Brown soft covered book that was formerly No 2009 in the Sebastopol Free Library Collection. sebastopol free library, sebastopol library, property law, lord st leonards, bookplate, library plate

This book was formerly in the circulating collection of the Sebastopol Free Library.Brown hard covered book with gold lettering. 232 pages including comprehensive index. The inside cover has a bookplate which stated 'Sebastopol Free Library No. 2009'.stamped inside 'Free Library Sebastopol'

Black leather look hard cover book of 588 pagesHand wirtten in blue pen "The property of / Law Praid / S. Townhead Rd / Cotehill" Hand written in pencil ET $15 / 2 vols"

Tait collection: item 62 of 62 This 1912 document is an agreement made between John Brennan, a farmer from Laang and Thomas Goodall, a law clerk from Warrnambool. The document shows that Thomas Goodall has given John Brennan £5 and Brennan has agreed to pass over to Goodall a 218 acre property in Laang. Brennan also agreed to pay a debt of £10-19-4 to Thomas Goodall by monthly instalments. Thomas Goodall was the law clerk for several lawyers in Warrnambool at the beginning of the 20th century and he was also the manager of the Warrnambool office of the lawyer, Ernest Chambers who had legal offices in Koroit and Port Fairy at the same time (end of 19th century and beginning of the 20th century). This document was in the possession of Ernest Chambers and it has been passed down to successive lawyers occupying the legal premises in Kepler Street where it was located in 2014 (former premises of the law firm of Mackay Taylor). This document is of some interest as it gives details of a business transaction between Thomas Goodall and John Brennan, both residing in the Warrnambool area early in the 20th century. This is a piece of buff-coloured paper folded in two to make four pages. There is typed and handwritten material on two sides of the paper. This is a 1912 document called an Assignment of Interest Under Contract with John Brennan agreeing to pay his financial debts to Thomas Goodall. The document contains the signatures of John Brennan and Thomas Goodall. Part of one page of the writing is in pencil. There is also a separate receipt sheet which is a receipt for £5 paid by Thomas Goodall to John Brennan. A yellow duty stamp is attached to this receipt. Dated 16 Jany 1912 Mr J E Brennan with Mr Thomas Goodall Assignment of Interest under Contractjohn brennan, thomas goodall, ernest chambers, warrnambool

This document contains the Probate Papers following the death of Richard Bright, a Warrnambool stonemason who died in August 1897. No other information has been found on Richard Bright but he must have been a successful tradesman as he left real estate to the value of £680 and personal estate to the value of £94. His executors were his son, Daniel Bright of Terang and the law clerk, Thomas Goodall. Richard Bright left a number of properties to his wife, Elizabeth, his sons, Daniel and John and his daughters, Adelaide Scown and Martha Head. This document was in the possession of Thomas Goodall , a law clerk managing the Ernest Chambers legal offices in Warrnambool and it was eventually passed on to the law firms operating from the same premises in Kepler Street. It was handed to the Historical Society when it was found in the premises once occupied by the law firm of Mackay Taylor. Tait collection: item 14 of 62This document is of interest as it originally was drawn up by a local lawyer. Ernest Chambers, and the probate papers are for a local Warrnambool resident, Richard Bright. This is a piece of parchment paper, folded in two, with handwriting on all pages. There is a seal of the Supreme Court of the Colony of Victoria attached with a green ribbon and a red stamp of the Master in Equity of the Supreme Court. There are ruled black lines on three pages and pencilled writing in the margin of the first page. Some of the writing is a little faded. ‘In the Supreme Court of the Colony of Victoria, In the Probate Jurisdiction In the Will of Richard Bright, late of Warrnambool in the Colony of Victoria, Mason, deceased. Probate. I certify that no duty is payable herewith. J. Poole, Officer under Sec. 96, Act 1060, 16/11/97. E.J.W. Chambers, Proctor, Warrnambool’ernest chambers, thomas goodall richard bright, richard bright, tait collection

John Wilson Younger was the proprietor of J Younger & Co Warrnambool, which was a former branch of Melbourne Cash Stores. The Youngers store operated in Liebig St Warrnambool until the 1980’s as a department store James Younger died in 1939 and the store was operated by his son in law, Carlos Gordon for many years. John Younger was involved in many areas of social and community life in Warrnambool. In 1903 he lived at Riccalton 3 Darling St, Warrnambool. He was a director of the Warrnambool Woollen Mill and was Mayor around 1910 for two terms. He purchased the property Dwarroon and divided it among his four children.A common item which provides a link to one of Warrnambool’s largest and longest running businesses.Wooden hangers with rounded corners and metal hooks. Printed names engraved and painted in black with business name.J Younger & Co Warrnamboolwarrnambool, youngers, j younger warrnambool

This ledger contains information on deeds, wills and properties from many Warrnambool and district residents in the 1940s and 1950s. The ledger comes from the law firm of Mackay and Taylor of Warrnambool. Scottish-born George Mackay established a legal practice in Kepler Street, Warrnambool in 1891 and in 1893 bought the next-door practice of the late James Fletcher and the firm was then known as Fletcher and Mackay. In the 1920s George Mackay took John Taylor into partnership and the business then became Mackay and Taylor (later Mackay Taylor). In 1999 Taits Solicitors and Mackay Taylor merged to form Tait Taylor and today it is known as Taits Legal. This ledger is of some importance as it contains so much information on Warrnambool and district families and their property ownership in the 1940s and 50s and so will be of great use to researchers. This is a ledger with a grey cover with red binding on the spine. The cover has a white label pasted on, with printed and handwritten material. The pages have printed red lines but these have not been used. Instead the pages contain letters, typed sheets and receipts pasted in. Some of the letters and receipts are handwritten and some are typed. Day Book Mackay & Taylor Deed Receipts 1946-19…mackay & taylor, history of warrnambool, ledger – deed receipts

This booklet is a 1932 catalogue of the Floral Farm in Warrnambool. It was established by Charles Allen Jukes who had first opened a plant nursery at Cudgee on the banks of the Cudgee Creek. Early in the 20th century the nursery, the Floral Farm, was re-located to East Warrnambool with the boundary of the property extending along Raglan Parade, Flaxman and Bostock Streets. . A very high paling fence, topped with vertical slats was erected around the property. The Floral Farm continued for some time (with Charles Allen Jukes dying in 1934) and the nursery land was sub-divided for housing. Charles Allen Jukes’ parents, Alfred and Margaret came to Warrnambool in 1856, with Alfred setting up a law business and at one time being the honorary Town Clerk of Warrnambool. This booklet is of historical interest as it is a catalogue of the plants and seedlings available in the early 1930s from the Jukes Floral Farm in East Warrnambool. The parents of the Floral Farm business, Alfred and Margaret Jukes, were pioneer settlers in Warrnambool.This is a booklet of 40 pages. The cover has blue printing and was once white or buff-coloured but is now much stained. The pages contain information on plants and seedlings and have many black and white photographs. The booklet is dog-eared and crumpled.jukes family, warrnambool, floral farm nursery, warrnambool

Ratepayer information pamphlet issued by Eltham Shire Council. Gives details on shire boundaries and bushfire area, basic history, Councillors by Riding, meetings,office hours. Also information on the 1962 bushfires that raged throughout half the shire, 14-16 January 1962; local laws regarding dogs; Rates, Works Programme, Shire Offices and Town Planning The 1962 bushfire took two lives and caused damage to property approaching £1 million. Approximately 180 habitable dwellings were destroyed, hundreds of miles of fencing were burnt and thousands of acres of pasture lost.Colour bifold printed double sided (4 pages) councillors, dogs, eltham shire council, eltham shire office, infrastructure, rates, ridings, shire boundaries, shire of eltham, town planning, victorian bushfires - 1962, works programme

Colour print (10 x 15 cm) from born digital image (x5)"Looking towards the Eltham Living and Learning Centre" and "Looking towards Rob and Wendy Boyles' property"brougham steet, diamond creek (creek), eltham, floods, brougham steet bridge

Law manual applicable to Australian Army personnel from 1941. This effectively applied British military law. In 1982 the Defence Force Discipline Act of the Australian Parliament established a framework of military law for Australia's circumstances. Hard cover bookOn front cover in gold lettering- "A Sqn (ARA) 4/19 PWLH" On fly leaf, rubber stamps - "A SQN 1 CAV REGT. Inscription in red ink - "This book is the personal property of ; -J.B.Larkman" and rubber stamp - "WO2 SSM A SQN" On title page - Rubber stamps - "A Sqn (ARA) 4/19 PWLH" and "A SQN 1 CAV REGT" Detailed records of amendments entered in red ink on Amendments pages from Serial 1, 30 Nov 41 to Serial 9, 31 July 1948 military law, world war 2

This item was given to the Historical Society in 1972, with the donor indicating that the spirit level belonged to the Henty family. The Hentys of Portland are regarded as the first permanent settlers in the State of Victoria (1834). Stephen Henty, with his brother Edward, was involved in the whaling industry in Portland. He also had shipping interests, operating a regular Western District shipping service (‘Champion’, ‘Lady Bird’, ‘Western’, ‘Edina’ etc) and a property ‘Cadnook’, near Harrow. Stephen Henty had close connections with Warrnambool not only because of his shipping interests but also because he was the brother-in-law of an early Warrnambool Harbour Master, Captain Frank Helpman. A spirit level was an essential tool for early settlers as they often built their own homes and constructed the roads nearby, needing to ascertain if what was being constructed was on level ground.It does not seem possible to establish whether this item belonged to the Henty family or to a Henty property. But in the Historical Society collection we have a piece of sheet music which includes the handwriting ‘Mrs Smalpaige, Cadnook’, ‘S. J. Henty’ and the date ‘8th August 1859’. Also the Warrnambool Art Gallery has an authentic Henty piano dating from 1837 and Stephen Henty’s wife died in Hamilton in 1906 so it is possible that the spirit level came to us from a Henty family descendant living nearby via Mr N. Kelly. If the Henty provenance can be proved then this item is of high significance.This is an unvarnished wooden spirit level, apparently home made, with a bubble in the centre. The top has been attached with eight screws, now much rusted. There appears to be some letters in the bubble area but they have not been deciphered “Hentys spirit level, oldest in Australia” is written in ink on the back of the objectspirit level, henty brothers portland, warrnambool, henty family

Ralph Reeves purchased an established cordial factory in the early 1900’s from the estate of J Fletcher. It was operated by the Reeves family, firstly Reginald, followed by his son-in-law Murray Moon until the latter part of the 20th century.A common object familiar to a large number of people in the Warrnambool area with links to one of Warrnambool’s longest established family businesses. Two clear glass. Cylindrical with 12 ribs. Chrome metal top with lever and spout. Logo etched on front of bottles Inscriptions and Markings: “R. J. Reeves” engraved on side of lid. “R. J. Reeves Warrnambool in oval surrounding RJR. This syphon remains the property of R. J. Reeves Warrnambool and its use by others is prohibited.British syphon company Limited London.warrnambool, reeves, soda syphon, reeves soft drink, reeves cordial.

This book is a register of land holders with miners' rights. The correspondence is associated with applications for miners' rights on privately owned land and business sites. They include application fotrms and objections to registrations. The areas referred to are Combienbar, Goongerah, Club Terrace, Wombat Creek and Dundong. One of the privileges under the Mines Act, conferred by the holding of a miner's right until 1935 was that of residence on up to one acre on a gold-fields area. Those occupying a residence area were "deemed in law to be possessed ... of such ... parcels ... and the property therein".This is a useful research tool.A large, heavy book with a grey cloth cover and red spine. The end papers are marbled. The inside pages are ruled in grey with red ruled columns. Entries are hand-written. There are copies of correspondence inside. Details given are the registration number and date, the name of the person, the number of the miner's right and its date, a description of the allotment and any remarks or references to other volumes. Any changes of ownership are shown. The book is mostly unused.register-mining miners-rights

This lifebuoy is part of the lifesaving equipment that would be carried on vessels in the late 19th and early 20th century. The strips of cork wood have been joined together to make the ring shape. The broad arrow symbol indicates that it was once the property of the British or Australian defence force. A lifebuoy, or life-preserver, is used as a buoyancy device to keep a person afloat in the. It is usually connected by a rope to a person in a safe area such a nearby vessel or on shore. The lifebuoy is thrown to a person in distress in the water, allowing the rescuer to pull the person to safety. The lifebuoy is a made from a buoyant material such as cork or rubber and is usually covered with canvas for protection and to make it easy to grip. The first use of life saving devices in recent centuries was by the Nordic people, who used light weight wood or cork blocks to keep afloat. From the early 20th century Kapok fibre was used as a filling for buoys. Light weight balsa wood was used as a filler after WW1. In 1928 Peter Markus invented and patented the first inflatable life-preserver. By WW2 foam was combined with Kapok. Laws were passed over time that has required aeroplanes and water going-vessels to carry life-preservers on board. The lifebuoy is an example of equipment carried on vessels in the late 19th and early 20th century to help preserve life. There were many lives lost in Australia’s colonial period, particularly along the coast of South West Victoria. The lifebuoy was once the property of the British or Australian defence force.Lifebuoy, round cork object with canvas wrapped around it and rope attached to one side. Broad arrow mark and other red marks indecipherable. Painted white.Symbol of broad arrow. indecipherable markings.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, life rings, lifebuoy, safety ring, life-saving buoy, ring buoy, life preserver, personal floating device, floatation device, safety equipment, government lifebuoy, broad arrow

Allwood Nurseries in Hurstbridge was operated by W.G (William George) Gray. He operated a well cultivated property under nursery healthy stock, principally apples, peaches, plums and cherries and sometimes potatoes. He grew seedling stock which he supplied to other local orchardists and the overseas market. This image is of railroad train wagons loaded with fruit trees at Hurstbridge Railway Station for export to New Zealand. Frederick George Hurst (bearded) sits on top of the load (aged 73 years). His son-in-law Willian Gray stands beside the wagon. This photo forms part of a collection of photographs gathered by the Shire of Eltham for their centenary project book, "Pioneers and Painters: 100 years of the Shire of Eltham" by Alan Marshall (1971). The collection of over 500 images is held in partnership between Eltham District Historical Society and Yarra Plenty Regional Library (Eltham Library) and is now formally known as 'The Shire of Eltham Pioneers Photograph Collection.' It is significant in being the first community sourced collection representing the places and people of the Shire's first one hundred years.Digital imagesepp, shire of eltham pioneers photograph collection, hurstbridge, allwood nurseries, frederick george hurst, w.g. gray, hurstbrdge railway station, william george gray, railroad trains, nurseries (plants), export, despatch, transport

Eltham Heritage Study Tour; Russell Yeoman and society members on Bonds Road opposite Rosehill 1856(?) property. Includes people from the Friends of the Lower Plenty.Roll of 35mm colour negative film, 2 stripsKodak Gold 200-6activities, anne paul, blanche shallard, bonds road, lower plenty, opal smith, rosehill, sue law, doug orford, russell yeoman

This unusual wall decoration was created by Anna Wilson (nee Henry), daughter of pioneer John Stephenson Henry, who arrived in Australia from Ireland with his children in 1851. Family documents confirm that Anna most probably made the diorama for her sister-in-law, who married a member of the Giles family. The diorama was later given to Vera Giles who was a family friend and possibly related to Anna’s sister-in-law by marriage. The diorama is now part of the Giles Collection. Anna married William Wilson in 1860, who had arrived in Australia from County Tarrane in about 1850, aged 19. In 1869 they moved to their new property called ‘Glenlyall’ in Cooramook, north of Grassmere, Victoria, where he lived for 49 years until his death in 1918. He left behind a family of four sons and a daughter. The Giles Family There are many 19th century items of furniture, linen and crockery donated to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village by Vera and Aurelin Giles. The items are associated with the Giles Family and are known as the “Giles Collection”. These items mostly came from the simple home of Vera’s parents-in-law, Henry Giles and his wife Mary Jane (nee Freckleton), whose photos are in the parlour. They married in 1880. Henry Giles was born at Tower Hill in 1858. He was a labourer on the construction of the Breakwater before leaving in 1895 to build bridges in N.S.W. for about seven years. Mary Jane was born in 1860 at Cooramook. She attended Mailor’s Flat State School where she was also a student teacher before, as family legend has it, she became a governess at “Injemiara” where her grandfather, Francis Freckleton, once owned land. Henry and Mary’s family of six, some of whom were born at Mailor’s Flat and later children at Wangoom, lived with their parents at Wangoom and Purnim west, where Henry died in 1933 and Mary Jane in 1940. The family of the creator Anna Wilson nee Henry and her husband William Wilson are of significance to the early history of Victoria and the South West of Victoria in particular, being pioneer families who farmed the land, built the towns and cities and contributed to their communities. The Giles family collection has social significance at a local level, because it illustrates the level of material support the Warrnambool community gave to Flagstaff Hill when the Museum was established. Wall decoration, diorama with decorative gild frame and glass front. The 3-dimensional seascape includes sailing boats, land and sea, all made from materials such as shells, coral and seaweed. The work was made by Anna Wilson. It is part of the Giles Collection.Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, giles collection, henry giles, tower hill, cooramook, warrnambool breakwater, mailor’s flat, wangoom, 19th century household goods, 19th century decor, 19th century handcraft, handcraft, wall hanging, diorama of a seascape

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty