Brown soft covered book that was formerly No 2009 in the Sebastopol Free Library Collection. sebastopol free library, sebastopol library, property law, lord st leonards, bookplate, library plate

This book was formerly in the circulating collection of the Sebastopol Free Library.Brown hard covered book with gold lettering. 232 pages including comprehensive index. The inside cover has a bookplate which stated 'Sebastopol Free Library No. 2009'.stamped inside 'Free Library Sebastopol'

Black leather look hard cover book of 588 pagesHand wirtten in blue pen "The property of / Law Praid / S. Townhead Rd / Cotehill" Hand written in pencil ET $15 / 2 vols"

The name of the business that produced the contents of this ledger is unknown. It is a record of rents paid by tenants to the property owners in Warrnambool and district from 1910 to 1925 and includes the rents paid and the dates. It probably belonged to a real estate firm or an accountancy or law firm dealing in property, mortgages and financial investments. Many of the names contained in the ledger are well-known (Coakley, Alston, Gleeson, McGennan etc) and the ones that are not so well known are mostly those with only one or two rental properties. This ledger is of some interest as a research tool giving information on property owners and renters in Warrnambool from 1910 to 1925. It will be of greater value if the name of the ledger owner can be found. This is a ledger with a cover made of wood and covered with a light brown material. It has a heavy metal insert inside to hold the pages. There are heavy card pages and white pages ruled with red and blue lines. The page entries are handwritten in ink. warrnambool renters 1910-1925, warrnambool property owners 1910-1925

This ledger contains information on deeds, wills and properties from many Warrnambool and district residents in the 1940s and 1950s. The ledger comes from the law firm of Mackay and Taylor of Warrnambool. Scottish-born George Mackay established a legal practice in Kepler Street, Warrnambool in 1891 and in 1893 bought the next-door practice of the late James Fletcher and the firm was then known as Fletcher and Mackay. In the 1920s George Mackay took John Taylor into partnership and the business then became Mackay and Taylor (later Mackay Taylor). In 1999 Taits Solicitors and Mackay Taylor merged to form Tait Taylor and today it is known as Taits Legal. This ledger is of some importance as it contains so much information on Warrnambool and district families and their property ownership in the 1940s and 50s and so will be of great use to researchers. This is a ledger with a grey cover with red binding on the spine. The cover has a white label pasted on, with printed and handwritten material. The pages have printed red lines but these have not been used. Instead the pages contain letters, typed sheets and receipts pasted in. Some of the letters and receipts are handwritten and some are typed. Day Book Mackay & Taylor Deed Receipts 1946-19…mackay & taylor, history of warrnambool, ledger – deed receipts

This booklet is a 1932 catalogue of the Floral Farm in Warrnambool. It was established by Charles Allen Jukes who had first opened a plant nursery at Cudgee on the banks of the Cudgee Creek. Early in the 20th century the nursery, the Floral Farm, was re-located to East Warrnambool with the boundary of the property extending along Raglan Parade, Flaxman and Bostock Streets. . A very high paling fence, topped with vertical slats was erected around the property. The Floral Farm continued for some time (with Charles Allen Jukes dying in 1934) and the nursery land was sub-divided for housing. Charles Allen Jukes’ parents, Alfred and Margaret came to Warrnambool in 1856, with Alfred setting up a law business and at one time being the honorary Town Clerk of Warrnambool. This booklet is of historical interest as it is a catalogue of the plants and seedlings available in the early 1930s from the Jukes Floral Farm in East Warrnambool. The parents of the Floral Farm business, Alfred and Margaret Jukes, were pioneer settlers in Warrnambool.This is a booklet of 40 pages. The cover has blue printing and was once white or buff-coloured but is now much stained. The pages contain information on plants and seedlings and have many black and white photographs. The booklet is dog-eared and crumpled.jukes family, warrnambool, floral farm nursery, warrnambool

This item was given to the Historical Society in 1972, with the donor indicating that the spirit level belonged to the Henty family. The Hentys of Portland are regarded as the first permanent settlers in the State of Victoria (1834). Stephen Henty, with his brother Edward, was involved in the whaling industry in Portland. He also had shipping interests, operating a regular Western District shipping service (‘Champion’, ‘Lady Bird’, ‘Western’, ‘Edina’ etc) and a property ‘Cadnook’, near Harrow. Stephen Henty had close connections with Warrnambool not only because of his shipping interests but also because he was the brother-in-law of an early Warrnambool Harbour Master, Captain Frank Helpman. A spirit level was an essential tool for early settlers as they often built their own homes and constructed the roads nearby, needing to ascertain if what was being constructed was on level ground.It does not seem possible to establish whether this item belonged to the Henty family or to a Henty property. But in the Historical Society collection we have a piece of sheet music which includes the handwriting ‘Mrs Smalpaige, Cadnook’, ‘S. J. Henty’ and the date ‘8th August 1859’. Also the Warrnambool Art Gallery has an authentic Henty piano dating from 1837 and Stephen Henty’s wife died in Hamilton in 1906 so it is possible that the spirit level came to us from a Henty family descendant living nearby via Mr N. Kelly. If the Henty provenance can be proved then this item is of high significance.This is an unvarnished wooden spirit level, apparently home made, with a bubble in the centre. The top has been attached with eight screws, now much rusted. There appears to be some letters in the bubble area but they have not been deciphered “Hentys spirit level, oldest in Australia” is written in ink on the back of the objectspirit level, henty brothers portland, warrnambool, henty family

Ralph Reeves purchased an established cordial factory in the early 1900’s from the estate of J Fletcher. It was operated by the Reeves family, firstly Reginald, followed by his son-in-law Murray Moon until the latter part of the 20th century.A common object familiar to a large number of people in the Warrnambool area with links to one of Warrnambool’s longest established family businesses. Two clear glass. Cylindrical with 12 ribs. Chrome metal top with lever and spout. Logo etched on front of bottles Inscriptions and Markings: “R. J. Reeves” engraved on side of lid. “R. J. Reeves Warrnambool in oval surrounding RJR. This syphon remains the property of R. J. Reeves Warrnambool and its use by others is prohibited.British syphon company Limited London.warrnambool, reeves, soda syphon, reeves soft drink, reeves cordial.

This exercise book has been used by Winnifred (Winnie) Goodall in 1916 when she was a pupil at the Warrnambool Technical School. The material in the book mostly consists of letter-writing practice for business purposes. The Goodalls were pioneer settlers in the Warrnambool district with William and Ellen Goodall arriving in the area in the late 1840s. Eventually they had a property named Wanstead on the Allansford Road in East Warrnambool. One son, William, was an early manager of the Framlingham Aboriginal Settlement. Another son, Thomas, was a Warrnambool law clerk and Winnie, (born 1901 to mother Leah), was his granddaughter. The Warrnambool Technical School was established in 1913.This exercise book is of interest as an example of school work completed by a Warrnambool Technical School student in 1916. It is also of interest because it belonged to Winnie Goodall, a member of an important pioneering family in the Warrnambool district. This is a school exercise book with a cardboard cover and 17 double pages. The cover has a mottled pattern of brown and mauve and the pages have been attached by metal staples but the staples have been removed. The pages have blue ruled lines with handwritten material in blue and black ink. Some of the pages have red hand-drawn lines. The cover is slightly torn. On the first page two cartoon sketches from a newspaper have been pasted in. The front cover has a printed label in blue and white colouring pasted on, with handwritten information on the label. There is a has a circular black , white and blue logo pasted on the inside front cover.‘Exercise Book Written by Winnie Goodall, Commenced 9th February 1916’. Inside cover Logo: Sons of Temperance Warrnambool Division Instituted March 11 1870 Be Firm and Faithful Love Purity Fidelity winnifred goodall, warrnambool technical school, sons of temperance warrnambool

Tait collection: item 62 of 62 This 1912 document is an agreement made between John Brennan, a farmer from Laang and Thomas Goodall, a law clerk from Warrnambool. The document shows that Thomas Goodall has given John Brennan £5 and Brennan has agreed to pass over to Goodall a 218 acre property in Laang. Brennan also agreed to pay a debt of £10-19-4 to Thomas Goodall by monthly instalments. Thomas Goodall was the law clerk for several lawyers in Warrnambool at the beginning of the 20th century and he was also the manager of the Warrnambool office of the lawyer, Ernest Chambers who had legal offices in Koroit and Port Fairy at the same time (end of 19th century and beginning of the 20th century). This document was in the possession of Ernest Chambers and it has been passed down to successive lawyers occupying the legal premises in Kepler Street where it was located in 2014 (former premises of the law firm of Mackay Taylor). This document is of some interest as it gives details of a business transaction between Thomas Goodall and John Brennan, both residing in the Warrnambool area early in the 20th century. This is a piece of buff-coloured paper folded in two to make four pages. There is typed and handwritten material on two sides of the paper. This is a 1912 document called an Assignment of Interest Under Contract with John Brennan agreeing to pay his financial debts to Thomas Goodall. The document contains the signatures of John Brennan and Thomas Goodall. Part of one page of the writing is in pencil. There is also a separate receipt sheet which is a receipt for £5 paid by Thomas Goodall to John Brennan. A yellow duty stamp is attached to this receipt. Dated 16 Jany 1912 Mr J E Brennan with Mr Thomas Goodall Assignment of Interest under Contractjohn brennan, thomas goodall, ernest chambers, warrnambool

This document contains the Probate Papers following the death of Richard Bright, a Warrnambool stonemason who died in August 1897. No other information has been found on Richard Bright but he must have been a successful tradesman as he left real estate to the value of £680 and personal estate to the value of £94. His executors were his son, Daniel Bright of Terang and the law clerk, Thomas Goodall. Richard Bright left a number of properties to his wife, Elizabeth, his sons, Daniel and John and his daughters, Adelaide Scown and Martha Head. This document was in the possession of Thomas Goodall , a law clerk managing the Ernest Chambers legal offices in Warrnambool and it was eventually passed on to the law firms operating from the same premises in Kepler Street. It was handed to the Historical Society when it was found in the premises once occupied by the law firm of Mackay Taylor. Tait collection: item 14 of 62This document is of interest as it originally was drawn up by a local lawyer. Ernest Chambers, and the probate papers are for a local Warrnambool resident, Richard Bright. This is a piece of parchment paper, folded in two, with handwriting on all pages. There is a seal of the Supreme Court of the Colony of Victoria attached with a green ribbon and a red stamp of the Master in Equity of the Supreme Court. There are ruled black lines on three pages and pencilled writing in the margin of the first page. Some of the writing is a little faded. ‘In the Supreme Court of the Colony of Victoria, In the Probate Jurisdiction In the Will of Richard Bright, late of Warrnambool in the Colony of Victoria, Mason, deceased. Probate. I certify that no duty is payable herewith. J. Poole, Officer under Sec. 96, Act 1060, 16/11/97. E.J.W. Chambers, Proctor, Warrnambool’ernest chambers, thomas goodall richard bright, richard bright, tait collection

John Wilson Younger was the proprietor of J Younger & Co Warrnambool, which was a former branch of Melbourne Cash Stores. The Youngers store operated in Liebig St Warrnambool until the 1980’s as a department store James Younger died in 1939 and the store was operated by his son in law, Carlos Gordon for many years. John Younger was involved in many areas of social and community life in Warrnambool. In 1903 he lived at Riccalton 3 Darling St, Warrnambool. He was a director of the Warrnambool Woollen Mill and was Mayor around 1910 for two terms. He purchased the property Dwarroon and divided it among his four children.A common item which provides a link to one of Warrnambool’s largest and longest running businesses.Wooden hangers with rounded corners and metal hooks. Printed names engraved and painted in black with business name.J Younger & Co Warrnamboolwarrnambool, youngers, j younger warrnambool

From Title Page; "AUSTRALIAN EDITION/ OF/ MANUAL OF/ MILITARY LAW/ 1941/ Including Army Act and Rules of Procedure as/ modified and adapted by the Defence Act 1903 - 1939 and the Australian Military Regulations". Part of the William (Bill) THOMASON Collection. Refer Cat. No. 4136P for more items.Hardcover book Cover - cardboard, red colour buckram, embossed lettering on front, black colour ink print on spine. 850 pages - cut, plain, off white colour . No illustrations. Amendments have been added to many pages - paper slips glued to designated pages. Amendments noted on Page iii - handwritten red and black ink pen dated "30/11/41", 31/9/42", "31/12/42", 30/6/43". Front end paper - three purple and one black ink stamps and handwritten signatures and information in black and blue ink pen. Front end paper - purple ink stamp. "Major/ Brigade Major B.P. & G. Force" date "1942", illegible signature. "Major/ G.S. Victoria Garrison Brigade - date "1942", illegible signature. "Major/ Adm.Comd. Vic Garrison Bde with illegible signature - date "42/43" - black ink print. "Lt.Col/ A.A. & G.M.G., Vic covering Force " - with illegible signature - handwritten information, black ink pen "Private Property", blue ink pen. Return to/ Room 10 Block B/ Southern Command.publication, book, ww2, manual, military law

Law manual applicable to Australian Army personnel from 1941. This effectively applied British military law. In 1982 the Defence Force Discipline Act of the Australian Parliament established a framework of military law for Australia's circumstances. Hard cover bookOn front cover in gold lettering- "A Sqn (ARA) 4/19 PWLH" On fly leaf, rubber stamps - "A SQN 1 CAV REGT. Inscription in red ink - "This book is the personal property of ; -J.B.Larkman" and rubber stamp - "WO2 SSM A SQN" On title page - Rubber stamps - "A Sqn (ARA) 4/19 PWLH" and "A SQN 1 CAV REGT" Detailed records of amendments entered in red ink on Amendments pages from Serial 1, 30 Nov 41 to Serial 9, 31 July 1948 military law, world war 2

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

This unusual wall decoration was created by Anna Wilson (nee Henry), daughter of pioneer John Stephenson Henry, who arrived in Australia from Ireland with his children in 1851. Family documents confirm that Anna most probably made the diorama for her sister-in-law, who married a member of the Giles family. The diorama was later given to Vera Giles who was a family friend and possibly related to Anna’s sister-in-law by marriage. The diorama is now part of the Giles Collection. Anna married William Wilson in 1860, who had arrived in Australia from County Tarrane in about 1850, aged 19. In 1869 they moved to their new property called ‘Glenlyall’ in Cooramook, north of Grassmere, Victoria, where he lived for 49 years until his death in 1918. He left behind a family of four sons and a daughter. The Giles Family There are many 19th century items of furniture, linen and crockery donated to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village by Vera and Aurelin Giles. The items are associated with the Giles Family and are known as the “Giles Collection”. These items mostly came from the simple home of Vera’s parents-in-law, Henry Giles and his wife Mary Jane (nee Freckleton), whose photos are in the parlour. They married in 1880. Henry Giles was born at Tower Hill in 1858. He was a labourer on the construction of the Breakwater before leaving in 1895 to build bridges in N.S.W. for about seven years. Mary Jane was born in 1860 at Cooramook. She attended Mailor’s Flat State School where she was also a student teacher before, as family legend has it, she became a governess at “Injemiara” where her grandfather, Francis Freckleton, once owned land. Henry and Mary’s family of six, some of whom were born at Mailor’s Flat and later children at Wangoom, lived with their parents at Wangoom and Purnim west, where Henry died in 1933 and Mary Jane in 1940. The family of the creator Anna Wilson nee Henry and her husband William Wilson are of significance to the early history of Victoria and the South West of Victoria in particular, being pioneer families who farmed the land, built the towns and cities and contributed to their communities. The Giles family collection has social significance at a local level, because it illustrates the level of material support the Warrnambool community gave to Flagstaff Hill when the Museum was established. Wall decoration, diorama with decorative gild frame and glass front. The 3-dimensional seascape includes sailing boats, land and sea, all made from materials such as shells, coral and seaweed. The work was made by Anna Wilson. It is part of the Giles Collection.Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, giles collection, henry giles, tower hill, cooramook, warrnambool breakwater, mailor’s flat, wangoom, 19th century household goods, 19th century decor, 19th century handcraft, handcraft, wall hanging, diorama of a seascape

Charles Meynell Pitt Withers (aka Bill) was the youngest son of artist Walter Withers and Fanny (nee Flinn). He was born at Eltham 5 February 1902. Tyrrell George Granville Evans was born on 17th August 1892 Enlisted (No. 789) 7 July 1915 as a Private and was assigned to the 31st Battalion. Promoted to Sergeant 1 Nov 1915. Disembarked Suez 7 Feb 1916 Admitted to 32nd Stat. Hospital in France 21 July 1916 with a gunshot wound to the left arm. According to daughter-in-law, Janet Evans, on 19 July 1916, in the battle near Pozieres on the Somme, he was hit by a German high explosive shell and was unconscious and badly wounded. His left arm was shattered, and he had a bullet wound on his leg. Embarked at Boulogne on H.S. Cambria for Middlesex War Hospital, England 24 July 1916. Evans returned to Australia and was discharged medically unfit, 7 April 1917. After months in the Caulfield Hospital his arm could not be saved, and it was amputated 18 July 1917. On July 6, 1918, Tyrrell George Granville Evans married Mary Pitt Withers at Eltham, daughter of artist Walter Herbert Withers (deceased) and wife Fanny (nee Flinn). They had three children, Mary Roberta Evans born February 8, 1921, at Balwyn and twins Shirley and Joyce born June 10, 1922. Mary died 17 days later, June 27, 1922, at Balwyn. Tyrrell had to cope with three children under three years old and a missing left arm. He had been lefthanded before his war injuries. He had help from the family, especially his sister. On August 1, 1924, Tyrrell George Granville Evans married Marian Frances Wilcox and they had two children: Barbara Marian, born 27 July 1925 and Tyrrell Granville, born 3 July 1928. The children were all brought up together in Glen Iris. Tyrrell became renowned as a one-armed golfer and tennis player. He was Senior Vice-President of the Lawn Tennis Association of Victoria and was on the committee of the Metropolitan Golf Club. At the time of his retirement, he was General Manager of the Colonial Meat Company. Tyrrell died September 3, 1962 and was succeeded by sixteen grandchildren. Contributed to by Janet Evans (daughter-in-law), 27 May 2024Many items in this collection have suffered from significant water damage and black mouldjohn withers collection, eltham, tyrrell george granville evans, 1917, bolton steet, scan - 620 format 6x9 negative, southernwood, charles meynell pitt withers

Plum Cottage is covered by Heritage Overelay HO256 in the Nillumbuk Planning Scheme This two-lot land holding was created as a subdivision and sold to Charles Stuart McNeil by May 1955. Sometime in the period 1955-1960, the builder-designer, John Harcourt had created a pise house on the site, straddling the two subdivision lots. The designer, John M. Harcourt was a pioneer builder in pise-de-terre and mudbrick in the Eltham Shire, Eltham being synonymous with alternative lifestyles and building practises until the onset of suburbia in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. This hipped-roof house is set high above Main Road on a V-shape plan characteristic of the Arts & Crafts style, with rammed earth or pise walls, timber joinery and a cement tiled roof. The V shape plan was used by important English and Eltham Arts & Crafts designers. The use of natural materials such as stone and timber construction is an essential part of the Arts & Crafts style and Harcourt’s work. So too is the application of the style on both the exterior and interior of the house as a holistic concept. The house adjoins the Lim Joon adobe house built and designed by Alistair Knox in the same era (HO119), thus forming a distinctive pair, both using an uncommon plan form. This house was identified in the Shire of Shire of Eltham Heritage 1992 as contributory to the Eltham Gateway Conservation Area, then proposed as an urban conservation area (now Heritage Overlay Area). Land Ownership Emily Jane Smith of 12 Woodside Street Fitzroy owned Crown Allotments 1 & 2 Sections 14, 27 by August 1918, selling to William Henry Smith of 12 Woodside Street, Nth Fitzroy May 1921. (John) James Isherwood of Main Road, Eltham owned the property by 1928 (the year of his death) with the beneficiary of his estate and next owner of this site being his widow, Minnie Maria Isherwood of Cemetery Road, Eltham. His holding in Main Road included parts of what was described in rate records as allotments1 & 2 Section E6. In the late 1930s, early 1940s her son Alfred John Isherwood was also rated for the land around this site, with the rated nett annual value varying between £2 and £5. Alfred Isherwood also lived at Main Road, Eltham with his wife Ellen: her early death at the age of 24 was reported in the Argus of 1923. Part of the Isherwood land was divided off and sold to Charles Stuart McNeil by May1955. Sometime in the period 1955-1960, the builder-designer, John Harcourt had created a pise house on the site, straddling the two subdivision lots. The house is visible on an aerial photograph from 1960s. Reputedly the house was called Plum Cottage and erected for Harcourt’s mother-in-law. A garage was added in 1959. Charles McNeil died in1971 aged 87: he was the son of Don McNeil and Margaret Arkell. Available rate records from the construction era start in the of the 1970s (1972-3) and list Mr H.C. & M/S A.V. Charity at 616 Main Road Eltham of this property with a nett annual value of $740. More recent valuer's data describes the property as lots 1 & 2 LP25668, located in the Central Riding of Eltham Shire, owned by Ann Valerie Charity and later, in 1990, by the Chincarini family. Building Description This hipped roof 11 .5 square house is set high above Main Road on a characteristic-shape plan and has rammed earth or pise walls, timber joinery and a cement tiled roof. The V-shape plan was used by Important designers such as C.F.A. Voysey (UK) who interpreted medieval domestic architecture as part of the Arts & Crafts style of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The pise walls are covered with a textured render while the cement roofing tiles are also seen in the Harcourt Hill examples. Reputedly the ceiling joists are of a deep section and span long lengths with no need for hanging beams in the roof space. The ceilings are low and panelled in main rooms with apparently Caneite soft board infill panels between the exposed ceiling beams. These are painted white but may have been stained at one time. The focus of the house is the large living area with its vast random stone fireplace. Significance Plum Cottage is significant to the locality of Eltham because: Historically: • Plum Cottage is closely associated with the important historical theme of earth construction evident in Eltham and elsewhere in the Shire since theear1y Arts & Crafts inspired creations at Penleigh Boyd's The Robins (1912, HO101) and those at Montsalvat (1934-, HO82) but more prominent from the Second War period when earth building in Eltham was promoted in national periodicals as an alternative building method that avoided the building materials shortages of that era; • The choice of the earth building technique also expresses the theme of refuge or alternative living, synonymous with Eltham in the early to mid 20th century; • as a good example of domestic architecture from John Harcourt who was the first major post Second War figure in an important phase of Eltham’s earth building development, using his characteristic Old English or Arts& Crafts style that relies in this case on the pise wall construction, pitched roof forms, exposed ceiling joists, half timbering, random stonework, and panelled internal wall finishes. Architecturally: • Plum Cottage's pise wall construction is uncommon among the early earth-walled structures in the Shire, that are mainly of adobe or mud brick, and as a building material is uncommon among the Shire’s suburban dwellings generally which are clad typically with either fired clay bricks or timber boarding. Aesthetically: • Plum Cottage is a good and well preserved example of a modern Old English or Arts & Crafts style earth-walled building in the Shire • For the proximity of the significant Lim Joon adobe house designed by Alistair Knox adjoining to the north, providing a distinctive earth wall house pair, with uncommon plan forms. Reference Heritage Assessment of Plum Cottage, 616 Main Road, Eltham; Graeme Butler & Associates 2010main road, eltham, property, houses, (john) james isherwood, alfred john isherwood, ann valerie charity, arts and crafts style, charles stuart mcneil, chincarini family, eltham gateway zone, emily jane smith, h.c. charity, heritage assessment, john harcourt, john m. harcourt, lim joon house, main road eltham, minnie maria isherwood, pise construction, plum cottage

The original house was built around 1850 was one of Kangaroo Ground's earliest homes, part of which remains today. Built by Scottish farmer Andrew Harkness who acquired the property in 1849 at the top of the hill with magnificent panoramic views as far as Kinglake, the same year he married Sarah Oswin. The property was known as Garden Hill from at least 1865. Andrew and Sarah had four sons and five daughters. Harkness was a founder of the Kangaroo Ground School and one of the first to suggest establishing the Eltham District Road Board (1858-71) of which he was a member, the pre-cursor to the Shire of Eltham (1871-1994). He was also a Trustee of the Kangaroo Ground Cemetery. His daughter Fanny married farmer Alexander White who purchased the property in 1893. Alexander White died in 1906 and ownership transferred to Fanny White. Son, Robert White was a Councillor of the Shire of Eltham at the time the Shire acquired two acres of land on the adjacent property from the Mess brothers for the creation of the Shire of Eltham Memorial Park (1921) in which the Shire of Eltham War Memoirial tower was erected (1926). Fanny White donated a small section of land from the Garden Hill property to facilitate entry access to the park. The White family sold the property to Sir Herbert Gepp in 1925. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p29 Garden Hill, on Yarra Glen Road, Kangaroo Ground, near the War Memorial is well named. The old house and gardens overlook a magnificent panorama extending to Kinglake. The original house, built around 1850, was one of Kangaroo Ground’s earliest, and part of it remains in today’s timber house. The house was built by the early and prominent settler Andrew Harkness. Later it was occupied for a long time by Sir Herbert Gepp, renowned Australia wide.1 Harkness and Gepp are buried in the Kangaroo Ground Cemetery. Scottish farmer Harkness, who was born in 1817, acquired this property in 18492 and he and his family occupied it until the early 1920s. Harkness cleared its 152 acres (61.4 ha), fenced it and grazed sheep and cattle. Harkness proved a valuable community member. When only ten families lived in the district, he and other settlers set up a school in 1852, with Andrew Ross as the first teacher. Harkness was also one of the first to suggest establishing the Eltham District Road Board, of which he was a member for around 15 years. He was also a trustee of the Kangaroo Ground Cemetery. Harkness married in 1854 and had four sons and five daughters. The first part of the timber house he built included a kitchen-living room and a parlor. The living room’s large fireplace was bricked-in and modernised in 1940. Beside it is the old baker’s oven with its original iron door replaced by a wooden one. It is thought two wattle-and-daub huts, used for a bedroom and bathroom, were built to the west. Harkness’ son-in-law, farmer Alexander White, who had seven sons, bought the property in 1893. Harkness’ grand-daughter Flora married Ewen Cameron who became Minister for Health and was later knighted; he was not related to Ewen Hugh Cameron, a Member of the Legislative Assembly. In 1923 the White family sold the property, called Kilby Park, to Sir Herbert Gepp, who renamed it Garden Hill. Gepp used the property, which was still on the original New South Wales title, as a hobby farm. Robert White stayed on to manage the farm for a while, living in a house on the property. Gepp was born in 1877 and at 16 years began working as a junior chemist with the Australian Explosives and Chemical Company at Deer Park near Melbourne. Gepp was a pioneer in applying enlightened labour policies in industry. He initiated the Broken Hill Progress Association, to improve living conditions. It laid the ground work for the welfare schemes pursued by companies after World War One. During the mid 20th century Gepp was the most prominent liberal thinker associated with conservative politics. As a friend of Prime Minister John Curtin, he contributed to post-war reconstruction. Gepp returned to private industry and retired in 1950. Gepp made significant contributions to the solution of the great metallurgical problems of the mining industry. He was an advocate of the role of science in industry, government and the economy and helped to establish several organizations including the CSIR and the Institute of Public Affairs.3 After Sir Herbert died in 1954 his son Orwell continued to farm the property part-time. When Lady Gepp died in 1963, the land was divided among the five children, although Orwell continued to farm it as a hobby. In 1966, a daughter, Mardi Gething, now married, settled in the house. Another daughter, Kathleen, built her house close by on the property. After the Board of Works designated the property as part of a reserve for a possible reservoir, the family sold all, except the minimum 20 acres allowed, to the Board in the 1970s. Orwell then leased what was the family property from the Board to continue grazing. The two sisters and brother continued to live on the property.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, kangaroo ground