Causeway over river to Griffith Island after storm 1975 . Southwest passageblack and white photograph of Cars parked at causeway during stormCauseway over river 16/05/1975southwest passage, causeway, storm, 1975, griffith island

Causeway 1975 storm and newspaper describing the sceneBlack and white photograph of High tide and storm flooding the causeway near the south west passagePort Fairy Gazette Phone 14 Printers Publishers stationerscauseway, storm, 1975, newpaper article, southwest passage

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Specially Made for: The Graeco Egyptian Tobacco Store. Hongkong.This item, a souvenir from Hongkong from between the wars (circa 1923) was brought home to Research, Victoria by Bill Teagle who was serving in the Royal Australian Navy (1919-1945). According to Bill's neice Valerie Waller (nee Feldbauer, daughter of Violet and Theodore 'Curly' Feldbauer), her Uncle Bill would always bring some sort of souvenir home from his travels for family members. The item ( along with a series of postcards from Japan of the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1 September 1923) was possibly given by Bill Teagle to his sister Margaret Rose (formerly Ingram) who later married Richard Edward (Eddie) Fielding in early 1948. (Eddie had been engaged to someone else before he went to war, but his fiancée broke it off before his return to Australia.) It was cared for by the Teagle/Fielding family for approximately one hundred years. It is of particular significance given the family's connection to the Eltham War Memorial through 'Curly' Feldbauer and the significance of that memorial to the local community and represents that despite the horrors of war, former friends then foes can become friends again.tom fielding collection, postcard, hongkong, a. h. & co. hongkong, the graeco egyptian tobacco store

The Pollard Archway was named for Charles Pollard, who was the son of an early settler at Bonegilla. Charles Pollard was awarded the MBE for his involvement in community service, he was Secretary of the Murray Valley Shows Association, Shire President in 1926-27, 1945-46 and 1946-47. He was Foundation President of the Wodonga Show Society, and North-Eastern representative of the Dairymen’s Association of Victoria. The arch is 29 metres wide and 15 metres high and consists of two boomerangs coming together to form an archway. Originally spanning across a single carriageway of the Lincoln Causeway, the arch was opened by Princess Alexandra of Kent in 1959 and was built for £1230. When the Country Roads Board said the causeway would have to be duplicated in 1973, a new home was required for the arch. The arch was moved in 1975 to allow for widening of the Lincoln Causeway and spent some time in storage. It was re- erected in Hamilton Smith Drive in 1982 after restoration by the Rotary Club of Belvoir-Wodonga. At the request of the Wodonga Show Society, the arch was moved to the entrance of the showgrounds in 1982. After development of the precinct in 2015, the Pollard Arch was erected on Hamilton Smith Drive Wodonga.These images represent the construction and then subsequent of structure acknowledging the contribution of Councillor Pollard to the community of Wodonga.A series of black and white images documenting the construction and opening of the Pollard arch on the Lincoln Causeway in Wodonga in 1959. A coloured photo from 1965 is also included.wodonga pioneers, pollard family, pollard archway

The permanent fruit fly road blocks in Victoria began in 1958. The first was set up on the Lincoln Causeway between Albury and Wodonga. The aim was to protect the Victorian fruit export industry, the largest in the country. Cars would be stopped and inspected when entering Victoria. At peaks periods, such as Easter and school holidays, there were up to 10 inspectors at the 24 hour checkpoint near the former butter factory on the Lincoln Causeway. Local residents could apply for a pass which would be displayed on their window, but were still subject to random checks. Hundreds of tonnes of fruit each week was confiscated and pulverised by Department of Agriculture staff. The road block was closed in 1980, partly due to the increased traffic flows and the cost of maintaining inspection points.This image reflects government measures taken to protect the fruit industry in Victoria.A large image of the LIncoln Causeway at the Victorian/NSW border at Wodonga. The southbound lanes on the right hand side feature overhead signals and traffic light signs to control traffic leading into the Fruit fly inspection checkpoint ahead. The photo is in a wooden frame.On right hand side: Border sign: Wodonga/Victoria and the Victorian State Coat of Arms.fruit fly control, victoria border, lincoln causeway wodonga

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Colour photograph of the township, taken from Jemmys Point. It shows the causeway and raised bridge to Bullock Island, scrub covered sand hummocks and Bass Strait in distance. Lakes Entrance Victoria waterways, topography, township

Postcard, WW1, B&W image of the ruined Lille Gate entrance to Ypres. Causeway leading to the gate. Small boat with an indistinct figure on water at left. Part of the city wall on right. Copy Z 1postcard, postcard, ww1, lille gate, ypres, france

Date made May 1962Colour photograph of Bullock Island. It shows the causeway and raised bridge to the island, Cunninghame Arm, dwellings and jetty at hummocks, western pier of entrance, sandy area of island planted with grass. Taken prior to transfer of PWD to island, and before Pecks factory and Fishermens Co-Operative. Lakes Entrance Victoriaislands, waterways, land reclamation, fishing industry

The permanent fruit fly road blocks in Victoria began in 1958. The first was set up on the Lincoln Causeway between Albury and Wodonga. The aim was to protect the Victorian fruit export industry, the largest in the country. Cars would be stopped and inspected when entering Victoria. At peaks periods, such as Easter and school holidays, there were up to 10 inspectors at the 24 hour checkpoint near the former butter factory on the Lincoln Causeway. Local residents could apply for a pass such as this one which would be displayed on their window, but were still subject to random checks. Hundreds of tonnes of fruit each week was confiscated and pulverised by Department of Agriculture staff. The road block was closed in 1980, partly due to the increased traffic flows and the cost of maintaining inspection points.This image reflects government measures taken to protect the fruit industry in Victoria.A transparent sticker designed to be applied to a car window for motorists to pass through Department of Agriculture fruit fly control points. Instructions for applying the sticker to the window are written on the back of the sticker. It features a large coloured image of a fruit fly as well as a smaller life sized representation of a fruit fly.Around the edge of the circle: "DON'T SPREAD FRUIT FLY/ VICTORIAN DEPT. OF AGRICULTURE? Beside small fruit fly image: "Actual Size"fruit fly control, department of agriculture, fruit fly pass

A wide range of souvenirs have been produced to commemorate Wodonga and its landmarks over time. These items document key changes in Wodonga and its heritage. The arch is named in honour of Cr Charles Pollard, a foundation member of the Wodonga Show Society and former Wodonga Shire councillor and president. The arch is 29 metres wide and 15 metres high and consists of two boomerangs coming together to form an archway. Originally spanning across a single carriageway of the Lincoln Causeway, the arch was opened by Princess Alexandra of Kent in 1959 and was built for £1230. When the Country Roads Board said the causeway would have to be duplicated in 1973, a new home was required for the arch. At the request of the Wodonga Show Society, the arch was moved to the entrance of the showgrounds in 1982. After development of the precinct in 2015, the Pollard Arch was erected on Hamilton Smith Drive Wodonga.Small china pieces carrying scenic views of holiday destinations were a popular kind of souvenir during much of the 20th century. These items have local and social significance as they reflect the landmarks or local features valued by the community over time.Fine china round plate, white with image of the Pollard Archway in Wodonga, Victoria in the bottom third of the plate. Inscription below the image.On bottom of image "Pollard Archway, Wodonga, Vic". Manufacturer's mark on back "St Kilda/ Fine China/ Australia / Hand Painted"souvenir, wodonga, victoria, pollard archway, landmarks wodonga

Two tinted copies, one 8.5 x 13.5 and one 6.5 x 9Black and white postcard showing town, twelve memorial cypress trees and spotting tower on foreshore, post office wharf, boat harbour, Club Hotel at west end of esplanade with five palm trees opposite, causeway to Bullock Island, highway bridge over North Arm, highway up to Jemmys Point, Rigby, Fraser and Flannagan Island's towards Metung. Lakes Entrance VictoriaLakes Entrance islands, aerial photograph, waterways, township

Lindisfarne – also known as Holy Island – is one of the most important centres of early English Christianity. It can be reached by car at low tide as there is a causeway across to the Island. Irish monks settled here in AD 635 and the monastery became the centre of a major saint’s cult celebrating its bishop, Cuthbert. The masterpiece now known as the Lindisfarne Gospels was created here in the early 8th century. There is a small village on the island, with a church still in use. Interesting graves, the priory ruin, Viking remnants and a castle adorn the isle.Grave showing Freemason's symbol, Lindisfarne Island, UKIn Memory of George Burn, with a compass and set square and castle symbolgeorge burn, grave, freemason, symbolic, symbol, linidsfarne, st cuthbert, holy island, northumberland

The dairy farm of Eric Lemke and family was located on the Wodonga flats on the Murray River flood plain, west of the Union Bridge. The property was named "Waterford". They ran a large dairy herd (250 cows) and ran five milk carts to Albury to service their customers. The family bought a second property at Wodonga West, on Felltimber Creek, where herds could be rested before calving, and also as an emergency location for milking during times of flood, which sometimes lasted for several weeks at a time. At other times when the cows finished their lactation period at "Waterford" they would be walked to the Lemke property at Wodonga West, for a rest before calving. When the calves were drafted it was a matter of gathering the cows and calves and walking them back home which was an all day job. During the Depression Mr. Lemke took milk to the out-of-work men who slept under the bridges on the causeway and Mrs Lemke would make bread for them. The men would often work on the farm without wages in return for the Lemke's kindness. The Lemke Family are ranked amongst the top early settlers of the district for their perseverance during the hardships of the early days and during the Great Depression. Lemke Road on Gateway Island, Wodonga is named in their honour.This item has local significance because it came from a prominent Wodonga family business.A small metal tag used to label dairy cans on the property of Eric Lemke.E. LEMKE WODONGAe. lemke wodonga, lemke family, wodonga dairy industry, ernie lemke

Holdenson and Nielson Fresh Food Pty Ltd was founded in 1903 by Poul Jorgenson Holdenson and Andrew Nielson, after acquiring the Fresh Food and Storage Co, which had plants throughout Australia, including Albury. The plant was moved to Wodonga that year. Cream was collected from all areas of North East Victoria and the Riverina, with contractors carting it to the railway stations for rail travel to Wodonga. The Butter Factory was built on the Lincoln Causeway in 1926, and the Cheese Factory in 1942 as a wartime emergency project. At the same time, a pasteurising plant was installed in the complex, and so whole milk was collected from dairy farmers, rather than just cream. The company was bought out by the North Eastern Dairy Co-operative in 1962. It became a retail milk depot also involved in ice-making and cold storage. In 1985, Goulburn Murray bought the complex and as the site was surplus to requirements, it was sold to Wodonga Council. The buildings were adapted for other uses. The Butter Factory was modified and extended and for some time was occupied by the Albury- Wodonga Visitor Centre. The Creator's Gallery was established in the engine room, and the loading area and ice-making works were extended and modified for use as the HotHouse Theatre. The Cheese Factory was adapted for use as a theatre and jazz venue, and housed the HotHouse office. The various outbuildings, such as garages and storage areas, were adapted for use as shops and craft outlets.This collection is significant because it documents an important industry in Wodonga.A collection of images and advertisements promoting Holdenson and Nielsen of Wodongaholdenson & nielson, wodonga dairies, victorian dairy industry

Elaine Mann was married to David Mann, a successful Wodonga businessman and community leader who passed away in Wodonga in June 2012. David was a member of the Mann family who began their business in Wodonga in 1920. Elaine was a teacher in Wodonga for many years and an active member of the community.This photo collection is of significance as it documents how the businesses and buildings in Wodonga have evolved and contributed to community throughout the late 20th century.These businesses were located just north of the railway crossing between Melbourne Road and Bond Street. The railway signals can be seen in the background above Peter’s Fish Café. These buildings have all been demolished and the area is now part of Junction place. Jim Matthews was selling Radiola car radios. He also sold used furniture and had a bike repair business at this location, before later expanding his bike business on the south of the railway crossing, Peters Cafe was at 103 High Street. It was operated by the Bouteris family in the early 1970s. It later became the Chao Thai Restaurant. Vee Jay Radio was operated by Mr. Albert Eddie Branwhite. He moved to Wodonga in 1946 and started selling radio repairs door to door. He then set up his store in 105 High Street. This site had previously been a barber’s shop. The business involved electrical repairs and appliance sales. In the late 1950s Mr. Branwhite established the Wodonga Express. He set the type and printed from the back of this shop until relocating to the Lincoln Causeway. He was actively involved in the community, including many years on the Wodonga Hospital Board of Management which was recognised with a life governorship. Mr. Branwhite passed away in 2001, wodonga businesses, high st wodonga, vee jay radio, jim matthews, peter’s fish café, mr. albert eddie branwhite

The Dibb Report into mainland defence of Australia,1986, among other things identified the requirement for protection of key assets in Northern Australia and the possibility of involving Army Reserve (Ares) units in this thus releasing regular forces for offensive operations. Dibb also pointed out that this defined role would result in a huge lift in Ares morale. In June 1988, the 3rd Division (3Div) conducted a Tactical Exercise without Troops (TEWT), Exercise ‘Distant Trumpet’ in the Katherine- Darwin area to study problems associated with defence against low level incursions against Tindal RAAF Base. Exercise ‘Northern Explorer’ followed in October of that year when units of the 3Div including A Squadron 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles sent patrol groups to get a first taste of environment and conditions. Post-Exercise reports had to include recommendations re: health, equipment and adaptation of Standing Operating Procedures (SOPs) in preparation for the new role deploying to Northern Australia. The first deployment by 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles was in 1988. Deployments continued in following years. In September 1993, 3 Troop (Wangaratta) VMR Squadron 4/19 PWLH commanded by Captain Kelvin Robertson deployed to NT. The training began with airfield defence at Tindal followed by a 1000km recon into Arnhem Land in four Landrovers. The troop reported on the conditions of the roads, airfields, bridges (mainly causeways) resources such as fuel supplies in the towns and infrastructure. Each troop taking different route. 3 Troop had the Northern route through Kakadu National park across the East Alligator River to Oenpelli then to Maningrida and Ramangining and south to the Central Arnhem Road and back to Tindal Air force Base. Colour photograph of five soldiers and three vehicles of VMR Squadron,4/19 Prince of Wales's Light Horse on roadside during annual exercise in Northern Territory 1994.military, vehicles, soldiers, northern territory, training, vmr

The Dibb Report into mainland defence of Australia,1986, among other things identified the requirement for protection of key assets in Northern Australia and the possibility of involving Army Reserve (Ares) units in this thus releasing regular forces for offensive operations. Dibb also pointed out that this defined role would result in a huge lift in Ares morale. In June 1988, the 3rd Division (3Div) conducted a Tactical Exercise without Troops (TEWT), Exercise ‘Distant Trumpet’ in the Katherine- Darwin area to study problems associated with defence against low level incursions against Tindal RAAF Base. Exercise ‘Northern Explorer’ followed in October of that year when units of the 3Div including A Squadron 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles sent patrol groups to get a first taste of environment and conditions. Post-Exercise reports had to include recommendations re: health, equipment and adaptation of Standing Operating Procedures (SOPs) in preparation for the new role deploying to Northern Australia. The first deployment by 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles was in 1988. Deployments continued in following years. In September 1993, 3 Troop (Wangaratta) VMR Squadron 4/19 PWLH commanded by Captain Kelvin Robertson deployed to NT. The training began with airfield defence at Tindal followed by a 1000km recon into Arnhem Land in four Landrovers. The troop reported on the conditions of the roads, airfields, bridges (mainly causeways) resources such as fuel supplies in the towns and infrastructure. Each troop taking different route. 3 Troop had the Northern route through Kakadu National park across the East Alligator River to Oenpelli then to Maningrida and Ramangining and south to the Central Arnhem Road and back to Tindal Air force Base. Colour photograph of group of soldiers of VMR Squadron 4/19Prince of Wales's Light Horse studying maps on bonnet of Land Rover during annual exercise in Northern Territory 1994.Major M. Annett wearing slouch hat, Sergeant Gary Wynn,without hat,,on his left.

The Dibb Report into mainland defence of Australia,1986, among other things identified the requirement for protection of key assets in Northern Australia and the possibility of involving Army Reserve (Ares) units in this thus releasing regular forces for offensive operations. Dibb also pointed out that this defined role would result in a huge lift in Ares morale. In June 1988, the 3rd Division (3Div) conducted a Tactical Exercise without Troops (TEWT), Exercise ‘Distant Trumpet’ in the Katherine- Darwin area to study problems associated with defence against low level incursions against Tindal RAAF Base. Exercise ‘Northern Explorer’ followed in October of that year when units of the 3Div including A Squadron 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles sent patrol groups to get a first taste of environment and conditions. Post-Exercise reports had to include recommendations re: health, equipment and adaptation of Standing Operating Procedures (SOPs) in preparation for the new role deploying to Northern Australia. The first deployment by 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles was in 1988. Deployments continued in following years. In September 1993, 3 Troop (Wangaratta) VMR Squadron 4/19 PWLH commanded by Captain Kelvin Robertson deployed to NT. The training began with airfield defence at Tindal followed by a 1000km recon into Arnhem Land in four Landrovers. The troop reported on the conditions of the roads, airfields, bridges (mainly causeways) resources such as fuel supplies in the towns and infrastructure. Each troop taking different route. 3 Troop had the Northern route through Kakadu National park across the East Alligator River to Oenpelli then to Maningrida and Ramangining and south to the Central Arnhem Road and back to Tindal Air force Base. Two colour photographs of vehicle mishap during VMR Squadron 4/19Prince of Wales's Light Horse annual exercise in Northern Territory 1994.Second photo shows driver receiving medical attention.

The Dibb Report into mainland defence of Australia,1986, among other things identified the requirement for protection of key assets in Northern Australia and the possibility of involving Army Reserve (Ares) units in this thus releasing regular forces for offensive operations. Dibb also pointed out that this defined role would result in a huge lift in Ares morale. In June 1988, the 3rd Division (3Div) conducted a Tactical Exercise without Troops (TEWT), Exercise ‘Distant Trumpet’ in the Katherine- Darwin area to study problems associated with defence against low level incursions against Tindal RAAF Base. Exercise ‘Northern Explorer’ followed in October of that year when units of the 3Div including A Squadron 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles sent patrol groups to get a first taste of environment and conditions. Post-Exercise reports had to include recommendations re: health, equipment and adaptation of Standing Operating Procedures (SOPs) in preparation for the new role deploying to Northern Australia. The first deployment by 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles was in 1988. Deployments continued in following years. In September 1993, 3 Troop (Wangaratta) VMR Squadron 4/19 PWLH commanded by Captain Kelvin Robertson deployed to NT. The training began with airfield defence at Tindal followed by a 1000km recon into Arnhem Land in four Landrovers. The troop reported on the conditions of the roads, airfields, bridges (mainly causeways) resources such as fuel supplies in the towns and infrastructure. Each troop taking different route. 3 Troop had the Northern route through Kakadu National park across the East Alligator River to Oenpelli then to Maningrida and Ramangining and south to the Central Arnhem Road and back to Tindal Air force Base. Two colour photographs of creek crossings, one more challenging than the other,during the annual exercise in Northern Territory, conducted by VMR Squadron 4/19 Prince of Wales's Light horse, 1994.

The Dibb Report into mainland defence of Australia,1986, among other things identified the requirement for protection of key assets in Northern Australia and the possibility of involving Army Reserve (Ares) units in this thus releasing regular forces for offensive operations. Dibb also pointed out that this defined role would result in a huge lift in Ares morale. In June 1988, the 3rd Division (3Div) conducted a Tactical Exercise without Troops (TEWT), Exercise ‘Distant Trumpet’ in the Katherine- Darwin area to study problems associated with defence against low level incursions against Tindal RAAF Base. Exercise ‘Northern Explorer’ followed in October of that year when units of the 3Div including A Squadron 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles sent patrol groups to get a first taste of environment and conditions. Post-Exercise reports had to include recommendations re: health, equipment and adaptation of Standing Operating Procedures (SOPs) in preparation for the new role deploying to Northern Australia. The first deployment by 8/13 Victorian Mounted Rifles was in 1988. Deployments continued in following years. In September 1993, 3 Troop (Wangaratta) VMR Squadron 4/19 PWLH commanded by Captain Kelvin Robertson deployed to NT. The training began with airfield defence at Tindal followed by a 1000km recon into Arnhem Land in four Landrovers. The troop reported on the conditions of the roads, airfields, bridges (mainly causeways) resources such as fuel supplies in the towns and infrastructure. Each troop taking different route. 3 Troop had the Northern route through Kakadu National park across the East Alligator River to Oenpelli then to Maningrida and Ramangining and south to the Central Arnhem Road and back to Tindal Air force Base Major Annett later commanded 4/19 Prince of Wales's Light Horse, and later again 4th Brigade 2nd Division.. Colour photograph of Major M. Annett, Officer Commanding VMR Squadron 4/19Prince of Wales's Light Horse during annual exercise Northern Territory 1994.