Green hard covered book of 163 pages. Contents include matter, crytallography, minerals, flame coloration, blow pipe flame, blow pipe analysis, wet tests, precious stones, arrangement of mineral collectionsminerals, analyst, brook, campbell, crystallography, blow-pipe, precious stones

Index, ill, maps, p.590.non-fictionAn insider's account of Saigon's indecent end told by the CIA's chief. vietnam - history 1945-1975, vietnam war 1961-1975 - american involvement

Told by the CIA's Chief Strategy Analyst in Vietnam.The incredible history of the American role in Vietnam would have been forever poorer without Snepp's perspective.vietnamese conflict , 1961-1975, vietnamese conflict, 1961-1975 - secret service - united states, united states - central intelligence agency (cia)

Paper with the four side labels for Red Currant Bendigo Digger Brand Jelly Crystals. The first side has a coloured picture with various fruits and a drawing of a man with pick and shovel. On each end is Red Currant. The second one is How to Make a Pint of Jelly. The third is an Analysts' Report from Dunn & Stone, Melbourne Analytical Laboratory and has the name printed in red, also the different flavours. The fourth has the name and Should Always be Kept in a Cool Drylace.business, printers, cambridge press, cambridge press collection, bendigo digger brand jelly crystals, melbourne analytical labatory, dunn & stone

Photos include: Log building which the students constructed and used as a co-operative shop, Primary Class, Science class outside their classroom, Government meeting held in the outdoor theatre, Janet and Lawrence Nield. "Koornung School, Warrandyte was established by Clive and Janet Blake Nield in 1939, after they had visited progressive schools in Europe and America. They believed children should be given freedom to grow while learning to accept responsibility; that school should be a miniature democracy and education not a preparation for life but experience of life itself. A government of children and all staff (whatever their jobs in the school) met regularly, made the rules and dealt out punishment for breaking them. The few rules set down by staff related to health and safety, for instance, no pupils were allowed to go into the river without supervision. The school could not have been started at a worse time. Food rationing and coupons, petrol shortages and men at war limiting teaching staff made difficulties. It was an expensive school to run. Financial difficulties became more serious and eventually the school had to close in 1946. Efforts by the children and a Board of Management of notable people failed to save it. Janet Nield (M.A., Dip Ed.) was an inspired teacher of history. She was one of the few women at Melbourne University at that time to gain a Masters degree in history. The Nields left Melbourne to live in Sydney, Clive to work at Sydney University in lecturing in Education and particularly interested in Colombo Plan students. Janet devoted herself to children as a Lay Analyst. She was awarded the title of Training Analyst by a meeting of international psychoanalysts in Europe. - Pat Scott (Mrs Wynne Scott), a former member of staff at Koornung School Collection of five black and white photographs a, letter and descriptive material relating to Koornong School, Warrandyte showing various teachers and students and Connie and Alec Smith's studio.schools, koornong, warrandyte, danila vassilieff, lorna carter, adrian rawlins, teachers, janet nield, clive nield

This is a superbly crafted cartographic mapping instrument. It is housed in its own high-quality purpose-built oak box. Made in the Netherlands from 1950 onwards. This instrument is from c 1956. it is a very high-quality military grade stereoscope that was generally used by photographic interpreters such as intelligence analysts but was equally useful for mapping activities. The stereoscope was used to examine 3D aerial photographic images. This instrument has a particularly useful capability to scan over the 3D stereo model using X and Y movement knobs, rather than having to physically move the aerial photographs. In the public and private sector it was also useful for photogrammetric interpretation for Forestry and Agricultural purposes. See also Bendigo RSL Collections Victoria item Number 6205.6P that shows the Old Deft Stereoscope in use at the Army Survey Regiment, Bendigo.This is an "Old Delft" scanning stereoscope with its reflecting carriage and legs. The Stereoscope is housed in its own purpose built wooden oak box that has dovetail joints, 2 x securing clips, 2 x handles and a lock (without key). The instrument is assembled by inserting colour coded legs into their matching slots."OLD DELFT SCANNING STEREOSCOPE ODSS III" "Patents Applied for" "OLD DELFT C4790" "MADE IN THE NETHERLANDS"royal australian survey corps, rasvy, fortuna, army survey regiment, army svy regt, asr

"MACARONI MANUFACTORY. On the pretty road to the Hepburn Mineral Springs, and not far from where the health-laden waters gush plentifully from the earth, is a two-storied brick it is that Messrs Lucini and Co, carry building, dedicated to the manufacture of macaroni, vermicelli, and the Italians' own especial delight— spaghetti. Here on operations, and Mr Lucini himself was good enough to show the writer around and explain the various proces ses of a manufacture which is little known to Australians. The finest wheat and the mineral waters fresh from the springs are utilised, and by means of a most ingenious machine, the hollow rods of macaroni are turned out in large numbers. Finally, they are packed in boxes and cases, and sent off to the prin cipal agent in Daylesford, Mr J. W. King, who in turn forwards them to all parts of the country. Mr Blackett, thv Govrnment Analyst, writes in most lau datory manner of the productions of the factory, and says that on testing them he found the various sam ples were of excellent quality, and quite equal to any of Italian manufacture. Visitors to the springs should not fail to call in at Messrs Lucini's, which is one of the show places of the district, and will well repay an inspection.A number of women, members of the Lucini family, make macroni and the macaroni factory in Hepburn Springs. lucini, macaroni factory, hepburn springs, spaghetti, macaroni, swiss italian

1813 Joseph Goddard was born in Market Harborough, Leicestershire in1830s and he always held a deep appreciation for beautiful silver. As a chemist and county analyst in Leicester, J. Goddard was frequently called upon to assay fine silver owned by England's wealthy families. Joseph Goddard's career altered when, after the discovery of electroplating, silver-plate became affordable to the average English home. The initial excitement of those who bought new silverware, however, soon turned to disappointment because the commonly used mercurial silver polish ate away the thin-layer of silver-plate. Joseph Goddard was sure that there must be a way to clean tarnished silverware without spoiling the finish then In 1839, and after many unsuccessful attempts, he finally perfected a silver polish that would safely remove tarnish from even the thinnest plated silver. Goddard's Non-Mercurial Plate Powder was introduced and the fame of Plate Powder quickly spread. Goddard's powder became so much in demand that it was soon marketed through other retailers. In 1877 Joseph Goddard died, and his son, also called Joseph, joined the business, followed, in turn, by his son and grand son. All of them expanded the business to produce a range of other polishes. 1885 Goddard's products won six gold medals for excellence at the American Exposition.An interesting history for an everyday item that even today is in use around the world and that we take for granted. The item gives a snapshot into how a product can be developed by shear perseverance by someone who believes there must be a better way of doing a particular task. However this example of Goddard's polishing powder container cannot be associated with an historical event, person or place.Container of Goddard's Plate Powder for polishing silverwareGoddard's Plate Powderflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, goddard's plate powder, goddards, silver polishing

In 1883 the Ballarat School of Mines made some changes in order to make better use of the services of the teachers and to extend "as far as practicable the special educational advantages already afforded" by the School. One of the changes was the introduction of a three years course of training under the professors to qualify students for the following three professions: Analyst and Metallurgist, Electrician, and Geologist and Mining Surveyor. The Council was to confer the distinction of Associate. (Warren Perry, The School of Mines and Industries, Ballarat, 1984, p77) Students who took single subjects or pursued such courses as those for certificate of either mine manager or assayer were not required to pass an entrance examination. Students who wished to qualify for an associateship in once of the courses were expected to have a general education of matriculation standard and to have attended all the prescribed courses of instruction unless they were able to produce to the satisfaction of the School's Board of Examiners evidence of having attained elsewhere the degree of proficiency which was required in any particular subject or subjects. (Warren Perry, The School of Mines and Industries, Ballarat, 1984, p177) Ballarat School of Mines Associateships have been conferred since 1894 on candidates who had passed the prescribed examinations in one or other of the following three courses: Geology, Metallurgy and Mining engineering. Each of these three courses had an additional, but optional, fourth year of study. The prescribed subjects of study for an Associateship were set out in 'The Calendar of the Ballarat School of Mines' in each year. (Warren Perry, The School of Mines and Industries, Ballarat, 1984, p177)A number of timber boards with gold lettering. The list names in date order of when they became an Associates of the Ballarat School of Mines.ballarat school of mines, ballarat school of mines associate, associate of the ballarat school of mines, lonie, jennifer drummond, jill blee, jilian norton, zig plavina, associate boards

AMF Operational Ration This ration pack was developed by Sir Stanton Hicks. It contained three meals, each waterproofed (a vital consideration for the tropics), which offered a balanced selection of meat, vegetables, fruit and vitamin supplements. Before the development of this ration pack, Australian soldiers were supplied with quantities of preserved food that were difficult for a man to carry and divide, and which often did not provide a nourishing diet. Sir Cedric Stanton Hicks (1892-1976), university professor and army catering officer, was born on 2 June 1892 at Mosgiel, New Zealand. University of Otago (B.Sc., N.Z., 1914; M.Sc. Hons, 1915; M.B., Ch.B., 1923) 1916-18 Hicks served as a non-commissioned officer in the New Zealand Expeditionary Force and he assisted Professor J. K. H. Inglis in the synthesis and production of Chloramine-T for use against meningitis among the troops. Hicks was appointed government analyst in 1918. On a Fellowship 1923, he travelled to England and studied at Trinity College, Cambridge (Ph.D., 1926) and caried out research in Switzerland, Germany and the United States of America. 1927 he was appointed to the new chair of physiology and pharmacology at Adelaide University, which he was to hold until 1957. During the Depression he studied the dietary patterns of five hundred families receiving relief. 1940 Hicks was appointed temporary captain, Australian Military Forces, and performed part-time duty as catering supervisor. Moved to Melbourne as chief inspector of catering, he began a campaign for applying scientific principles to the feeding of troops. 1943 the Australian Army Catering Corps was formed. Hicks altered the basis of the allowance for military rations from a monetary to a nutrient entitlement, improved the pay and promotion opportunities of cooks, established schools of cooking and catering, devised new methods for preparing food, supported the service's adoption of the Wiles steam-cooker, and designed jungle-patrol, emergency and air-drop rations. His 'Who Called the Cook a Bastard?' (Sydney, 1972) gave an account of his experiences in military catering.Men from most families in the City of Moorabbin area served in the Australian Military Forces during World War 2.A tin container , khaki colour, used for the storage of a food ration item for a soldier serving in the Australian Military Forces World War 11.TURN KEY ← TO OPEN CAN / diagram of key / A.M.F. / OPERATION/ RATION/ 02 / D↑Dworld war 11, australian military forces, sir cedric stanton hicks, army catering corps, soldier rations, food supplys, australian diggers, food preservation

This photo is thought to have been taken at the time of Alfred Mica Smith's retirement from the Ballarat School of Mines. It is most probably also the unveiling of the Max Meldrum portrait of Smith. Alfred Mica Smith retired from the Ballarat School of Mines in 1922 after an association of 41 years and aged 78 years. At the August meeting of the Ballarat School of Mines Council in 1881 it was resolved that 'Alfred Mica Smith Esq., B.Sc., be appointed Professor in Chemistry and Metallurgy and be Superintendent of the Laboratories, for the period of twelve months at a stipend of five hundred pounds per annum, and to commence duty as soon as possible'. (signed: James Oddie, Vice-President) Smith played a major role in the years of 1887-1893 when SMB was affiliated with Melbourne University. In 1912 he became Professor of Metallurgy and received an annual salary of 250 pounds. Alfred Mica Smith presented many scholarly papers, gave evidence at government enquiries into the safety of mines and became an authority on mine safety and ventilation. He was on the Mines Ventilation Board. Professor Smith was the public analyst for the City of Ballarat and Town of Ballarat East, as well as to a number of other boroughs and shires. He was also Chief juror to the Adelaide International Exhibition, chemical section. He provided information to the Royal Commission on gold mining (1889, 1891), and was President to the chemistry section of Australian Association for the Advancement of Science, Associate of American and Australasian Institute of Mining Engineering, Member of the Science Faculty Melbourne University, and Hon. Life Member of the Miner Managers' Association of Australia. He also was involved in many educational and community affairs such as President of the SMB Students' Association, President of the Ballarat Science Society, first President of the Ballarat Camera Club, Vice President of the Field Naturalists' Club, and he presented Ballaarat Fine Art Gallery with his collection of paintings and porcelain ware. His legacies include the mutual regard between him and his students, the many tributes by former students, the Mica Smith scholarship (established in 1923) and now known as the Corbould-Mica Smith Travelling Scholarship, his portrait in oils by noted artist Max Meldrum, and the marble bust of Smith sculptured by Paul Montford. Money for a scholarship in sanitary science at the University of Manchester in the name of his uncle R. A. Smith was left being set up in 1928. Smith died of cancer on 14 May 1926 and his remains, cremated at Springvale, were interred in the Ballaarat New Cemetery. See http://guerin.ballarat.edu.au/curator/honour-roll/honourroll_Smith,%20Alfred%20Mica.shtml Black and white mounted photograph showing a number of men sitting around two dining tables at Craig's Royal Hotel in Ballarat. Professor Alfred Mica Smith of the Ballarat School of Mines is standing 15 from the left, and is the subject of the painting on an easel to the left. The painting was presented to the Ballarat Fine Art GalleryLower right of mount 'Victa Studios Ballarat' Verso (typed and glued on): Presentation to professor Mica Smith, Craig's Hotelballarat school of mines, craig's hotel, craig's royal hotel, alfred mica smith, art gallery of ballarat, ballarat fine art gallery, portrait, frederick martell, daniel walker

Born in Ireland, John Drummond Kirkland trained as a chemical analyst through apprenticeship in a medical laboratory in Dublin, before migrating to Australia in 1852 and moving to Melbourne in 1855. While still an undergraduate medical student at the University of Melbourne, he was appointed lecturer in chemistry following the sudden death of John Macadam in 1865. Due to the enthusiastic support of his fellow students this temporary role became a permanent appointment the following year. Kirkland continued his studies, graduating in medicine in 1873 and surgery in 1880. His son, John Booth Kirkland, was appointed as his assistant in 1878, later leading to accusations of nepotism. In 1882 John Drummond Kirkland became the University?s first professor of chemistry and metallurgy, continuing until his death in 1885. Today?s researchers use a high performance computing facility named ?Kirkland? after the first Professor of Chemistry at the University of Melbourne. Chemistry was still controlled by the medical school during Kirkland?s career, but became part of the science degree from 1886, along with the appointment of David Orme Masson as professor. Kirkland struggled for University funding to buy new apparatus. To compensate, he bought much from his own personal funds, including analytical chemistry equipment. Chemistry was first taught at Melbourne in the medical school, located in the area now occupied by Physics and the Ian Potter Museum of Art. (Sir) David Orme Masson was Professor of Chemistry at the University of Melbourne from 1886 to1923. As well as being a distinguished teacher and researcher, he contributed significantly to Australian scientific and public life, being instrumental in the establishment and governance of many important bodies including the CSIRO. Masson supported Antarctic research for 25 years, beginning with Douglas Mawson?s expedition of 1911. Born in England and receiving an MA, BSc and DSc from the University of Edinburgh, he was a gifted, elegant and disciplined lecturer and a researcher of substance. His research work included the theory of solutions, from which emerged the term ?critical solution temperature?; the periodic classification of the elements; and the velocity of migration of ions in solutions. Much of his research was done in collaboration with talented students such as David Rivett and his own son Irvine Masson. Masson was knighted in 1923. He is commemorated by the Masson Theatre and Masson Road at the University of Melbourne; a mountain range and island in Antarctica; a portrait painting by William McInnes in the foyer of the School of Chemistry; the Masson lectureship from the Australian National Research Council; and the Masson memorial scholarship from the Royal Australian Chemical Institute.Stocks used in the Blackie - Masson - J.B.Kirkland work.

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The School of Mines Ballaarat. Annual Report 1883. Statement of Receipts and expenditure, general balance sheet, and list of subscriptions donations 1882. Sketch of School of Mines. Sketch Section from Lal Lal to the Moorabool (looking north) Geological map of Lal Lal. In the County of Grant. Annual Report, Balance Sheet, Certificates granted by the Council, Examination Papers - Elementary Science Classes (Appendix), Extracts from Visitors' Book, Fees, Form of Bequest, Honorary Correspondents. Life Governors, Museum - open to visitors, Notes on the Geology of Lal Lal (with Geological Plan & Sections), Obituary, Office Bearers, Paper of Particulars, Rules of the Ballaarat Field Club and Science Society (Appendix), Report of the Curator of the Museum and Library, Report of the Superintendent of Laboratories, Report of the Lecturer in Mathematics, Report of the Lecturer in Mechanical Engineering, Report of the Lecturer in Telegraphy, Report of the Lecturer in Materia Medica, Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year 1882, Subjects and Lectures, Subjects and Examiners, Subscriptions and Donations, from 1st January to 31st December 1882.Ballaarat School of Mines annual Report. Hard cover red book of 101 pages. Includes plans on Lal Lal and surrounds. ballarat school of mines, annual report, balance sheet, certificates granted by the council, examination papers, extracts from the visitors' book, fees, form of bequest, honorary correspondents, life governors, museum, notes on the geology of lal lal, obituary: charles william thomas. one of the examiners in mining and surveying, office bearers, paper of particulars, rules of the ballaarat field club and science society, report of the curator of the museum and library, report of the superintendent of laboratories, report of the lecturer in mathematics, report of the lecturer in mechanical engineering, report of the lecturer in telegraphy, report of the lecturer in materia medica, statement of receipts and expenditure for the year 1882, subjects and lectures, subjects and examiners, subcriptions and donations, from 1st january to 31st december 1882, alf. mica smith, professor of chemistry, alf. mica smith, metallurgy, f. m. krause - professor of geology, mineralogy, scientific mining, t. h. thompson, practical mining, w. h. shaw mechanical engineering, h. reid, mechanical enginnering, phoenix foundry company (limited), a. a. buley, mathematics, f. m. krause, land, mining and engineering surveying, w. d. campbell, telegraphy, james oddie, vice-president, alf. mica smith, natural philosophy (elementary mechanics and hydrostatics, magnetism and electricty, sound, light and heat), j. f. usher, materia medica, pharmacy and physiology, examiner, professor h. m. andrew, m. a., examiner, h. d. de la poer wall, m. a, c. e., examiner, thomas mann, b. a., examiner, p. c. fitzpatrick, c. s., examiner, h. rosale, j.p., f.g.s, m.e. and m, examiner, john lewis, examiner, w. c. kernot, m.a., c.e., examiner, professor mccoy, examiner, j. cosmo newbery, c.m.g., b. sc., examiner, baron von mueller, k.c.m.g., m. et ph. d., f. r.s., examiner, sam. w. macgowan, examiner, w. p. bechervaise, examiner, r. l. j. ellery, f.r.s. govt. astronomer, examiner, f. m. krause, c.e., examiner, j. m. bickett, examiner, n. kent, examiner, a. martin, examiner, r. s. mitchell, examiner, w. h. keast, examiner, p. matthews, examiner, d. milliken, examiner, j. t. richards, examiner, jonathan robinson, examiner, t. h. thompson, examiner, h. brookes allen, m.d., examiner, joseph bosisto, examiner, c. r. blackett, m.l.a., examiner, wm. johnson, analyst to the government of victoria, ferdinand krause, ballarat field naturalists club, ferdinand von mueller, thomas mann, a.a. buley, ferrdinand krause, alfred mica smith, james oddie, william johnson, jonathan robinson, james bickett, r.l.j. ellery, cosmo newbery, ballarat field naturalists

The School of Mines Ballaarat. Annual Report 1883. Statement of Receipts and expenditure, general balance sheet, and list of subscriptions donations 1883. Annual Report, Balance Sheet, Certificates granted by the Council, Examination Papers - Elementary Science Classes (Appendix), Fees, Honorary Correspondents. Life Governors, Museum - open to visitors, Office Bearers, Paper of Particulars, Report of the Curator of the Museum and Library, Report of the Superintendent of Laboratories, Report of the Lecturer in Mathematics, Report of the Lecturer in Mechanical Engineering, Report of the Lecturer in Telegraphy, Report of the Lecturer in Materia Medica, Report of the Lecturer of Astronomy, Scale of Charges for Assays and Analyses, Examinations Held, Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year 1883, Subjects and Lectures, Subjects and Examiners, Subscriptions and Donations, from 1st January to 31st December 1883.Ballaarat School of Mines annual Report. Soft cover pale green booklet of 67 pages. Includes a colour Geological Map of Lal Lal and a sketch Section from Lal Lal to the Moorabool. Inscription on front cover 'Office Copy' On pages 4 and 5 some names have been crossed out and others added.ballarat school of mines, annual report, balance sheet, certificates granted by the council, examination papers, fees, honorary correspondents, life governors, museum, office bearers, paper of particulars, ballarat school of mines museum, library, superintendent of laboratories, mathematics, mechanical engineering, telegraphy, lecturer in materia medica, statement of receipts and expenditure for the year 1882, examiners, subcriptions and donations, alfred mica smith, chemistry, metallurgy, f.m. krause, ferdinand krause, geology, mineralogy, scientific mining, t.h. thompson, practical mining, w.h. shaw, h. reid, mechanical enginnering, phoenix foundry company (limited), phoenix foundry, arthur. a. buley, mining, engineering surveying, walter. d. campbell, j. wall, astronomy, james oddie, natural philosophy, elementary mechanics and hydrostatics, magnetism and electricty, sound, light and heat, j.f. usher, materia medica, pharmacy, physiology, w.h. shawmechanical engineering, h.m. andrew, h.d. de la poer wall, thomas mann, p.c. fitzpatrick, h. rosale, john lewis, w.c. kernot, mccoy, j. cosmo newbery, baron von mueller, samuel w. macgowan, w.p. bechervaise, r.l.j. ellery, astronomer, j.m. bickett, james bickett, n. kent, a. martin, r.s. mitchell, w.h. keast, p. matthews, d. milliken, j.t. richards, jonathan robinson, h. brookes allen, joseph bosisto, c.r. blackett, m.l.a., william. johnson, government of victoria analyst, moorabool, lal lal, skipton, coal, skipton coal discovery, lal lal creek, moorabool falls, lal lal race course, lal lal falls, moorabool river, william h. keast