Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The Bendigo Easter Carnival was a Fund Raiser for the Bendigo Sub Branch for many years. The list of names of the volunteers there are many who were tireless workers for the Sub Branch over many years. Name in red pen. David Patterson refer Cat No 8070.Roster, paper, 4 pages stapled together, the 3/4th pages are fold out. Page 1 is a letter from the Secretary Bendigo RSL Sub Branch detailing the dates and places for RSL Volunteers to man the gates at the Easter Fair and events around town. Page 2 is a list of Volunteers names, dates & places ie Art Show at the Memorial Hall, Football at the QEO, Crowning ceremony at White Hills Technical School. Pages 3/4 details names, dates to man the entrance gates to the Easter Fair ie Park Road, Barnard Street, Fernery Gate and Cohns Gate.Page 1, "Returned Services League Bendigo Sub Branch - President D.J. Paterson - Secretary J.K. Barnes - Memorial Hall - Phone 434013 - March 1978. In red pen on page 1. "David Paterson"brsl, smirsl, easter,

The Warrnambool Baptist Church in Koroit Street celebrated 150 years of formal worship in 2014. This book gives a brief overview of those years from 1964 to 2014 as the first 100 years have been recorded elsewhere. The book gives details on resident ministers, women’s and men’s fellowship societies, missionary work, local church activities and Sunday School classes. The book is of some importance as it gives us a good picture of the Baptist Church in Warrnambool over the past 50 years. It will be useful for researchers and for others interested in the Church’s activities. The author is well-known in Warrnambool as a former pharmacist and a volunteer worker in historical and cultural spheres (Flagstaff Hill, Mahogany Ship Committee, Portuguese Festival etc)This is a paper back book of 52 pages. It has a red cover with a colour photograph of the interior of the Warrnambool Baptist Church. The pages are glued together. The book contains printed material, black and white and colour photographs and illustrations. Front Cover: ‘Loving God, Loving people’ – A Brief History of Warrnambool and District Baptist Church 1964 to 2014 warrnambool, warrnambool baptist church

In the early stages of the Kiewa Hydro-Electric Scheme the State Electricity Commission took over the financial and construction responsibility of the Tawonga District General Hospital building at a cost of 27,000 pounds. This included the removal and re-erection of the ex-military Bonegilla ward from Wodonga while in addition they carried out all the necessary building works that allowed the hospital to operate as a functional unit. The work was completed and handed over to the Hospital Committee of Management on September 1, 1949. Local residents raised 3,400 pounds through fund raising. The balance was met by the SEC and the Hospital and Charities Commission. The initial project was to provide for a basic temporary hospital which was later to include an Operating Theatre, Offices, Store, Mortuary and a Nurse’s Home, until the establishment of a permanent medical premises. Following the opening, 455 patients were admitted to the Tawonga District General Hospital and 254 operations were performed in the first year. The hospital relocated to Mount Beauty in the former SEC administration offices located in the town centre. Official opening of the 18 bed Tawonga District General Hospital was on April 29 in 1961. The old weatherboard building was demolished around the late 1900’s to early 2000’s and replaced with a new modern brick building. Alpine Health CEO Mr Lyndon Seys oversaw the opening of the new Mount Beauty Hospital in November 2001 alongside Board of Management President Mr Andrew Randell, other board members and politicians. The Kiewa Hydro-Electric Scheme the State Electricity Commission played a pivotal part in the planning and initial funding of the Tawonga District General Hospital, with a view to providing medical support for its many workers on the Hydro scheme. Later, spouse and family members of workers were also able to access medical assistance The hospital was originally located in Tawonga away from the majority of the patients as the Hospital and Charities. Many SEC workers and their families have received medical care at Tawonga District General Hospital and Alpine Health over the years. A number of family members of SECV workers as well as other dedicated staff have provided high quality medical attention and support in all the facilities as nursing staff, support staff and volunteers. Many past staff members and their families still remain living in the Kiewa Valley area 19 Colour photographs of the Tawonga and District Hospital situated in Mt Beauty circa 2000. Including photographs of interior and of some staff members1. No markings 2. G Ryder at front entrance 3. Sister G Ryder in the Resuscitation Room 4. Nurse D Hateley in the Kitchen 5. Nurse D Hateley in the Casualty Room 6. Sister W McClelland in new nurse’s station 7. R Forrest, G Ryder, ?, M Ranton 8. Nurse D Hateley in the Pan Room 9. Tawonga District General Hospital: Resuscitation Room 10. Hospital Hallway 11. Empty Nurses Station 12. Tawonga District General Hospital: Nursery 13. Patient Tea Room 14, 15, 16, 17, & 18. No marking mt beauty district hospital, tawonga district hospital, bonegilla ward, ryder family

In the early stages of the Kiewa Hydro-Electric Scheme the State Electricity Commission took over the financial and construction responsibility of the Tawonga District General Hospital building at a cost of 27,000 pounds. This included the removal and re-erection of the ex-military Bonegilla ward from Wodonga while in addition they carried out all the necessary building works that allowed the hospital to operate as a functional unit. The work was completed and handed over to the Hospital Committee of Management on September 1, 1949. Local residents raised 3,400 pounds through fund raising. The balance was met by the SEC and the Hospital and Charities Commission. The initial project was to provide for a basic temporary hospital which was later to include an Operating Theatre, Offices, Store, Mortuary and a Nurse’s Home, until the establishment of a permanent medical premises. Following the opening, 455 patients were admitted to the Tawonga District General Hospital and 254 operations were performed in the first year. The hospital relocated to Mount Beauty in the former SEC administration offices located in the town centre. Official opening of the 18 bed Tawonga District General Hospital on April 29 in 1961. Kiewa Valley House nursing home was officially opened on March 6th, 1985, with a new lounge extension opening in May, 1993. Prior to this, residents had to travel to Beechworth, Wangaratta or Wodonga for care. The old weatherboard building was demolished around the late 1900’s to early 2000’s and replaced with a new modern brick building. Alpine Health CEO Mr Lyndon Seys oversaw the opening of the new Mount Beauty Hospital in November 2001 alongside Board of Management President Mr Andrew Randell, other board members and politicians.The Kiewa Hydro-Electric Scheme the State Electricity Commission played a pivotal part in the planning and initial funding of the Tawonga District General Hospital, with a view to providing medical support for its many workers on the Hydro scheme. Later, spouse and family members of workers were also able to access medical assistance. Many SEC workers and their families have received high medical care at Tawonga District General Hospital and Alpine Health and/or as residents of Kiewa Valley House over the years. A number of family members of SECV workers as well as other dedicated staff have provided high quality medical attention and support in all three facilities as nursing staff, support staff and volunteers. Many past staff members and their families still remain living in the Kiewa Valley area Set of 13 colour photographs of past nursing staff and support staff from Tawonga District General Hospital, Kiewa Valley House & Alpine Health 1. Marg Hickey, Barbara Clark & Margaret Ranton 2. Cheryl Clutterbuck & Rosemary Forrest 3. Margaret Ranton 4. Margaret Ranton holding unknown infant 5. Gwen Goss 6. Barbara Clark & Margaret Ranton 7. Margaret Ranton, Sue Zeinert & Jenny Piera 8. Margaret Ranton, Gloria Ryder & Jenny Piera 9. Sue Wesley, Ruth Barton, Margaret Ranton, Rosemary Forrest & Nola Henry 10. F Bogaski & H Sigmund 11. Maintenance Supervisor H Sigmund 12. Gardener Fred Keat & Handyman Joe Trezise (1977) 13. Nursing staff in new hospital 1-9 No markings 10 F Bogaski & H Sigmund 11. Maintenance Supervisor H Sigmund 12. Gardener Fred Keat & Handyman Joe Trezise (1977) 13. Nursing staff in new hospital tawonga district general hospital, kiewa valley house, alpine health

The arrival of explorers Hume & Hovell in 1842 brought about the widespread clearing of land in the valleys for pastoral uses and the displacement the original inhabitants in the high country which became a boon for cattlemen due to extensive lush summer grazing for cattle. High country cattlemen built a variety of huts for shelter and storage, when driving cattle up to the plains in summer, during mustering and bringing the cattle down from the mountains before winter closed in. These same huts now provide shelter from the elements for hikers, bush walkers and skiers. Wallace’s Hut is the oldest of the Cattleman’s huts still standing in the Alpine National Park and is classified under the National Trust. Due to their age and the ravages of the elements, including bush fires, many of the huts have been destroyed, or are falling into disrepair. Groups of willing volunteers are now working to preserve as many of the huts as possible with restoration or rebuilding.The numerous cattleman’s huts of the Alpine National Park and the colourful characters who erected them represent a significant part of the history of the high country area and early cattle grazing, which has been the theme for many poets and film-makers alike. They also have a significant role in the early days of the SECV when they were used by surveyors and other workers for shelter and temporary accommodation. More recently the huts have functioned as shelter for hikers and skiers caught out in the elements and a refuge along the long trek for bush walkers. They are a popular attraction for tourists and feature prominently in much of the tourist information of the region. Black and white double page Newspaper article from the Herald Sun Newspaper of February 18, 2006 regarding the efforts of Mr David Oldfield to preserve Victoria’s remaining High Country Huts through his photography and efforts to restore old and Re-build missing ones. Article shows a photograph of David Oldfield and some of his photographic work of the huts. Page number and date printed at top of each page 30 Herald Sun, Saturday, February 18, 2006 Herald Sun, Saturday, February 18, 2006 83 cattlemen's huts; david oldfield; bogong high plains; wallace's hut; high country; alpine national park

Bogong Village, which was known as “The Junction”, is well recorded. The first tent camp was at the junction of Pretty Valley and Rocky Valley streams in the early 40’s. Further downstream were the sawmill, stables and blacksmith’s forge. Horses were the main mode of transport in the early days. The road to Bogong had reached the lookout spur just beyond Roper’s Spur track just before the 1939 fires. The early forties saw rapid growth of the village, with single and married men’s quarters, workshops, mess huts and administrative offices. The facilities necessary for communal living were quickly in place- a post office, police station, co-op store, medical centre, community hall/theatre, tennis courts and school. Much of the temporary accommodation that housed groups such as the Albion Quarrying Company were in the area now under water.This group of photographs are a pictorial record of the early history of the Kiewa Hydro Scheme, the people who worked in the background supplying administrative support and the workers and their families. It also shows a glimpse into how a large group of people from very diverse backgrounds came together to enjoy social activities and share each others companyGroup of 10 black and white photographs and photocopies of original photographs of varying sizes (some official SECV photos) Some Photos are labelled with the date and the names of SECV staff members. Depicting early life at Bogong Village 1. Group photo – Kiewa House Residents 1.8.41 (SECV official photo) 2. Female staff residents 3. Female office staff 4. Kitchen staff – Junction Mess (SECV official photo) 5. Male administration staff Bogong 6. Bogong Social Club fancy dress ball, 1940 7. Wives and children of SECV workers 8. Children in fancy dress 9. Opening of Volunteer Air Observers post 1943 10. Flag raising at opening of Volunteer Air Observers post 1. Printed under photo: STATE ELECTRICITY COMMISSION OF VICTORIA Date: 1.8.41 Time: 12.30pm No:K 435 Kiewa Hydro-Electric Works. Kiewa House Residents Back Row L to R: S.A. Salmon, W. Strachn, T.A Connors, W.J Norman, R.C Grealey, R.D Hegarty, Mrs Hegarty, W.R Morgan, S.A Clarke, P. Morgan, P.J. Harnetty, G.W Crouch. Front Row L to R: W.L Godfrey, R.S Hollands, Pte. R Charlesworth, R.L Dunn, N Caldwell, L.T Davies, I Webber, H.L Kendall, P Tiller, Ricky Hegarty, L.T Guy, M.C Cox, K.F Calder, D.S Gibson 2. Printed on bottom: Staff who lived at Kiewa House and worked in the Administration Office c 1943 Handwritten at bottom Priscilla Johnson (nee Reid) At top of page A GOOD LIFE: WOMEN’S RECOLLECTIONS OF LIFE IN THE UPPER KIEWA VALLEY 3. Printed under photo- Office Staff – Bogong 4. Printed under photo: STATE ELECTRICITY COMMISSION OF VICTORIA Date: 18.5.40 Time: 11.05am No:K 103. Kiewa Hydro-Electric Works. Kitchen Staff- Junction Mess. Opening night of the new staff mess Bogong. 5. Printed under photo -Administration staff Bogong 6. Printed under photo- The social club raised money for patriotic fund from fancy dress nights. (1st Fancy Dress Ball, Bogong 1940) 7. Printed above photo: ---- and family life begins (1942 Bogong) 8. Printed under photo: A favourite photograph 9. Printed under photo: STATE ELECTRICITY COMMISSION OF VICTORIA Date: 24.5.43 Time: 2.8pm No:K 1151 Kiewa Hydro-Electric Works. Bogong- Squadron Leader Leggett speaking at opening of Air Observer’s Post 10. Printed under photo: Raising the flag at the opening of the Volunteer Air Observer’s Post at Bogong - 1943 bogong village; kiewa hydro electric scheme; social activities; community clubs

During WWII there were volunteers all over Australia observing air activity every night. This certificate is one that was presented to the volunteers who manned the observation points. This certificate was presented to Mr Gordon White of Mount Beauty who was one such volunteer on the 20th Sept. 1945.The State Electricity Commission of Victoria were constructing the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme during World War 2. Workers lived at Bogong where the SECV supplied a hut for volunteers to observe air traffic during World War II. Mr Gordon White was a volunteer at the time. See also KVHS 0937 (photo) and KVHS 1259 (Training Manual)Laminated coloured A3 size Certificate of appreciation RAAF for Volunteer Air Observers Corps.volunteer air observer corps; certificate; state electricity commission of victoria; bogong; gordon white

The lapel badge was worn to signify membership of the Harbour Lights Guild. Variations of this badge were made for different State Guilds by different jewellers or badge manufacturers. Variations also indicated during some eras if the wearer was a full member, worker or honorary.The Harbour Lights Guild was instrumental in securing funds to construct the current building at 717 Flinders Street, and in particular the Memorial chapel and Gymnasium. They were also dedicated volunteers who organised many social functions and events to offer visiting seafarers an opportunity to relax, have fun and socialise away from the ship. The organisation operated from 1906 to the early 1960s in Melbourne and developed an organisational model that was adopted by many branches across Australia and for other global missions.Small round white enamel and gilt lapel badge denoting the Harbour Lights Guild and its association with Mission to Seamen (Mission to Seafarers). The badge incorporates the logo flag of Mission to Seamen.Gold lettering around the edge of the badge: "HARBOUR LIGHT GUILD MELBOURNE" Gold lettering inside central Mission flag: "THE MISSION/TO SEAMEN" Maker's mark on reverse: "K.G. Luke/Melb"volunteers, social, harbour-lights-guild, mission-to-seafarers, membership-tokens, functions, visits, badge, hlg

The lapel badge was worn to signify membership of the Ladies' Harbour Lights Guild. This badge was issued to honorary workers. In the earliest days this status indicated the member as a 1 guinea subscriber to The Harbour Light Guild. "Worker" members subscribed just a shilling but were required to contribute time at the Mission with hosting and facility maintenance. The form of logo indicates this badge as possibly dating back to the 1930s. Donated by Rosalea GreenwoodThe Ladies' Harbour Lights Guild was instrumental in securing funds to construct the current building at 717 Flinders Street. They were also dedicated volunteers who organised many social functions and events to offer visiting seafarers an opportunity to relax, have fun and socialise away from the ship. The LHLG which became known as the harbour Lights Guild after WW2 amalgamated with the Flying Angels in the 1960s, therefore these badges are primarily of historical interest. Small round lapel badge denoting Ladies Harbour Lights Guild and its association with Mission to Seamen (Mission to Seafarers). The badge incorporates the logo flag of Mission to Seamen. This badge is for an "honorary worker".Gold lettering around the edge of the badge: "HONORARY WORKER" Gold lettering inside central Mission flag: "THE MISSION/TO SEAMEN" enamel, metal, volunteers, badges, social, functions, visits, lhlg, ladies harbour lights guild, mission to seamen, rosalea greenwood, father hatters, david greenwood, station officer, honorary worker, membership, mission to seafarers, seamen's mission, rats of tobruk, madang, papua new guniea, png, a.i.f.

Anne-Marie Primmer is a legal worker, prize-winning cook, dog trainer and volunteer at Diamond Valley Community Information. Rosie Bray relates her story.2 pages text and two colour photographs.primmer family, anne-marie primmer

This illuminated address was given to H.H.Smith, the Warrnambool Mayor, for his work with soldiers returning to Warrnambool and district during and after World War One. On the same occasion Smith was also given an armchair by the mothers, sisters and wives of Warrnambool returning soldiers. Henry Huntingdon Smith (1857-1941) started his own bakery business in 1885, firstly near the corner of Fairy and Koroit Streets and later building his own shop at the corner of Lava and Fairy Streets (Monaghans Pharmacy today). Smith was one of the most admired men in Warrnambool in the first half of the 20th century. He was a Warrnambool Councillor from 1918 to 1937 (Mayor for two terms) and served continuously on the Warrnambool Hospital Committee for 39 years. He visited patients at the Hospital twice a week. He took a particular interest in the welfare of returning soldiers and it was said that there was not a returned man or woman whom Smith did not greet on his return to the district. Smith also was a tireless worker for the Methodist Church as an office bearer and a Sunday School teacher. Smith was also Vice President in 1937 of the first Warrnambool & District Historical Society. This document is of particular interest as it is a good example of the type of illuminated address produced during the early years of the 20th century. It also shows clearly the respect and love that Warrnambool people had for Henry Smith, a great volunteer worker in the community. This is a piece of cream-coloured parchment paper with a margin ruled in black ink and handwriting in blue and black ink surrounded by red ornamental scrolls and flourishes. The paper has an address to H.H.Smith and is followed by 74 names and the date (1920). The paper is inserted into a piece of red leather cloth. This has folded edges and an ornamental gold pattern around the front edges and a gold border around the back edges. There are two holes at the top of the folder and these have metal surrounds. The backing folder is rounded at the top edges. ‘Warrnambool, 6th December 1919. To H.H. Smith Esq., Mayor of Warrnambool – We, the Mothers, Wives and Sisters of the Returned Soldiers of this City and District wish to express to you our deepest gratitude for your unswerving devotion to Our Boys interests during your long term as Secretary of the Welcome Home Committee’ (etc etc)henry huntingdon smith, world war one, history of warrnambool

This event access pass was issued to staff, vendors and community volunteers at the 2000 Rip Curl Pro at Bells Beach.The access pass is typical of the pass issued each year to the staff and workers at the longest running surfing contest in the world. The pass features unique Indigenous artwork by Torquay artist/surfer Glenn Romanis2000 Rip Curl Pro Access Pass. Full colour laminated access pass (Outside Staff) for the 2000 Rip Curl Pro and Sunsmart Classic. The pass features cover art by Indigenous artist Glenn Romanis and event management logos. The pass also features a site map on the back and access information.Event management logos on the front. Indigenous Bell artwork by Torquay artist/surfer Glenn Romanis.bells beach, rip curl, glenn romanis, surfing victoria, 2000 rip curl pro

There were at least two different coloured sales posters depicting the same images, a yellow poster and a grey poster. It is unknown whether these were in use at the same time or whether one type preceded the other. Repaired images of the two posters placed side by side can be seen in the 2nd photo. The repair work was done by a volunteer at our Society with the aid of Microsoft Paint. Fireworks were manufactured in Sunshine Victoria from the early 1890's by the PHOENIX FIREWORKS CO. The factory was located a short distance to the north of Ballarat Rd, on the corner of Phoenix St and McIntyre Rd, North Sunshine. For safety reasons the factory consisted of small separated huts to minimise the damage in case one blew up. Images of the factory and the workers from Circa 1920's can be seen in the 3rd and 4th photos. Fireworks were readily sold by shops to the general public, including children, for celebrating Empire Day on May 24 and Guy Fawkes Day on November 5. Because of injuries, damages, and fires, sales to the general public of exploding fireworks such as bangers and crackers, were banned in Victoria in 1974. By 1982 sales of other fireworks, except for items such as sparklers, were also banned. Despite the bans some of the public still manages to obtain fireworks from other sources to this day, as evidenced by the many discharges on each New Year eve. The factory no longer exists and ironically part of the site is now occupied by the Metropolitan Fire Brigade and several small businesses, including a smash repair business and a tyre retailer. The poster shows the attitude that previously existed, where children and the general public could readily purchase and legally discharge fireworks. For safety reasons this attitude is now frowned upon by the authorities.Colour printed paper sales poster which is laminated within a glossy plastic film. The poster shows a happy caricature boy flying through the night sky while sitting on a large sky rocket. The sky is full of exploding fireworks, and on the ground several happy caricature children are letting off fireworks.PHOENIX FIREWORKS SOLD HEREphoenix, fireworks, crackers, sky rockets, sales poster, guy fawkes, empire day

The article outlines the training and emergency situations facing those who join the S.E.S. as volunteers.voluntary workers, waste transfer station vermont south, abseiling, state emergency service, romas, helen, barnard, alan, poile, kevin