For many Australians, Australia's participation in World War 1 is both an essential part of their national identity and an inevitable consequence of their British heritage; it is a popular view that Australia perceived its national interests and those of Britain to be one. In this major study, John Mordike challenges this view of Australia's past by exposing the competing national and imperial influences which shaped the foundation of the Australian Army. The book reveals how political ambition and electoral pressures subordinated a farsighted policy of defence self-reliance to the demands of imperial defence.Hard cover book, 310 pagesISBN 1 86373 192 Xmilitary history, mordike, australian army, colonial era, perfidious albion, military history, mordike, australian army, colonial era, perfidious albion

This item predates the change of Imperial measure (England -1824) to decimal measure (Europe) in Australia (1970 to 1988). This item was manufactured in England as, was the majority of measuring tool and equipment. It was not until the late 1950s that other countries e.g. United States and Europe provided the same type of manufactured tools for the Australian market. World War II, when Australia had to defend its own boarders that the political push for self sufficiency of manufactured goods started local production. Workers in the Kiewa Valley had always relied on the high quality of tools and manufactured goods coming from England. From the middle to late 1950s migration by skilled workers from a war torn Europe provided the source of manpower for the expansion of the manufacturing industries in Australia.The requirement of an accurate measuring tool has always been critical. This item was used at the time when Australia was using the British Imperial measurements. Accurate measurements by carpenters and other trades people for both town and rural needs was just as critical as for the larger cities. The transition period from Imperial to metric was a period of over four years but it still presented those who had used the Imperial measurements for a longer period in their trades with a dual system of measurement for a longer time(usually up to their retirement) Other nations still using Imperial measurements kept the transition from Imperial to metric alive (the UK and USA still uses Imperial measurements in 2012)Retractable metallic wired tape measure within a leather casing. Length of tape is 66 feet. Brass fittings on casing(winder and back plate)Tape on one side marked in inches and feet and on the other in links. Winder lever marked "66ft No 401" on front and arrow with"wind this way". Leather cover marked "John R A Bone & Sons Birmingham England" on reverse side "Metallic wired tape R A Bone & Sons"wired tape measure, tool, mobile tool, construction tool

This book is a "snapshot" in time (1950s) detailing life in Australia covering a time when a "man's word and handshake" were his moral and quasi legal bond, and the now relative defunct saying "smoko" (having a "time out" from work for a cigarette and tea or coffee). The book spans an era where the male was still the "head" of the family even though for a majority of families the women took on the many "male only" roles during the World War II period. This shift in the leadership of the family hierarchy is mentioned, so ever slightly, (not to offend the still predominant macho male image) in both rural and city environments. The effects of the war, and later the push for women's emancipation and equality in both family, social, workplace and political areas of life, since this book was published, is now finally resolved. However there are still some sections of the recent migrate population where this male dominance is causing a few problems.The significance of this book is not only because it was donated by Mrs C. Roper ( from the Roper Family, a pioneer Kiewa Valley and surrounding Region family - originally beef cattle graziers) but also a Kiewa Valley resident and family, experiencing the shift in the social and economical life of post World War II rural Australia. The strong heritage link to this region of many families still residing within its boundaries, is a clear affirmation of the bond that the Kiewa Valley and its Regions have upon family unity. This unity within the rural environment is something that is attracting more and more families from sometimes alienating city life.This printed coloured sketched, or painted paper sleeve of the book is freely wrapped over a dark red hard cover. Into the front of the cover is pressed a standing pose of a farmer with long sleeves rolled up over his elbows. Behind him and to the right are what appears to be three sacks of wheat and next to him is a merino sheep. To the left and down are two dogs one with a fox in its jaws. The book contains 240 pages, 300 illustrations in gravure and 25 pictures in full colour. The inside fly leaf is a colour photograph of a rural scene with dirt road running in the centre and to the left a farm house and a five bay open storage barnOn the tittle page is a signature "C Roper"country life, australian "outback", rural industries, life on the land, swag-man of the bush

This atlas, printed in 1944, details not only the geographic and political boundaries of the world as it was at that time but also the snap shot of life of the time. This snap shot in time covers the major Australian cities, the major farming, grazing, industrial and sporting/recreational activities. Also there are snap shots of similar activities from other global areas. The period also covered World War II, detailed by a photo of "shell making", munitions, required by Australian soldiers. The great political and territorial changes made as a result of World War II can be clearly identified for example , Israel (the Jewish homeland). The various prewar colonies of major European nations.This atlas was used by children of a Kiewa Valley family and shows the value and the general educational exposure that these children had at this time. The rural setting and within the backdrop of a world war did not severely alter the life style of children in this region. The "news reels" shown in cinemas of cities and larger towns were the only visual realisations of major events of global significance available to these children. The information provided by this atlas allowed students to glimpse at what the "outside world" was. The majority of these students would possibly never see these regions for themselves. The great communication facilities of the late 1900s and beyond, was still only science fiction.This atlas has a thick (350 g/m) red cardboard cover with bold black lettering and shading. The cover is set out within a shield like frame. The shield is held up by two square markings, each with a four part circular pattern and a cord entwining two pendulum structures ending with a bowl figure at the bottom. There is a semi circular form enclosing a printed book contents list. The inside cover has the atlas title and contents and the publisher details. The atlas contain 56 pages of world and Australian maps, vegetation and rainfall maps. Within this atlas there are 27 double sided pages of black and white photographs depicting life styles, buildings, landscapes and prominent and significant to Australia males from 1652 to 1944. The pages are of approximately 200 g/m and have the yellow aged appearance.On front cover "Philips' Australian COMMONWEALTH ATLAS" and underneath "Containing" underneath "60 PHYSICAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC MAPS". Publisher George Philip & Son, Limited 32 Fleet Street, London E.C. 4. Inside cover are: written, in freehand and in ink the following names and dates; "J.Muller Form V 1945", "L L Muller Form IV 1946", "N.J. Muller Form I + II + III 1948 +49 + 50" and "D Muller Form I 1949". also handwritten and in pencil is "Peter Leslie". On the last page is a small freehand sketch of Australia in biro.1940s school curriculum, rural education, 1940s atlas, australian atlas

A collection of photographs of events of the years from 1911 to 1935. It shows many world wide events such as events around Worls War 1,sports events such as horse racing and cricket,scouting, flights over Mt Everest, fashion the fall of the tzars in Russia and other world events such as the vote for women. . It is mainly a British perspective with a number of items relating to the royal family and British politics of the time.This book has historical and social significance as it records in photographs many events which occurred in a very turbulent period of world history. While it has no direct link to Warrnambool it would have been of general interest to local people.Blue cover with silver print on front cover and spine. Front cover has embossing in a floral pattern.Inside front and back covers the paper is patterned in silver and blue with crowns and flags.512 pages with mainly photographs in sepia colours.the story of 25 eventful years in pictures,

Field Marshal Viscount Kitchener of Great Britain was invited by Prime Minister Deakin in 1909 to visit Australia and advise on the best way to provide Australia with a land defence. Kitchener’s report echoed the bill, introduced to Parliament in 1909 and supported by the Opposition Labor Party at its 1908 conference, to introduce compulsory military training in peace time (referred to as universal training). On 1 January 1911, the Commonwealth Defence Act 1911 (Cth) was passed as law and all males aged 12 to 26 were required to receive military training. Men were divided according to age, with junior cadets comprising boys 12-14 years of age, senior cadets comprising boys 14-18, and young men aged 18-26 assigned to the home militia defence. The support of schools was vital to the success of the scheme, since the system of cadet training began in the primary schools, with physical training prescribed by military authorities. Junior cadet training was entirely in the hands of school teachers, who had first been trained by military officers. This early training was less military in nature than focused on physical drill and sport. It also acted to inculcate boys with the notions of loyalty to country and empire. At this age, uniforms were not worn, although there were schools with pre-existing uniformed cadet units, who continued to do so. Senior Cadets were organised by Training Areas, administered by Area Officers. If a school had at least 60 senior cadets, they could form their own units. Unlike their junior counterparts, Senior Cadets were issued uniforms, a rifle, and learned the foundations necessary for service in any arm of the defence forces. Boys and men could be exempted from compulsory training if they lived more than five miles from the nearest training site, or were passed medically unfit. Those who failed to register for training were punished with fines or jail sentences, and the severity of this punishment generated some of the strongest opposition to the scheme. While institutions such as the political parties and most churches generally supported universal training, some in the broader labour movement were less enthusiastic, as evidenced in the Daily Herald newspaper’s editorials and letters. Universal military training persisted after the conclusion of World War 1, with the Junior Cadet scheme the first to go, in 1922. Senior cadets and service with the militia was suspended in November 1929. (http://guides.slsa.sa.gov.au/content.php?pid=575383&sid=4788359, accessed 29/10/2015) According to Neil Leckie, Manager of the Ballarat Ranger Military Museum: * Originally 12 – 14 year olds went to Junior Cadets attached to their school. * From age 14 – 17 they were Senior Cadets attached to the local militia unit. * After 1 July of the year a Cadet turned 18, the Cadet left the Senior Cadets and became a member of the Citizen Military Force. * In October 1918 the AIF, Militia and Cadets were renamed to give some connection to the AIF battalion raised in the area. Ballarat saw: 8th Australian Infantry Regiment comprising: * 8th Battalion AIF renamed 1st Battalion 8th Australian Infantry Regiment * 70th Infantry Militia renamed 2nd Battalion 8th Australian Infantry Regiment * 70th Infantry Cadets renamed 3rd B, 8th Australian Infantry. 39th Australian Infantry Regiment comprising: * 39th Battalion AIF renamed 1st Battalion 39th Australian Regiment * 71st Infantry Militia renamed 2nd Bn, 39th Australian Infantry Regiment * 71st Infantry Cadets renamed 3rd Bn, 39th Australian Infantry Regiment Prior to the reorganisation in 1918 the 18th Brigade was the 70th, 71st and 73rd Infantry. It is thought that the 18th Brigade Cadet units in 1920 were those that came from the old: * 69th Infantry (Geelong/Queenscliff) * 70th Infantry (Ballarat/Colac) * 71st Infantry (Ballarat West) * 72nd Infantry Warrnambool) * 73rd Infantry (NW Vic) The next name change came in 1921!Mounted sepia photograph of 21 young males. They are the Ballarat School of Mines Cadets on a training camp at Lake Learmonth. Back row left to right: Harold Wakeling; ? ; T. Wasley; H. Witter; H.V. Maddison (staff); Lieutenant S.J. Proctor, Joe ? ; ? ; B.C. Burrows. Centre left to right: Howard Beanland; ? ; F.N. Gibbs; H. Siemering; P. Riley; ? : E. Adamthwaite. Front row left to right: Albert E. Williams; Francis Davis (RAAF Dec.); A. Miller; W. Shattock; T. Rees From the Ballarat School of Mines Magazine, 1916 "Our Competition Team, 1916 At a parade, held on the 25th August competition teams were called from from the three colleges - Ballarat College, St Patrick's College, and the School of Mines. In each case, a large muster was obtained, twenty-nine volunteering fro the School of Mines. On account of the number in a team being limited to 21, some had to be weeded out. The team decided to have a camp at Learmonth in the vacation for the benefit of training for the coming competitions. The tents, within our baggage, were brought to the Junior Technical School at 10 a.m. on Monday, 11 September. Everything was carted to the station on a lorry, which was very kindly lent by Mr C. Burrow. ... Arriving at our camp, which was in the Park, we first raised the tents. This was done in record time. Three large tents, A.B.C., were pitched one behind the other. We also pitched a smaller one to act as a provisions tent. The provisions supplied by each cadet were placed in this tent. Dinner was ready by 3.30, and was prepared by the three senior non-coms., who also acted as orderlies. Things went alright Monday night, the two senior non-coms. acting as sentries for the first two hours. On Tuesday morning Reville sounded at 7. There was no need for it, however, as nearly all the cadets were up before daylight, owing to their beds being too hard. After physical exercises were gone through we had breakfast. We then had rifle exercises until Messrs A.W. Steane and F.N. King arrived. The former put the team through the table of physical exercises set down for competition work, many valuable points being obtained. The visitors remained for dinner, afterwards returning to Ballarat. Wednesday was uneventful, until the soldiers arrived at about 11 a.m., stopping at the park for lunch. As we handed over the coppers, etc., to them, our lunch was delayed. Two more visitors arrived after lunch, and after taking a few photos returned home. That night we had a "Sing-a-long" in C Tent until "Lights out" sounded at 9.30. After physical exercises ad breakfast on Thursday, we went for a six mile route march round the lake, doing skirmishing on the way. In the afternoon we practised rifle exercises and the march past. A concert was arranged for that night, the chief singers being cadets H. Siemering and W. Shattock. Supper was served at the end of the entertainment. On Friday, Reveille sounded at 6.30 instead of 7, and, as usual, we had physical exercises before breakfast, after which the team went through skirmishing at the reserve. In the afternoon, section drill and the march past were practised. Friday night, being our last night in camp, leave was granted until 10 p.m., "lights out" sounding at 11. Reveille sounded on Saturday at 4.30, the reason being that all kits, tents, etc., had to be packed away ready to catch the 8.15 train to Balalrat. At 7.30 we were all ready to leave for the station. We had a very enjoyable time in the train, each cadet having a chip in at the patriotic songs. On arriving at Ballarat, we found the lorry awaiting us. The luggage was carted to the Junior Technical School, the team following. The team were here dismissed, everyone feeling that he had had a very good time. F.G. Davis"Written in ink on front 'cadet camp at Lake Learmonth about 1916. Training for South Street Competitions. ballarat school of mines, cadets, ballarat school of mines cadets, lake learmonth, world war one, boomerang, camp, cadet camp, h.g. wakeling, harold wakeling, f.g. davis, albert w. steane, f.n. king, h. siermering, w. shattock, francis davis, harold wakeling, t. wasley, h. witter, h.v. maddison, s.j. proctor, b.c. burrows, howard beanland, f.n. gibbs, h. siemering, p. riley, e. adamthwaite, albert e. williams; francis davis, a. miller, w. shattock, t. rees, photography, foto, boxing gloves

Disston Saw Works of Philadelphia was one of the better known and highly regarded manufacturers of handsaws in the United States. During the Machine Age, the company was known as Henry Disston & Sons, Inc. a supplier of industrial saw blades. History: The story of handsaws in the United States mirrors the technical and development of steel in Sheffield, England, which was the center of handsaw production during the 18th century and through most of the 19th century. England's political and economic lock-on steel making in the colonies held American saw makers at bay until well after the Revolutionary War. American steel producers were unable to compete until the US government introduced import tariffs to level the playing field in 1861. Henry Disston: Henry Disston (1819–1878) began his career as an American saw maker in Philadelphia. He had emigrated from England in 1833 and started making saws and squares in 1840. In 1850, he founded the company that would become the largest saw maker in the world, the Keystone Saw Works. Some five years later, Disston built a furnace—perhaps the first melting plant for steel in America and began producing the first crucible saw steel ever made in the United States. While his competitors were buying good steel from Britain, he was making his own, to his specification, for his own needs. Disston subsequently constructed a special rolling mill exclusively for saw blades. Over the following decade, the Disston company continued to grow, even while dedicating itself to the Union Army's war effort. In 1865, when his son Hamilton Disston rejoined the business after serving in the Civil War, Disston changed the company's name to Henry Disston & Son. Henry Disston and his sons began to set the standards for American saw makers, both in terms of producing high-quality saws and files in 1865 through his development of innovative manufacturing techniques. In September 1872, Henry Disston and two other men dug a part of the foundation for what was to become the largest saw manufacturing facility in the world: Disston Saw Works. This was in the Tacony section of Philadelphia. Having previously moved his expanding business from near Second and Market Streets to Front and Laurel Streets. It took over 25 years to move the entire facility to Tacony. Henry Disston was renowned for having one of the first industries that exhibited environmental responsibility, as well as a paternalistic view towards his employees. For example, he had thousands of homes built in Tacony for his workmen. Funds to purchase these homes were made available through a building and loan association set up by the Disston firm. His caring influence on the community was evident in everyday life. To meet employees' cultural needs, a hall and a library were built with Henry Disston agreeing to pay a fixed sum towards its maintenance. The Tacony Music Hall was erected in 1885, also with the assistance of Disston money. Henry Disston had fallen ill by 1877 and never truly recovered; he suffered a stroke and died the next year. This came only one and a half years after seeing his products receive the highest honors at the great Philadelphia Centennial Exposition of 1876. His vision of a working-class community and the completion of the transfer of his enormous saw plant was carried out by his wife and his sons. The company, by the early 20th century, cast the first crucible steel in the nation from an electric furnace in 1906. The firm's armor-plate building near Princeton Avenue and Milnor Street contributed tremendously to the World War II effort. But the company's innovation and industriousness would not last forever. In 1955, with mounting cash-flow problems and waning interest on the family's part to run the firm, Henry Disston and Sons were sold to the H.K. Porter Company of Pittsburgh. Porter's Disston Division was sold in 1978 and became the Henry Disston Division of Sandvik Saw of Sweden. This division was then sold in 1984 to R.A.F. Industries of Philadelphia and became known as Disston Precision Incorporated, a maker of specialized flat steel products. In 2013, R.A.F. Industries sold Disston Precision Inc. in a private sale. Although the company has ceased making Disston handsaws, the Disston brand name still exists in this firm. A tool used to set and sharpen cross cut saws used to fell trees for building construction made by a well known American maker whos firm pioneered the making of saws and their related items including files.combination cross cut saw raker and gauge/jointerDisston USA in the castingflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

non-fictionA history of Australian women artists, the lives and practice of 24 women are covered to redress their absence in critical and art historical records. painting, water colour, portraiture, print making

booknon-fictionCollected cartoons by Melbourne cartoonist and writer Judy Horacek, who believes "humour is a fantastic way of changing the world." ( from biographical noes). The introduction was written by Dale Spender.political art, community art, indigenous rights, racism, discrimination

The photo was taken on 'Oxi' Day 28 October 1951 which is commemorated throughout Greece and Cyprus and world-wide Greek communities. The day commemorates the rejection by the Greek prime minister, Ioannis Metaxas of the ultimatum presented to him by the Italian ambassador on the 28 October 1940 to allow the Axis forces, namely Italy, Germany and Bulgaria to occupy strategic locations of Greece or face war. A black and white photograph of a crowd of people - men, women and children - gathered around a Greek flag in an open area. A church is visible in the background. High mountains are also visible across the skyline.The original is handwritten across the bottom of the photo in Greek which translated reads: PLATRITHIA. ITHACA 28 OCTOBER 1951.world war 2

Publisher Walter Graham Blackie (1816-1906) began as a letterpress operator, printer and publisher. He married Marion Brodie 16/4/1846. In 185, his successful business in Glasgow, employed 60 men and 40 boys.The Imperial Atlas of Modern Geography published in London by Blackie and Son, Warwick Square, E.C.; Glasgow and Edinburgh in 1860 MDCCCLX. The atlas includes an extensive series of maps embracing the most recent discoveries and the latest political divisions of territory in all parts of the world compiled and engraved from the most authentic sources. world maps, index

Index, bibliography, notes, ill (maps), p.565.non-fictionPasschendaele epitomises everything that was most terrible about the Western Front. The photographs never sleep of this four-month battle, fought from July to November 1917, the worst year of the war- blackened tree stumps rising out of a field of mud, corpses of men and horses drowned in shell holes, terrified soldiers huddled in trenches awaiting the whistle. The intervening century, the most violent in human history, has not disarmed these pictures of their power to shock. At the very least they ask us, on the 100th anniversary of the battle, to see and to try to understand what happened here. Yes, we commemorate the event. Yes, we adorn our breasts with poppies. But have we seen? Have we understood? Have we dared to reason why? What happened at Passchendaele was the expression of the 'wearing-down war', the war of pure attrition at its most spectacular and ferocious. Paul Ham's Passchendaele- Requiem for Doomed Youth shows how ordinary men on both sides endured this constant state of siege, with a very real awareness that they were being gradually, deliberately, wiped out. Yet the men never broke- they went over the top, when ordered, again and again and again. And if they fell dead or wounded, they were casualties in the 'normal wastage', as the commanders described them, of attritional war. Only the soldier's friends at the front knew him as a man, with thoughts and feelings. His family back home knew him as a son, husband or brother, before he had enlisted. By the end of 1917 he was a different creature- his experiences on the Western Front were simply beyond their powers of comprehension. The book tells the story of ordinary men in the grip of a political and military power struggle that determined their fate and has foreshadowed the destiny of the world for a century. Passchendaele lays down a powerful challenge to the idea of war as an inevitable expression of the human will, and examines the culpability of governments and military commanders in a catastrophe that destroyed the best part of a generation. Collapse summary world war 1914-1918 - campaigns - western front, france - campaigns - passchaendaele

Bibliography, notes, ill, maps, p.245.non-fictionRetrace Australia's role in the First World War from the trenches of Somme Mud to the wider war on the Western Front. Imagine this. You are a country boy and just eighteen. The war has been raging for two years and because of your age, you have not been eligible for enlistment. Your mates, older by a few months are joining up and disappearing to the great adventure across the world in Europe. And there is forever talk of the need for reinforcements, for men like you to join up and support the Empire, Australia and your mates in the line. Such was the case for Edward Francis Lynch, a typical country boy from Perthville, near Bathurst. When war was declared in early August 1914, he was just sixteen and still at school, but like a generation of young males in Australia, there was something to prove and a need to be there. Will Davies, editor of the bestselling Somme Mud, meticulously tracked Lynch and his battalion's travels; their long route marches to flea ridden billets, into the frontline at such places as Messines, Dernancourt, Stormy Trench and Villers Bretonneux, to rest areas behind the lines and finally, on the great push to the final victory after August 1918. In words and pictures Davies fills in the gaps in Private Lynch's story and through the movements of the other battalions of the AIF provides impact and context to their plight and achievements. Looking at these battlefields today, the pilgrims who visit and those who attend to the land we come to understand how the spirit of Australia developed and of our enduring role in world politics.world war 1914-1918 - personal narratives - australia, western front 1914-1918 - australian participation

Ill, maps, p.353.non-fictionCovers the period from the Treaty of Versailles to Churchill's appointment as Prime Minister in 1940world war 1939-1945 - history, europe - politics and government - 1918-1945

Index, bibliography, notes, ill, map, p.404.non-fictionBy March 1942, the Japanese had steamrolled through Malaya, laid siege to Singapore, and bombed Darwin with the same ferocity they had dealt Pearl Harbor. Nothing could stop them. Their next step was inevitable, surely: the invasion and occupation of Australia. Meanwhile, as Australian prime minister John Curtin was battling with Winston Churchill to get troops back from overseas to defend their homeland, he was also positioning to ensure the United States would be there with us to fend off the approaching enemy. And at home, people pitched in as best they could and in any way to frustrate the invader. They all played their part, torn between 'she'll be right' and near panic. On Our Doorstep is the story of how Australia and Australians - the government, the military and the people - prepared to face this calamity, and the events that persuaded them of its probability. In the end, Japan found it had stretched itself beyond the reliability of its supply line, but had it ever intended to invade Australia?world war 1939 – 1945 – campaigns – south west pacific, australia - politics and government - 1939-1945

Index, bibliography,ill, maps, p.310.non-fictionIn the last months of 1944, a group of elite Australian and British commandos was selected for the biggest Allied behind-the-scenes operation of the Pacific War. Their mission: to devastate the enemy's shipping by destroying the Japanese ships at anchor in Singapore Harbour. Operation Rimau, Britain's last throw of the colonial dice in South-East Asia, was intended as a body blow to the Japanese and a signal to the world that she would reclaim her Eastern Empire. Britain was trying to reclaim past glory - while Australia's wartime prime minister, John Curtin, had turned to America. In this atmosphere, Operation Rimau was planned ... Operation Rimau takes us inside the fierce conflict, and tells what really happened to these brave commandos - from the very beginnings of the operation through to their intense and courageous fighting in the South China Seas, and its aftermath. It exposes the sloppy planning behind the raid, and names the officers who betrayed and abandoned them in their hour of need, and details the political double-dealing which for so many years hid the real story behind red tape and bureaucratic lies.world war 1939-1945 - covert operations - australia, krait (ship)

non-fictionCaught in a Snare' explores the plight of the refugee scholars fleeing Germany and the Incorporated Territories between 1933 and the beginning of World War II in 1939, and the War years in England.refugees - great britain - history, great britain - intellectual life, great britain - political refugees

Bibliography, Index, Chronology, ill (plates, col, b/w) maps. p.452.non-fictionFrom longbow, pike, and musket to Challenger tanks, from the Napoleonic Wars to the Gulf campaign, the Duke of Marlborough to Field Marshal Montgomery, The Oxford Illustrated History of the British Army recounts the history of the British army from its medieval antecedents to the present day. Drawing on the latest scholarship, this survey shows how British fighting forces have evolved over the last five centuries. The continuities revealed are sometimes surprising: narrow recruitment patterns, friction between soldiers and civilians, financial constraints and recurrent political pressure for economies are constant themes. Commanders, campaigns, battles, organization, and weaponry are covered in detail within the wider context of the social, economic, and political environment in which armies exist and fight. The British army has been remarkably successful in fighting terms, losing only one major war (of American Independence 1775-83). As one of the engines of empire it has been active all over the world, as well as shaping the internal destiny of the nation in civil war and revolution. Its history is charted in a sequence of chronological chapters, each containing special feature articles, beginning with the medieval, Elizabethan, and Restoration army and moving on through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to the two world wars of the twentieth. The book concludes with accounts of the army of British India, the amateur military tradition, the British way in warfare, and an assessment of what the future may hold in the light of the Options for Change review. Extensively illustrated in black and white and colour, and with a detailed chronology and further reading lists, this is the definitive one-volume history of the British army for specialists and non-specialists alike.great britain - military history, great britain - military tradition

p.398.non-fictionExplores the idea that the war of 1914-1918 continues and will shape the world in the 20th centurymodern history - 20th century, politics - 20th century