The interviews were recorded in 2000 by Bronwen Gray and Alan Young for the production of Unreserved, Stories from Truganina Explosives Reserve, animated stories from past residents, workers and interested people of the Reserve (subject to copyright 2004). Rob Andrew’s career was as an Environmental Health Officer with various councils around Victoria. As an Altona resident he became interested in the Truganina Explosives Reserve when he heard the site was to be sold. He was concerned that because of the prospect of commercial development the community would lose tranquil open parklands. Through his involvement with the Reserve he realised the historical, geomorphic, flora and fauna significance of the site. A primary source of information on memories of the Truganina Explosives Reserve and Altona,VictoriaDigital copy of original cassette recorded in 2000 and digitised in 2018native grasses, explosives, cheetham wetlands, cheetham salt works, doug grant, chirnside, cliff gibson, lava plain, brown coal, sand ridges, selwyn fault, rowsley fault, victorian coastal strategy, aboriginal stone artefacts, aboriginal habitation, aboriginal remains, red gums, casuarinas, altona skipper butterfly, orange bellied parrot

Inspected by archaeologist, Joanna Freslov on 2.6.2008. Stone tools were used for a variety of purposes, in ways similar to those of steel knives, axes, hammers and chisels. Ground-edge tools are made from fracture-resistant stone, such as basalt.This is able to withstand repeated impact, and and so was suitable for use in objects such as stone axes. The stone was quarried, and then roughly shaped into a tool blank with blows from a hammerstone. The edges were then sharpened and refined by grinding the tool against a coarse, gritty rock. The necessary tools and equipment for hunting, fishing and warfare were some of the very few items that Aboriginals carried with them from place to place. Most were used for a multiplicity of purposes. Because many were made from raw natural materials, such as wood, generally only partial remains are found today. This artefact is an exaample of the stone tools that Aboriginal people used.A dark stone handmade Aboriginal axe head.aboriginal axe-head stone-artefacts tool

Inspected by Joanna Freslov, archaeologist 2.6.2008. Ground-edged axes first appeared in south-eastern Australia about 4,000 years ago and were used either with handles or hand-held. Stone tools were used for a variety of purposes, in ways similar to those of steel knives, axes, hammers and chisels. Ground-edge tools are made from fracture-resistant stone, such as basalt. This is able to withstand repeated impact making it suitable for use in objects such as stone axes. The stone was quarried, and then roughly shaped into a tool blank with blows from a hammerstone. The edges were then sharpened and refined by grinding the tool against a coarse, gritty rock. The necessary tools and equipment for hunting, fishing and warfare were one of the very few items that Aboriginals carried with them from place to place. Most were used for a multiplicity of purposes. Because many were made from raw natural materials, such as wood, generally only partial remains are found today. This item is an example of a stone tool used by the early Indigenous people of Eastern australia.A handmade stone Aboriginal axe head.axe-head aboriginal tool stone-artefact

Inspected by Joanna Freslov, archaeologist 2.6.2008. -unusual axe head. Ground-edge tools are made from fracture-resistant stone, such as basalt. This axe would able to withstand repeated impact. The stone would have been dug or found and then roughly shaped into a tool blank with blows from a hammerstone. The edges were then sharpened and refined by grinding the tool against a coarse, gritty rock. Ground-edge tools could be held in the hand, or fashioned to be fixed onto a haft or handle.The necessary tools and equipment for hunting, fishing and warfare were one of the very few items that Aboriginals carried with them from place to place. Most were used for a multiplicity of purposes. Because many were made from raw natural materials, such as wood, generally only partial remains are found today. This stone axe head is an example of a ground-edge tool used by the early Indigenous people in Eastern Australia.A handmade stone Aboriginal axe head.aboriginal tool aboriginal stone-artefact

Inspected by Joanna Freslov, archaeologist 2.6.2008 Ground-edged axes first appeared in south-eastern Australia about 4,000 years ago and were used either with handles or hand-held. Stone tools were used for a variety of purposes, in ways similar to those of steel knives, axes, hammers and chisels. Ground-edge tools are made from fracture-resistant stone, such as basalt which is able to withstand repeated impact, and so is suitable for use in objects such as stone axes. The stone was quarried, and then roughly shaped into a tool blank with blows from a hammerstone. The edges were then sharpened and refined by grinding the tool against a coarse, gritty rockThe necessary tools and equipment for hunting, fishing and warfare were one of the very few items that Aboriginals carried with them from place to place. Most were used for a multiplicity of purposes. Because many were made from raw natural materials, such as wood, generally only partial remains are found today. This item is an example of an early axe head used by the Indigenous people of East Gippsland.A handmade stone Aboriginal axe head.aboriginal tool stone-artefact axe-head

Inspected by Joanna Freslov, archaeologist 2.6.22008. Grinding stones are slabs of stone that Aboriginal people used to grind and crush different materials. Bulbs, berries, seeds, insects and many other things were ground between a large lower stone and a smaller upper stone. This is the lower stone.Large grinding stones such as this one were designed to be left at a camp site for use the next time the group moved there. Smaller grinding stones were carried between sites. Grinding stones were not abandoned when they became worn and smooth through use. The stone would simply be roughened again so it was once again suitable for its function. This is an example of a food preparation utensil used by the Early Indigenous people of Eastern Australia.A large flat rock with grind hole in top. Rock has split. gridstone aboriginal stone-artefact

Inspected by Joanna Freslov, archaeologist 2.6.2008. Stone tools were used for a variety of purposes, in ways similar to those of steel knives, axes, hammers and chisels. Ground-edge tools are made from fracture-resistant stone, such as basaltwhich is able to withstand repeated impact, and is suitable for use in objects such as stone axes. The stone was quarried, and then roughly shaped into a tool blank with blows from a hammerstone. The edges were then sharpened and refined by grinding the tool against a coarse, gritty rockThe necessary tools and equipment for hunting, fishing and warfare were one of the very few items that Aboriginals carried with them from place to place. Most were used for a multiplicity of purposes. Because many were made from raw natural materials, such as wood, generally only partial remains are found today. This axe head is an example of an early stone tool used by the Indigenous people of Eastern Australia.A handmade stone Aboriginal axe head.aboriginal tool stone-artefact axe-head

Inspected by Joonna Freslov, archaeologist 2.6.2008. Stone tools were used for a variety of purposes, in ways similar to those of steel knives, axes, hammers and chisels. Ground-edge tools are made from fracture-resistant stone, such as basalt which is able to withstand repeated impact, and is suitable for use in objects such as stone axes. The stone was quarried, and then roughly shaped into a tool blank with blows from a hammerstone. The edges were then sharpened and refined by grinding the tool against a coarse, gritty rock.The necessary tools and equipment for hunting, fishing and warfare were one of the very few items that Aboriginals carried with them from place to place. Most were used for a multiplicity of purposes. Because many were made from raw natural materials, such as wood, generally only partial remains are found today. This axe head is an example of an early stone tool used by the Indigenous people of Eastern Australia.A handmade stone Aboriginal axe head. Finger grips are clear.axehead aboriginal tool stone-artefact

Passed onto Mark Raymond by his grandmother Mrs Canning (dec), Tawonga, who believed it to be an aboriginal artefact.Black stone with flecks, multiple seams and a smooth surface. Oneside curved, short end has been chipped with two seams. Hand sized.Narrow end has a 13 mm x 14 mm hole of cream coloured stone.aboriginal stone, mrs canning, kiewa valley, tawonga

Donated by Charles Willoughby who found the axe and two others on his farm on the site of the present Lake Buffalo.Aboriginal atrtefacts are relatively rare in the North Eastern Region. This is a well made axe. The location of the quartzite may be significant in showing regional affinities.Quartzite ground edge stone axe with use polish on working edge and flaking on opposite edgeaxe, aboriginal artefact, buffalo river, north east region

Evidence of Aboriginal presence and activities in Buffalo River Valley near site of present Buffalo Dam.Evidence of Aboriginal presence and activities in North East and Alpine areas relatively uncommon.quartzite ground edge stone axe with edge damage axe, aboriginal artefact, buffalo river

Presence of Aboriginal people and their activities in Buffalo RiverAboriginal axes are relatively uncommon in North East Victoria and provide evidence of presence and exploitation of resourcesground edge stone axe with some edge damage and edge polish on working edge and flat opposite edge. axe, aboriginal artefact, buffalo river

Collected by Charles Willoughby on his farm on the site of the current Lake Buffaloregional significance as ground edge stone axes are relatively rare in North Eastern Regionedge ground stone axe, quartzite,flat backed and evidence of hafting axe, aboriginal artefact, buffalo river

These Lithographs were made for the printing and Publishing of the Book entitled "The History of Winchelsea Shire" by Cr. W.L Koenig who was commissioned by the Shire of Winchelsea to collate, Document and present the Pre-Colonial and Colonial History of the Barwon District and in particular the Winchelsea Shire for posterity and public education. The Book was published including the photographs represented by these lithographs as illustrations, and remains the foundation of the historical narrative of the area, and the context of this collection. This Lithograph is one of four depicting indigenous artefacts collected and displayed by Cr. Koenig.Koenigs collection of indigenous artefacts remain as unique in the Surf Coast Shire as a relic of material culture from the district in Pre-Colonial times. These lithographs remain as significant in themselves being the master copy remaining from the publication of Koenig's work. They are aesthetically beautiful as a work of art, and historically (technologically) important in the narrative of printing.Lithograph for printing a Photograph of a collection of indigenous artefacts for publication in the book "History of the Winchelsea Shire" By Cr. W.L. Koenig.NILkoenig, lithograph, illustration, printing blocks, picture, book, indigenous, artefact, image, stone tools, bone, winchelsea, wadda wurrung, witharong, wathaurong, wito wurrung, aboriginal

Mawul Rom Project: Openness, obligation and reconciliation Morgan Brigg (Universtiy of Queensland) and Anke Tonnaer (University of Aarhus, Denmark) Aboriginal Australian initiatives to restore balanced relationships with White Australians have recently become part of reconciliation efforts. This paper provides a contextualised report on one such initiative, the Mawul Rom crosscultural mediation project. Viewing Mawul Rom as a diplomatic venture in the lineage of adjustment and earlier Rom rituals raises questions about receptiveness, individual responsibility and the role of Indigenous ceremony in reconciliation efforts. Yolngu ceremonial leaders successfully draw participants into relationship and personally commit them to the tasks of cross-cultural advocacy and reconciliation. But Mawul Rom must also negotiate a paradox because emphasis on the cultural difference of ceremony risks increasing the very social distance that the ritual attempts to confront. Managing this tension will be a key challenge if Mawul Rom is to become an effective diplomatic mechanism for cross-cultural conflict resolution and reconciliation. Living in two camps: the strategies Goldfields Aboriginal people use to manage in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time Howard Sercombe (Strathclyde University, Glasgow) The economic sustainability of Aboriginal households has been a matter of public concern across a range of contexts. This research, conducted in the Eastern Goldfields of Western Australia, shows how economically successful Aboriginal persons manage ?dual economic engagement?, or involvement in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time. The two economies sometimes reinforce each other but are more often in conflict, and management of conflicting obligations requires high degrees of skill and innovation. As well as creating financially sustainable households, the participants contributed significantly to the health of their extended families and communities. The research also shows that many Aboriginal people, no matter what their material and personal resources, are conscious of how fragile and unpredictable their economic lives can be, and that involvement in the customary economy is a kind of mutual insurance to guarantee survival if times get tough. Indigenous population data for evaluation and performance measurement: A cautionary note Gaminiratne Wijesekere (Dept. of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, Canberra) I outline the status of population census counts for Indigenous peoples, identifying information on Indigenous births and deaths, and internal migration estimates. I comment on the ?experimental? Indigenous population projections and question the rationale for having two sets of projections. Program managers and evaluators need to be mindful of limitations of the data when using these projections for monitoring, evaluating and measuring Indigenous programs. Reaching out to a younger generation using a 3D computer game for storytelling: Vincent Serico?s legacy Theodor G Wyeld (Flinders University, Adeliade) and Brett Leavy (CyberDreaming Australia) Sadly, Vincent Serico (1949?2008), artist, activist and humanist, recently passed away. Born in southern Queensland in Wakka Wakka/Kabi Kabi Country (Carnarvon Gorge region) in 1949, Vincent was a member of the Stolen Generations. He was separated from his family by White administration at four years of age. He grew up on the Cherbourg Aboriginal Reserve in the 1950s, when the policies of segregation and assimilation were at their peak. Only returning to his Country in his early forties, Vincent started painting his stories and the stories that had been passed on to him about the region. These paintings manifest Vincent?s sanctity for tradition, storytelling, language, spirit and beliefs. A team of researchers was honoured and fortunate to have worked closely with Vincent to develop a 3D simulation of his Country using a 3D computer game toolkit. Embedded in this simulation of his Country, in the locations that their stories speak to, are some of Vincent?s important contemporary art works. They are accompanied by a narration of Vincent?s oral history about the places, people and events depicted. Vincent was deeply concerned about members of the younger generation around him ?losing their way? in modern times. In a similar vein, Brett Leavy (Kooma) sees the 3D game engine as an opportunity to engage the younger generation in its own cultural heritage in an activity that capitalises on a common pastime. Vincent was an enthusiastic advocate of this approach. Working in consultation with Vincent and the research team, CyberDreaming developed a simulation of Vincent?s Country for young Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal persons from the Carnarvon Gorge region to explore Vincent?s life stories of the region. The use of Vincent?s contemporary paintings as storyboards provides a traditional medium for the local people to interactively re-engage with traditional values. Called Serico?s World, it represents a legacy to his life?s works, joys and regrets. Here we discuss the background to this project and Vincent?s contribution. A singular beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land RG Gunn (La Trobe University) and RL Whear (Jawoyn Association) Samples from a beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land were analysed for radiocarbon and dated to be about 150 years old. An underlying beeswax figure was found to be approximately 1100 years old. The Dreaming Being Namarrkon is well known throughout Arnhem Land, although his sphere of activity is concentrated around the northern half of the Arnhem Land plateau. Namarrkon is well represented in rock-paintings in this area and continues to be well represented in contemporary canvas-paintings by artists from the broader plateau region. We conclude that representations of Namarrkon in both painted and beeswax forms appear to be parallel manifestations of the late Holocene regionalisation of Arnhem Land. ?Missing the point? or ?what to believe ? the theory or the data?: Rationales for the production of Kimberley points Kim Akerman (Moonah) In a recent article, Rodney Harrison presented an interesting view on the role glass Kimberley points played in the lives of the Aborigines who made and used them. Harrison employed ethnographic and historical data to argue that glass Kimberley points were not part of the normal suite of post-contact artefacts used primarily for hunting and fighting or Indigenous exchange purposes, but primarily were created to service a non-Indigenous market for aesthetically pleasing artefacts. Harrison asserted that this market determined the form that these points took. A critical analysis of the data does not substantiate either of these claims. Here I do not deal with Harrison?s theoretical material or arguments; I focus on the ethnographic and historical material that he has either omitted or failed to appreciate in developing his thesis and which, in turn, renders it invalid. The intensity of raw material utilisation as an indication of occupational history in surface stone artefact assemblages from the Strathbogie Ranges, central Victoria Justin Ian Shiner (La Trobe University, Bundoora) Stone artefact assemblages are a major source of information on past human?landscape relationships throughout much of Australia. These relationships are not well understood in the Strathbogie Ranges of central Victoria, where few detailed analyses of stone artefact assemblages have been undertaken. The purpose of this paper is to redress this situation through the analysis of two surface stone artefact assemblages recorded in early 2000 during a wider investigation of the region?s potential for postgraduate archaeological fieldwork. Analysis of raw material utilisation is used to assess the characteristics of the occupational histories of two locations with similar landscape settings. The analysis indicates variability in the intensity of raw material use between the assemblages, which suggests subtle differences in the occupational history of each location. The results of this work provide a direction for future stone artefact studies within this poorly understood region.document reproductions, maps, b&w photographs, colour photographskimberley, mawul rom project, 3d computer game, storytelling, vincent serico, beeswax, namarrkon, artefact assemblages, strathbogie ranges, groote eylandt, budd billy ii

Stuchbery Farm was situated on the Plenty River bounded by Smugglers Gully to the north and La trobe Road, Yarrambat, to the east. Alan and Ada Stutchbery moved to the valley in 1890, first living in a tent where four children were born. Alfred built a home and outbuildings around 1896. They planted an orchard, then a market garden and developed a dairy. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p179 The dramatic steep-sided Plenty Gorge lies along the divide of two geological areas, and separates the Nillumbik Shire and the City of Whittlesea. On the Nillumbik side are undulating hills and sedimentary rock, and in Whittlesea, lies a basalt plain formed by volcanic action up to two million years ago. This provides the Plenty Gorge Park with diverse vegetation and habitats, making it one of Greater Melbourne’s most important refuges for threatened and significant species. The park, established in 1986, consists of around 1350 hectares, and extends 11 kilometres along the Plenty River, from Greensborough to Mernda. It provides a wildlife corridor for around 500 native plant and 280 animal species.1 The area’s plentiful food and water attracted the Wurundjeri Aboriginal people and then European settlers. By 1837 squatters had claimed large runs of land for their sheep and cattle. The Plenty Valley was among the first in the Port Phillip District to be settled - mainly in the less heavily timbered west - and was proclaimed a settled district in 1841.2 But by the late 1880s, the settlers’ extensive land clearing for animal grazing, then agriculture, depleted the Wurundjeri’s traditional food sources, which helped to drive them away. Many Wurundjeri artefacts remain (now government protected), and so far 57 sites have been identified in the park, including scarred trees, burial areas and stone artefacts. Pioneer life could be very hard because of isolation, flooding, bushfires and bushrangers. Following the Black Thursday bushfires of 1851, basalt was quarried to build more fire-resistant homes. Gold discoveries in the early 1850s swelled the population, particularly around Smugglers Gully; but food production made more of an impact. In the late 1850s wheat production supplanted grazing. In the 1860s the government made small holdings available to poorer settlers. These had the greatest effect on the district, particularly in Doreen and Yarrambat, where orchards were established from the 1880s to 1914. Links with a prominent early family are the remains of Stuchbery Farm, by the river’s edge bounded by Smugglers Gully to the north and La Trobe Road, Yarrambat, to the east. The Stuchberys moved to the valley in 1890, and the family still lives in the area. In 1890, Alfred and Ada first lived in a tent where four children were born, then Alfred built the house and outbuildings around 1896. They planted an orchard, then a market garden, and developed a dairy. The family belonged to the local Methodist and tennis communities. Their grandson Walter, opened the Flying Scotsman Model Railway Museum in Yarrambat, which his widow, Vi, continues to run. Wal was also the Yarrambat CFA Captain for 22 years until 1987. Walter sold 24 hectares in 1976 for development - now Vista Court - and in 1990, the remaining 22.6 hectares for the park. Remaining are an early stone dairy and remnants of a stone barn, a pig sty and a well.3 Until it was destroyed by fire in 2003, a slab hut stood on the Happy Hollow Farm site, at the southern end of the park. The hut is thought to have been built in the Depression around 1893. This was a rare and late example of a slab hut with a domestic orchard close to Melbourne. Emmet Watmough and his family first occupied the hut, followed by a succession of families, until the Bell family bought it around 1948. There they led a subsistence lifestyle for 50 years, despite encroaching Melbourne suburbia.4 The Yellow Gum Recreation Area includes the Blue Lake, coloured turquoise at certain times of the year. Following the 1957 bushfires, this area was quarried by Reid Quarries Pty Ltd for Melbourne’s first skyscrapers, then by Boral Australia. However in the early 1970s water began seeping into the quarry forming the Blue Lake and the quarry was closed. The State Government bought the site in 1997 and opened it as a park in 1999.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, ada stuchbery, alan stuchbery, dairy, stuchbery farm, farm buildings, yarrambat, plenty gorge park

A quarry was transformed into the Blue Lake. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p179 The dramatic steep-sided Plenty Gorge lies along the divide of two geological areas, and separates the Nillumbik Shire and the City of Whittlesea. On the Nillumbik side are undulating hills and sedimentary rock, and in Whittlesea, lies a basalt plain formed by volcanic action up to two million years ago. This provides the Plenty Gorge Park with diverse vegetation and habitats, making it one of Greater Melbourne’s most important refuges for threatened and significant species. The park, established in 1986, consists of around 1350 hectares, and extends 11 kilometres along the Plenty River, from Greensborough to Mernda. It provides a wildlife corridor for around 500 native plant and 280 animal species.1 The area’s plentiful food and water attracted the Wurundjeri Aboriginal people and then European settlers. By 1837 squatters had claimed large runs of land for their sheep and cattle. The Plenty Valley was among the first in the Port Phillip District to be settled - mainly in the less heavily timbered west - and was proclaimed a settled district in 1841.2 But by the late 1880s, the settlers’ extensive land clearing for animal grazing, then agriculture, depleted the Wurundjeri’s traditional food sources, which helped to drive them away. Many Wurundjeri artefacts remain (now government protected), and so far 57 sites have been identified in the park, including scarred trees, burial areas and stone artefacts. Pioneer life could be very hard because of isolation, flooding, bushfires and bushrangers. Following the Black Thursday bushfires of 1851, basalt was quarried to build more fire-resistant homes. Gold discoveries in the early 1850s swelled the population, particularly around Smugglers Gully; but food production made more of an impact. In the late 1850s wheat production supplanted grazing. In the 1860s the government made small holdings available to poorer settlers. These had the greatest effect on the district, particularly in Doreen and Yarrambat, where orchards were established from the 1880s to 1914. Links with a prominent early family are the remains of Stuchbery Farm, by the river’s edge bounded by Smugglers Gully to the north and La Trobe Road, Yarrambat, to the east. The Stuchberys moved to the valley in 1890, and the family still lives in the area. In 1890, Alfred and Ada first lived in a tent where four children were born, then Alfred built the house and outbuildings around 1896. They planted an orchard, then a market garden, and developed a dairy. The family belonged to the local Methodist and tennis communities. Their grandson Walter, opened the Flying Scotsman Model Railway Museum in Yarrambat, which his widow, Vi, continues to run. Wal was also the Yarrambat CFA Captain for 22 years until 1987. Walter sold 24 hectares in 1976 for development - now Vista Court - and in 1990, the remaining 22.6 hectares for the park. Remaining are an early stone dairy and remnants of a stone barn, a pig sty and a well.3 Until it was destroyed by fire in 2003, a slab hut stood on the Happy Hollow Farm site, at the southern end of the park. The hut is thought to have been built in the Depression around 1893. This was a rare and late example of a slab hut with a domestic orchard close to Melbourne. Emmet Watmough and his family first occupied the hut, followed by a succession of families, until the Bell family bought it around 1948. There they led a subsistence lifestyle for 50 years, despite encroaching Melbourne suburbia.4 The Yellow Gum Recreation Area includes the Blue Lake, coloured turquoise at certain times of the year. Following the 1957 bushfires, this area was quarried by Reid Quarries Pty Ltd for Melbourne’s first skyscrapers, then by Boral Australia. However in the early 1970s water began seeping into the quarry forming the Blue Lake and the quarry was closed. The State Government bought the site in 1997 and opened it as a park in 1999.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, blue lake, plenty gorge park

Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p175 It’s Saturday morning and thousands of people are visiting St Andrews Market at the corner of Heidelberg-Kinglake Road and Proctor Street. It’s hard to find a park. Cars are banked up along the narrow road and crammed in a nearby parking area. Yet, at the market, people look relaxed and happy amongst the yellow box gums on the site where the Wurundjeri people used to gather. Stone artefacts unearthed there by Koorie researcher, Isabel Ellender, indicate the site was once a Wurundjeri meeting place, according to Aboriginal Affairs Victoria.1 Acoustic sounds mingle with quiet conversations. A guitarist blows a mouth organ while his bare toes tickle chimes. A tiny busker, perhaps five years old, plays a violin while sounds of a harp emerge from the hall. One stallholder, selling delicious-looking pastries, chats to another in Spanish, then to me in broad Australian. ‘I was born in Fitzroy but my mother came from Mexico and my dad from Serbia,’ she smiles. A New Zealander fell in love with Mongolia and now imports their hand-made embroidered clothes and Yurts (tents) and runs adventure tours. A young woman visited Morocco and when friends admired the shoes she bought, she decided to import them and sell them at the market. Oxfam sells Fair Trade toys and clothes and displays a petition to Make Poverty History. Other stalls sell Himalayan salt, jewellery made from seeds from northern Australia, glass paper-weights from China as well as locally grown vegetables, flowers and organic freshly baked bread. A woman sits in a state of bliss under the hands of a masseur. Another offers Reiki or spiritual healing. A juggler tosses devil sticks – ‘not really about the devil,’ he smiles. This skill was practised thousands of years ago in Egypt and South America he says. At the Chai Tent people lounge on cushions in leisurely conversation. The idea for the market was first mooted among friends over a meal at the home of famous jazz and gospel singer Judy Jacques.2 Jacques remembers a discussion with several local artists including Marlene Pugh, Eric Beach, Les Kossatz, Ray Newell and Peter Wallace. ‘We decided we wanted a meeting place, where all the different factions of locals could meet on common ground, sell their goodies and get to know one another,’ Jacques recalls. They chose the site opposite another meeting place, St Andrews Pub. A week later Jacques rode her horse around the district and encouraged her neighbours to come along to the site to buy or sell. On February 23, 1973, about 20 stallholders arrived with tables. They traded ‘second-hand clothes, vegetables, meat, cheese, eggs, chickens, goats, scones, tea, garden pots and peacock feathers’. Now around 2000 people visit each Saturday. People usually linger until dusk. The market – with around 150 stalls of wares from a wide variety of cultures – stands alongside Montsalvat as the most popular tourist attraction in Nillumbik. By the 1990s St Andrews Market was in danger of being loved to death, as the site was becoming seriously degraded. The market was spreading in all directions and the degradation with it. A local council arborist’s report in 1994 noted exposed tree roots from erosion and compaction. The Department of Sustainability and Environment threatened to close the market if the degradation was not rectified. After many months of research, discussions and lobbying by a few residents, the council formed a Committee of Management, with an Advisory Committee, and introduced an Environment Levy. The State Government, the council and the market, funded terracing of the site to stop erosion, and retain moisture and nutrients. Vehicles were excluded from some sensitive areas and other crucial zones reserved for re-vegetation. Volunteers planted more than 3000 locally grown indigenous species. The old Yellow Box trees fully recovered and are expected to give shade for many years to come.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, didgeridoo, jesse tree, st andrews market, swiss hang drum

The discovery in a Melbourne park (opposite the Osborne Peninsula, North Warrandyte) of an enigmatic Aboriginal stone tool led writer Jenny Brown on a fascinating journey that connected her with expert anthropologists, archeologists, Indigenous elders and knowledge holders to discover what it was. The stone tool invited many interpretations and spun off just as many amazing stories and experiences. It also afforded Jenny the appropriate canvass to tell of her own time-warping encounters with the extraordinary "otherness" of Aboriginal Australia, and with an especially marvelous character, the late Elder of the Yuin Tribe of southern NSW, Guboo Ted Thomas.193 pages : illustrations (chiefly colour), maps, portraits ; 30 cmindigenous history, aboriginal artefacts, warrandyte