - black ink on red paper - Bv288105. .8 - 1/- black ink on brown paper - Ae857753 .9 - 1/2 - black ink on organe paper - Qb929953 .10 - 1/5 - black ink on yellow paper - Aa610607 .11 - 1/6 - black ink on yellow paper - Yo642195 - with an Royal Victoria Institute for the blind - remember the blind children. .12 - 1/9 - black ink on blue paper - Az134009 .13 - 1/10 - black ink on green paper - Ag867676 .14 - 2/- black ink on pink paper - Ab025997 .15 - 2/2 - black in on grey paper - Aa198789 .16 - 2/6 - red ink on orange paper - Aa359687 .17 - Multiple or dual currency ticket - 7d/6c - black ink on orange paper - An576277 .18 - Multiple or dual currency ticket - 7d/6c - blue ink on white paper - An686025 .19 - Multiple or dual currency ticket - 1/- /10c - black ink on brown paper - Bb472537 .20 - Multiple or dual currency ticket - 2/- /20c - green ink on pink paper - A020313.13 - has in blue ink written on the back of the ticket "Mr G Franzke, Cosmo Rd, Trentham.trams, tramways, tickets, mmtb, decimal conversion -
Kiewa Valley Historical Society
Tin Tobacco / Cigarette, Circa 1900s
This particular brand of tobacco (State Express 555) was first made in 1915, and was most popular in Asia and China. The number triple 5 was mooted as a sacred number, and may have contributed to its high level of demand by Asian smokers. This would have been a favourite "smoke" for the Chinese emigrants, and especially those who settled in rural areas of Australia. In the era where 'male' type of activities such as motor racing, were sponsored by tobacco companies, roll your own cigarettes was ingrained as a macho male requirement. It was only in the early 2000s, when cigarette advertising had greater restrictions attached to the product, that the roll your own, and cigarettes in general, became less "cool". This particular cigarette tin would have also been useful for roll your own (ready rub tobacco)The significance of this particular Qantas cigarette tin to this rural region is that it demonstrates that overseas travel by plane was not only for the affluent city dweller but also available, and not impossible to the inhabitants of the Kiewa Valley. This cigarette tin also may hint that the influx of Asian immigrants into this region where able to visit relatives back in Asia without too much effort. The use of a Qantas cigarette tin in the Kiewa Valley also suggests a degree of affluent there or tourists from elsewhere. This tobacco tin relays a long ago era, when personal contact, and not something that has been written down by some "unknown", was valued as the true appraisal of a member of the community. This was especially relevant in a small regional area such as the Kiewa Valley. Although social networking was not as fast then as the internet provides now, appearances, manners, fashion and etiquette with first impressions high on the order of evaluating someone in the community. Pointer such as the brand of tobacco smoked was part of the rural assessment method. Up until the demise of the Australian Tobacco Industry, circa 2004, the Kiewa Valley and surrounding district was part of a vibrant producer of tobacco leaves. The remnants of this industry still remain today but the drying sheds (for tobacco leaves) are now used to store hay for the valley's dairy and beef cattle industries.This tobacco/cigarette tin is constructed from tin plated thin rolled steel. The lid is attached by two pressed and formed (from the main frame) hinges using the nip and tuck construction method.The outside lid and frame has a yellow colour anodised to the metal.On the front of the lid are the following printed: "STATE EXPRESS" ,in yellow print, and below this are two horizontal lines in brown and central to these are the numbers "555" . Below this appears and within a 'royal' crest, in yellow writing on a brown circular background "STATE EXPRESS". Below this, in brown print, "PICCADILLY, LONDON". On each side of the tin are printed in brown colour: front side" ARDATH TOBACCO CO. LTD. PICCADILLY, LONDON" . On the left and right sides are printed in brown colour "20 STATE EXPRESS 555". On the rear side is with smaller print "MANUFACTURED UNDER ARRANGEMENTS WITH THE POPRIETORS". On the inside of the lid printed in red colour, are the following words, the royal crest and sketch of the winged kangaroo(symbol of the QANTAS logo). Within a red elongated square border, are the Royal Crest and in very small red print "BY APPOINTMENT TO HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN" underneath in slightly larger print "STATE EXPRESS" The print underneath this and in smaller print is "CIGARETTE MANUFACTURERS ARDARTH TOBACCO CO. LTD." Next to the royal crest and in much larger print is "STATE EXPRESS" and underneath this ,the numerals 555 with the words "CIGARETTES" below. The lower half of the inside lid has the following words and the "flying" kangaroo(winged). These words in written (running free hand) style "Specially packed for QANTAS(in red print). Underneath and in smaller print is "AUSTRALIA'S OVERSEAS AIRLINE". On the bottom of this tobacco tin is stamped into the metal surface, the number"704"qantas supplied cigarettes, roll your own, cigarette tins, smoking accessories, personal effects, tobacco containers, tobacco -
Melbourne Legacy
Document - Document, report, Report on Legacy Residences, 1972
An unattributed report dated 18/04/1972 to be read in conjunction with Cat. No. 01670. The report gives details of the situation at that date and projected changes to the functions of the residences, occupancy rates, costs and likely trends in accommodation needs. It explores at length auxiliary and alternate accommodation such as the Salvation Army, YMCA, YWCA and church hostels, before offering future options: (i) to carry on using Harelands, Stanhope and Blamey House without change, (ii) move working girls and boys to YWCA/church hostel or YMCA/church hostel, converting Stanhope to a co-ed residence for over 14s attending school, maintaining Harelands as a co-ed residence for under 14s, and releasing Blamey House. These changes to take place when the number of residents over the age of 14 falls below 34 in two consecutive years.Part of the history of Melbourne Legacy's involvement with residential care for children.White foolscap paper x 6 pages, with black type. Two holes punched for filing, and 2 add-ins. Page 1: Handwritten in pencil: 'Discussed with J. Chancellor 18/4/72', 'DRAFT 18/4/72 see later Draft 19/4', under Occupancy '74' is circled and '72' written next to it. Handwritten in blue biro: '(This report has been updated under the heading of Occupancy to include 1971 figures)', '(a) Junior Legatees' added under 3. Page 2: Handwritten in blue biro: '(b) Costs of Maintaining Residences added under #3, 'ER' added in pencil to 'high' near bottom of page. Page 3: Handwritten in pencil: 'should' changed to 'could' on line 4, lines 5-8 annotated 're other organisations', 'gratified' changed to 'qualified' in blue biro half way down the page. Page 4: figures for apprentices and total pencilled into table and two pencilled lines have been added to para 4. Page 5: 'There being approximately 15 under 18 years' in blue biro inserted in Line 13. Page 6: 'Insert 7' pencilled in front of '7.', which is changed to '8'. Page 7: '8' changed to 9 in pencil, 'problem cases' written at the end, and '(over the age of 14)' inserted in blue biro on the penultimate line. 01672(8): in blue ink: 'members' changed to 'numbers', and 'fill' changed to 'fell'.residences, review, blamey house, harelands, stanhope