This ammunition bag was used by Harry Mitchell (son of Lindsay Mitchell) at the Bendigo Rifle Club in 1959, the bag was designed to hold 303 riffle bullets used in target shooting or could hold 7 cartridges for a shotgun. The Gladstone bag was very popular in the 1940/50 era, it fitted on the handlebars of a bicycle and it was used by footballers and sportsmen. A couple bottles of beer would fit comfortably in the bag and was.used to take beer home after the hotels closed at 6pm. These two articles were donated by Lindsay Mitchell to the Numurkah Historical Society. The Sunbeam Mixmaster belonged by Marjory Welch, Nana of Margaret Mitchell and would have been used in late 1930 and during 1940's. It was painted and used by Linda Mitchell, (great great grand daughter) when at universitv in 1987 White Sunbeam Mixmaster was purchased by Margaret Mitchell 1965. lt was her first mixmaster after she was married in 1964 The bread bins. The green and white belonged to Mary Mitchell (Lindsay Mitchell's Mother) The colourful bread bin belonged to Lorna Welch (Margaret Mitchell's Mother) 1 x Ammunition bag, (1950's), 1 x Gladstone bag (1950's), 2 x tin bread bins, 1 x White Coloured Sunbeam Mixmaster (1965) , 1 x Cream-coloured Sunbeam Mixmaster (1940's), 1 x Red Fly-spray can (1950's)mitchell family, gladstone bag, mixmaster, school bag, bread bin, kitchen, ammunition bag, sunbeam, flysprayer

Distinguish Flying Cross medal awarded to John Hudson WILKINSON 400444 born 18/2/1914 at Rutherglen. He was a Pharmaceutical Chemist prior to enlisting in the RAAF on 2/9/1940 He was reporting missing during air operations over East Prussia and later presumed to have lost his life on 30/8/1944 Awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross - citation reads Pilot Officer Wilkinson is an air gunner of great ability and determination. He has taken part in a large number of operational sorties many of which have been against some of German's most heavily defended targets. On one occasion in March 1944 when engaged n an attack on Stuttgart a Junkers 88 attacked his aircraft five times but Pilot Officer Wilkinson by his accurate directions to his captain and coolly aimed return fire drove ff the enemy aircraft in a badly damaged condition. At all times his unwavering devotion to duty and constant alertness have inspired confidence in his crew. The Distinguished Flying Cross (DFC) is the third-level military decoration awarded to officers, and since 1993 to other ranks, of the United Kingdom's Royal Air Force and other services, and formerly to officers of other Commonwealth countries, for "an act or acts of valour, courage or devotion to duty whilst flying in active operations against the enemy"Black case which opens out from right side. The top affixed by two side hinges on the left and push in pin on the right side. Inside case the top is lined in satin fabric imprinted with a black crest and the base is lined in felt containing a silver metal medal in the shape of a cross attached to a purple and while diagonally striped ribbon.On Top - DFC impressed in gold colour paint. Inside Top - Royal Mint Medal inscriptions -400444 Flt Lt Wilkinson Stuttgart 1944 pilot officer john hudson wilkinson, dfc, ww2, raaf, kia

HMAS Huon berthed at the wharf in Port Fairy Nov 1921. HMAS Huon (D50), named after the Huon River, was a River-class torpedo-boat destroyer of the Royal Australian Navy (RAN). Originally to be named after the River Derwent, the ship was renamed before her 1914 launch because of a naming conflict with a Royal Navy vessel. Huon was commissioned into the RAN in late 1915, and after completion was deployed to the Far East. In mid-1917, Huon and her five sister ships were transferred to the Mediterranean. Huon served as a convoy escort and anti-submarine patrol ship until a collision with sister ship HMAS Yarra in August 1918 saw Huon drydocked for the rest of World War I. After a refit in England, Huon returned to Australia in 1919. The destroyer spent several periods alternating between commissioned and reserve status over the next nine years, with the last three spent as a reservist training ship. Huon was decommissioned for the final time in 1928, and was scuttled in 1931 after being used as a target ship. She visited Port Fairy on a goodwill trip in November .Black and white photograph of naval ship berthedship, boat, sea, river, h.m.a.s.huon, moyne, naval ship

A harpoon is a long spear-like instrument used in fishing, whaling, sealing and other marine hunting to catch large fish or marine mammals such as whales. It accomplishes this task by impaling the target animal and securing it with barb or toggling claws, allowing the fishermen to use a rope or chain attached to the projectile to catch the animal. The earliest known harpoons, have been recorded as having been made and used 90,000 years ago. In the early whaling industry the two flue harpoon was the primary weapon used around the world. This two fluke harpoon tended to penetrate no deeper than the soft outer layer of a whales blubber. Thus it was often possible for the whale to escape by struggling or swimming away forcefully enough to pull the shallowly embedded barbs out backwards. This flaw was corrected in the early nineteenth century with the creation of the one fluke harpoon. By removing one of the flukes, the head of the harpoon was narrowed, making it easier for it to penetrate deep enough to hold fast. In the Arctic, the indigenous people used the more advanced toggling harpoon design and by the mid-19th century, the toggling harpoon was adapted by Lewis Temple, using iron. The Temple toggle was widely used, and quickly came to dominate the whaling industry around the world.A hand forged harpoon demonstrating the blacksmiths art for fashioning an item used during the early 19th century in the significant industry of whaling. Used during a time when the world depended on the natural resources derived from whales, oil for lighting, lubrication, margarine, candles, soaps and cosmetics as well as the use of the whales bones for various other items such as corsets, umbrellas,fertiliser and animal feed. The item is significant as it was probably made between 1820-1850 after which a single fluke and toggle harpoon began to be use extensively in the whaling industry. Also coming in to general use was a black powder gun to fire the harpoon rather than the early type that had to be manually thrown by a mariner from a row boat of which the subject item is an example.Hand forged double fluke steel whaling harpoon with an arrowhead tip atop a square shank that tapers to a narrow round shaft with a split metal cone to accommodate a wooden harpoon pole.Noneharpoon, whaling, whaling harpoon, fishing industry, whales, flukes, lewis temple, marine technology, flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road

This small cannon ball was found by the donor around 1975 to 1977 when he was digging a trench to install underground cables at the Warrnambool Surfside Caravan Park' Its location is just below both Cannon Hill and the 19th century Fortifications at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village. The ball is made of iron. Cannon balls were used as ammunition for a cannon gun and fired at a target. This cannon ball is only 8 cm round, or 4.15 inches, and is likely to have been called a 4-pounder (4-pdr). The ball was made from molten iron was poured into the small opening of a two-piece mould. The seam between the moulds sometimes left a raised ring mark on the ball, as can be seen on this ball. The ridge would have been filed to make the join smooth, sometimes leaving a slightly flat area. Six 4-powder cannons were recovered from Endeavour Reef, Queensland, in 1969. They were from Captain Cook's HMS Endeavour, thrown overboard when the ship struck a reef there in 1770. They are likely to have been mounted on deck cannon carriages on the ship. Similar 4-pounder cannons were mounted on gun carriages and used as field guns. Cannons with cannon balls as ammunition were installed at Warrnambool for protection from possible invasion in the mid-to-late 19th century and early 20th century.Cannon ball, iron, black with a pitted shiny surface. It has three flat areas and evidence of a seam around the circumference. There are remnants of a possible inscription stamped into the iron. The cannon ball is a four-pounder ball. Imperial weight is 71 oz (201.3 gms or 4.44 pounds).Remnants of an indecipherable stamp and / or red text.flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, cannon ball, ammunition, cannon, fortifications, military equipment, firearm, weapon, two-piece mould, seam line, four-pounder, 4-pounder, field gun, field ammunition, gun carriage, cast cannon ball

Nessa Jenkins was born at Ararat in 1980. She was a student of the University of Ballarat. At the 2002 Manchester Commonwealth Games Nessa Jenkins won the Women's Trap Pairs and was 5th in the Shooting Women's Trap. "At the 2002 Manchester Commonwealth Games Nessa Jenkins and Diane Reeves took gold from England by one point. The National Shooting Centre in Bisley provided the scene for some thrilling entertainment the Australian pair of Nessa Jenkins and Diane Reeves completed a hat trick of victories in world-class shooting events. Jenkins said: “I’m wrapped – the hardest thing is that you are trying to shoot your own score, but you’re still thinking about what your partner’s shooting, and I could hear Di calling for her targets. Sometimes you can hear the buzzer if someone misses and I didn’t hear it so I thought things were okay.” “We’ve had a lot of competition practice before coming to the Commonwealth Games – we’ve been to the World Cup and the World Championship so it’s been a big build up, but this just topped it off today.”(http://m2002.thecgf.com/Sports/Shooting/News/default.asp?id=579&folder=Shooting, accessed 07/08/2014) Colour photograph of Nessa Jenkins.jessa jenkins, commonwealth games, manchester, trap shooting

For many years Legacy had a "Back to Caulfield Race Day" for Legatees, widows and their families. In 1995 a Legacy 'Lone Pine' was planted. The article in the Answer says: “We were delighted with the many Legacy Widows, Legatees and friends of Legacy who participated in the Commemorative Race Day at Caulfield Sunday 25th August - marking the 75th anniversary of the RAAF. The VATC had a range of displays and activities including a breathtaking parachute demonstration by the Blue Eagles. It was touch and go for a while due to the weather conditions but once the Blue Eagles jumped they all reached their designated target in front of the winning post. Legacy even had a special race named after it: “The Legacy Widows Appeal Handicap”. Our thanks to the VATC for this courtesy. Hope we had a few winners! Vice President, Legatee Brian ‘Lucky’ Luscombe placed a wreath at the legacy ‘Lone Pine’ - a descendant of the Gallipoli ‘Lone Pine’ on behalf of the Legacy Family. The historic tree was presented to Caulfield last year as part of the events to mark the 1995 Australia Remembers year.” The photos show children playing mini golf as well as the Historical Re-enactment Society of Australia with old military equipment and wearing old military uniforms. The racecourse also had a vintage plane on display with military vehicles.Legacy retains a tie with Caulfield racecourse as it was once an army camp and staging post of young men going overseas to war and now it is the site of a lone pine. The annual gathering at Caulfield racecourse was an event that gets the Legacy family together.Colour photo x 18 of an event at Caulfield racecourse in 1996 and an article in The Answer.Printed on back events, wreath laying ceremony, answer

William Ellis NEWTON VC enlisted in the RAAF no 250748 on 5.2.1940 age 20 years 8 months. Serving with No 22Sqd RAAF flying Boston Bombers he arrived in New Guinea in May 1942. Along the way he was promoted to Pilot Officer, Flying Officer and then Flight Lieutenant. On the 18.3 1943 during a low level attack on Japanese positions around Salamaua he hit his target but his plane was hit several times by flack and burst into flames but he landed it in the sea. Sgt B.G Eastwood No 13055 a crew member went down with the aircraft. Newton and Flt Sgt J Lyon No 401706 swam to shore but were captured by the Japanese. Newton was taken to Lae for interrogation and then returned to Salamaua and was executed by decapitation and his body thrown in bomb crater on 29.3.1943. His body was later recovered in late 1943 when Australian troops captured Salamaua. Lyons was executed at Lae by bayoneting in the back. The award to Newton of the Victoria Cross was for low level attacks in the Salamaua area which inflicted heavy losses on Japanese installations one of which his plane was hit by flak heavily and he successfully flew it back some 180 miles and landed. The award also included the attack for which he was executed. Newtons and war crimes records are some 800 plus pages with photos, statements etc. Refer also Cat No 3456.Black & white photo, head & shoulders portrait of F/LT W. E. NEWTON V.C. He is wearing a peaked cap, collar & tie with RAAF wings badge on L side of jacket. In a green / gold wooden frame with glass front. Fawn paper backing. Gold plaque in middle beneath photo.Engraved on plaque: “F/LT W. E. NEWTON V.C. 22 Squadron RAAF”photograph, raaf, vc, newton

The Albury Sailors, Soldiers and Airmen’s Club traces its origins back to the Albury and District War Services Hall Appeal Committee. This group of the World War I diggers, service groups and parents of men serving in World War II set out to raise 14,000 pounds for a Services Memorial Hall. After the war ended, the Memorial Hall Fund was far short of its target. Also, different attitudes prevailed when the boys came home. Instead of a memorial hall, the idea of a licensed club gained favour. This was to be not merely for RSL men who had served overseas, but for many ex-servicemen who had not left Australia. Using the Memorial Hall Fund, the RSL bought the old Commercial Club buildings at 611 Dean Street, which had been a Service Rest Room throughout the war and up to February 1946. The SS&A Club was formally opened in October 1946 and was registered under the Liquor Act in 1947. The foundation stone of the new building in Olive Street was laid by Lt General Sir John Northcott, May 2, 1959. The building was opened July 15,1960 by Governor of NSW, Sir Eric Woodward. It has since undergone many extensions and developments to become a modern facility but still continues to honour its origins with the inclusion of its War MemorialThis badge is representative of the role played by licensed clubs in the local community.Enamelled membership badges for the S.S & A. Club in Albury. Many people from both Albury and Wodonga hold membership the club which provides employment and social activities for people from both sides of the Murray RIver.Red Badge, around the centre image of the Albury War Memorial: "ALBURY S.S.& A CLUB LTD/ 1981-82" On reverse: "MEMBER/NOT TRANSFERABLE/2302/PERFECTION BADGES/SYDNEY/770775" Yellow Badge, around the centre image of the Albury War Memorial: "ALBURY S.S.& A CLUB LTD/ 1980-81"albury s.s & a club, social clubs, licensed clubs albury

The Wedgetail Eagle (aquila audax) is one of the largest birds of prey located in Australia, Indonesia and Papa New Guinea. It feasts mostly on rabbits but can target mammals as large as koalas, wombats, possums and small kangaroos. The darker the colouring, the older the bird is. A mostly dark brown feathering can suggest over 10 years old, though females are usually paler. This species mates monogamously for life. They circle high in the sky to avoid temperatures close to the ground and to assert their dominance over their territory. This specimen is lighter than many documented photographs of the species. They're usually less patchy / speckled with lighter colours on the chest and back. Documenting the wingspan of this specimen would be of interest because some have been measured up to 230cm. This specimen is part of a collection of almost 200 animal specimens that were originally acquired as skins from various institutions across Australia, including the Australian Museum in Sydney and the National Museum of Victoria (known as Museums Victoria since 1983), as well as individuals such as amateur anthropologist Reynell Eveleigh Johns between 1860-1880. These skins were then mounted by members of the Burke Museum Committee and put-on display in the formal space of the Museum’s original exhibition hall where they continue to be on display. This display of taxidermy mounts initially served to instruct visitors to the Burke Museum of the natural world around them, today it serves as an insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century.This specimen is part of a significant and rare taxidermy mount collection in the Burke Museum. This collection is scientifically and culturally important for reminding us of how science continues to shape our understanding of the modern world. They demonstrate a capacity to hold evidence of how Australia’s fauna history existed in the past and are potentially important for future environmental research. This collection continues to be on display in the Museum and has become a key part to interpreting the collecting habits of the 19th century.This wedgetail eagle is posed with the head turned to the left. It has mostly dark brown feathers which is common for older birds in this species. Speckled light brown and white feathers cover it's neck, chest and a middle strip across the wings. This specimen stands upon a wooden platform. The bill is light grey and long legs dark brown. taxidermy mount, taxidermy, animalia, burke museum, beechworth, australian museum, skin, reynell eveleigh johns, bird, wedgetail eagle, aquila audax, birds of prey, australian bird, eagle

Item in the collection of Gilbert John Mitchell (Jack) Pre WW2 Jack had service for a brief time in the 38th BN Bendigo No 447203. He enlisted in the RAAF on 31.1.1942 No 410686 age 20 years. Embarked for England on 6.1.1943 for further Training. Posted to 166 Sqd RAF Wellington Bombers then posted Operational to No 466 Sqd RAAF flying Halifax Heavy Bombers. On 18.7.1944 he and his crew in MZ313 were on a mission to attack Railway Sidings at Vaires. This was new Aircraft on 11.6.1944. They were hit by Anti Aircraft shells exploding in the fuselage. The Bomb Aimer Flt/Lt Finley advised the crew to leave by parachute as it was possible the craft could disintegrate. The Pilot Officer R.J. Evans decided to try and get the aircraft back to England, once there they abandoned the craft which was seen to disintegrate in mid air. Both were awarded the DFC. Jack was taken POW and sent to Stalag Luft 1 near Barth on the Baltic Sea for Allied Airmen. The Crew were; Roger John Evans No 410202, enlisted 5.12.1941 age 31 years. Peter Hamiliton Finley No 412294, enlisted 22.6.1941 age 22 years. L.C. Abbott, British/Allied. G.J. Mitchell, POW. Keith Mossman Tranent POW, No 426402, enlisted 20.6.1942 age 19 years 2 months. J.P.T. Finn RAF (Paddy) T.W. Wild British/Allied. On 30.4.1945 The Germans vacated the Camp Jack was in and 2 days later the Russians released them and he was placed in a British Hospital weighing 6 stone. He arrived home in Sept 1945. He stayed in the RAAF No 033130 and served in No 35 Sqd flying VIPs. He was in the Berlin Airlift 1948 - 1949, he also went on exchange with the RAF and flew in No's 24 & 511 Sqd's one a transport the other VIP transport. He was discharged from the RAAF with the rank of Flt/Lt on 6.7.1956 in No 11 Sqd. "Maunder and Sheean". In the article Jacks says that Lofty Maunder always had a joke etc when near the target to settle everyone down. The crew of Halifax LV875 were shot down by a Night Fighter near the target "Terngier" north of Paris 0n 11.4.1944. There was 157 Halifax's on the raid with 10 being lost. The Crew were; John Henry Maunder No 412562, Navigator, enlisted 19.7.1941 age 19 years 10 months. Brian Leo Sheean, No 409855, Wireless Operator, enlisted 1.10.1941 age 18 years. Research shows there were at least 3 more of the Crew KIA. Cecil John Bond No 420433, Pilot, enlisted 8.11.1941 age 19 years 11 months. John Neville Keys No 426112, Bomb Aimer, enlisted 23.5.1942 age 19 years 6 months. Clifford Young Warren No 427047, Rear Gunner, enlisted 26.4.1942 age 19 years 3 months. J.A. White, Flight Engineer, British/Allied. D.K. Messenger, Mid Upper Gunner, British/Allied. Newspaper article Herald Sun 19.4.2002, copy. Article re Jack Mitchell. The article has 6 photo insets 3 of Jack, 2 show Airmen beside an aircraft. The one with 2 Aircrew is "Lofty" Maunder and Jack. The article is mostly about "Maunder and Brian Sheean" mates of Jack. The inset photo of a women in uniform is believed to be "Maunders" English wife who he had married previously. Maunder and Sheean were KIA. "FLY THE FLAG FOR A MATE"newspaper, article, 466 sqd

Bernhard Gerstle & his family (parents & siblings) were German nationals working in Tehran, Iran upon the outbreak of World War II. In 1941, after the installation of a pro-British ruler to the Persian throne, all German nationals were targeted as threats to national security. The women and children evacuated to Stuttgart, Germany via Turkey, while the men were handed over to British forces. Bernhard was taken by ship (the SS Rona) to Bombay & then to Australia (on the SS Rangitiki). He was then marched in to Loveday internment camp 10, South Australia. In January 1945 the German & Italian internees at Loveday were transferred to Tatura Camp 1. Bernhard remained there until after the war & his eventual release, on 29th August 1946. Bernhard chose & was granted permission to remain in Australia post-war, as did many civilian internees, after their examination by a Committee of Inquiry which investigated their political leanings & other criteria for their supposed suitability as Australian residents. The biography also recounts his employment post-war, marriage in 1952 & his later naturalisation as an Australian citizen. Other material includes Gerstle family history from the perspective of Bernhard's sister & family, who remained in Stuttgart; background on the Gerstle family's Russian origins; and a biography of Oskar Speck, famous kayaker, amongst other things, who was interned along with Bernhard & who became good friends with the family; a brief historical background of the Allied forces/Persia invasion; and extracts of Tatura Camp 3 internee Helga Griffin's book, "Sing Me That Lovely Song Again". Black plastic A4 display folder. CD soft case with CD. Folder contains printed biographical information regarding Bernhard Hermann Gerstle. CD contains copies of same documents and also copies of photographs of Bernhard & the Gerstle family. Folder: Bernhard Hermann Gerstle/ Gerstle Family/ Loveday and Tatura Internment Camps 1941-1946/ Sydney 1946-1978/ Compiled by Mary Henderson 2013 CD: BH Gerstle; 1941 - Interned by British/ 1941-1946 - Internee at Loveday SA, Tatura VIC/ Sydney 1946-1978. camp 1, tatura, loveday, world-war-two, internment-camps

Commemorative object produced by Simplot Food Service and presented to the City of Greater Bendigo on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the creation of the Chicko Roll by Bendigo born boiler maker, Frank McEncroe. The Chicko Roll has been an Australian icon since the 1960's and 70's. Inspired by the Chinese spring roll and first sold in 1951 as the "Chicken Roll" despite not actually containing chicken. The snack was designed to be easily eaten on the move without a plate or cutlery and is typically deep-fried in vegetable oil. By 1965 the ubiquitous Chicko Roll was sold in every fish and chip shop throughout the country and at the height of their popularity in the 1970s, 40 million Chiko Rolls were being sold Australia-wide each year and more than one million were exported to Japan.(Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chiko_Roll). Advertised with the slogan 'Grab a Chiko', 'Hit the Hot Spot' and 'You Can't Knock the Roll' the marketing around the Chicko Roll was aimed towards the male population with women perched on Harley Davidson's prevocatively preparing to bite into a Chicko Roll. In 2008 with a push towards healthier eating, Chicko Roll reviewed its advertising and although it continues to target young men, it switched to using a 'fun, active' young women, riding a retro pushbike near the beach to improve its image. In 1995 J.R. Simplot, an American company who also own Leggo's, Birds Eye, Edgell and John Wes,t acquired Chicko Roll to sure up their foothold in the Australian market. Life size gold plated chicko roll in a hinged wooden presentation box with red lining. Double sided, printed letter accompanying the object explains its creation and significance.0365.1; CHICKOcity of greater bendigo commerce, mayor acherman

The Heliograph MkV is a fascinating piece of historical surveying and communications equipment. It was primarily used for visual signaling by reflecting sunlight with a mirror to send coded messages over long distances. This method was primarily useful in remote areas where other forms of communication were not available. The MkV model, specifically, was widely used by the British Army and other military forces from around 1906 until the mid 1960s. It remained in use with the Australian Army Survey Corps until the mid 1980s. The device typically included a 5 - inch mirror and was often mounted on a tripod for stability. Initially the instrument was used to communicate between survey stations using Morse code to coordinate their activities. Later when better forms of communication were available they were used for precise angle alignment where the sunlight reflection from the mirror was targeted between the survey stations to give very accurate results. The MkV was relatively light weight and portable, making it ideal for use in the field. It could be setup and adjusted quickly. The heliograph had an adjustable mirror that could be tilted to reflect sunlight towards a distant receiver. Surveyors could align the mirror using a sighting device. Whilst it was primarily used by the Military it was also used in civil surveying particularly in the remote areas of Australia. This instrument was used as a training aid to help teach surveyors at the Royal Australian Survey Corps School of Military Survey. Catalog item No 2009 is a tripod that was used to mount the Heliograph whilst being used for surveying.A Heliograph containing two mirrors with brass surrounds mounted on a wooden board as a Training Aid. Item has additional parts attached to the base board."Heliograph Mk V Training Aid"royal australian survey corps, rasvy, fortuna, army survey regiment, army svy regt, asr

The can(product) of powdered Mortein was used throughout Australia and especially in rural regions where environmental conditions of crops, cattle and other livestock resulted in greater amount of "invasions" from insects. The eradication of unwanted invaders into the homestead required either manual extermination or a relevant poison which in low doses would not affect humans. Fly squats were still a good measure of eradication of flying pests however those lurking in cupboards or "hard to get at" locations needed a method, such as the Mortein powder to do the deed. This product and especially this can was used at the fore front of pest eradication. Powders and pellets are still in use 100 years later and the core ingredient is still environmental friendly and meets health conscious modern Australians. The basic product has survived the passage of time and was invented by a German immigrant to Australia in the late 1800s.This can and what it represents to rural households and outhouses, is in some ways immeasurable to the peace, health and tranquility within the household of all the families within the Kiewa Valley. Although small in size the relief of those within the sanctity of the home from annoying pests is enormous. The relief not only physical but also mentally to those residents, from the sometimes grueling and painful rural existence in a "sunburnt" countryside cannot be truly expressed in words. Kiewa Valley residents are part of the sometimes harsh rural environment where the introduction of helpful products such as this powder are noticed and used more prolifically. Any product, especially invented within Australia, which allows for a easier existence is of a great significance.This small cylindrical can contains powder of crushed the chrysanthemum flowers(pyrethrum extract) and has two circles of small circular perforations in the lid (to allow contents to be sprinkled onto other surfaces). It is constructed of mild steel with both ends crimped onto the main cylinder. A paper information label has been adhered to the outside of the cylinder.Printed on the outside label is: 1st line "MORTEIN!" 2nd line "THE GREAT INSECT DESTROYER" underneath "(Registered)" and underneath "It is without doubt the best and most reliable Insect powder in the World" underneath this line "In order to use Mortein with profit it is best to get a Mortein spreader through", next line "which by pressure of the hand the powder is ejected and well diffused." An inflection mark appears over the e in "Mortein" as to signify that the word "mort" is french for (dead) and the "ein" is german for "one". The word "mortein" therefore is diffused and translated into "dead one". A thin line separates the above from the list of insects which the powdered contents will kill together with the suggested application targets. T the bottom of the instructions is printed the manufacturer "J. HAGEMANN PTY. LTD., MELBOURNE," Below is "Sole Proprietors"natural insecticide products, environmentally friendly products, household pest dispensers, australian inventions

The British Royal Navy’s warship HMS Victory was once Lord Nelson’s flagship. The HMS Victory was built in 1765 and after serving active duty is now, in 2019, still a ship of the Royal Navy, in dry dock undergoing continuous restoration to preserve her for display as a museum ship, due to the vessel’s significant naval history. Battle of Trafalgar: On October 21, 1805, twenty-seven British ships of the line, led by Admiral Lord Nelson aboard HMS Victory, defeated thirty-three French and Spanish ships of the line under French Admiral Villeneuve. The battle took place in the Atlantic Ocean off the southwest coast of Spain, just west of Cape Trafalgar, near the town of Los Caños de Meca. The victory confirmed the naval supremacy Britain had established during the course of the eighteenth century and it was achieved in part through Nelson's departure from the prevailing naval tactical orthodoxy of the day. Conventional practice at the time was for opposing fleets to engage each other in single parallel lines, in order to facilitate signalling and disengagement and to maximise fields of fire and target areas. Nelson instead arranged his ships into two columns to sail perpendicularly into the enemy fleet's line. During the battle, Nelson was shot by a French musketeer and he died shortly before the battle ended. Villeneuve was captured, along with his ship Bucentaure. He later attended Nelson's funeral while a captive on parole in Britain. Admiral Federico Gravina, the senior Spanish flag officer, escaped with the remnant of the fleet. He died five months later from wounds sustained during the battle. It was prior to this battle that Nelson had issued his now-famous final orders to his ships in 12 separate flag-hoists “England expects that every man will do his duty”. This wood sample is historically significant for its association with Admiral Lord Nelson the Battle of Trafalgar. Through Nelson’s leadership and unorthodox battle tactics, he secured not only a victory against the French and Spanish but reaffirmed Britain's naval supremacy opening the way for Britain to continuing the policy of colonisation of many countries including Australia.A coloured postcard of a sailing ship, warship or battleship, deck cannons on the ship and in the foreground, many signal flags flying from the masts. Printed on the front "H.M.S. Victory Flying Lord Nelson Famous Signal". The signal was given by Lord Nelson in 1805.Printed on the front "H.M.S. Victory / Flying Lord Nelson Famous Signal"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, post card, postcard, sailing ship, vice-admiral lord nelson, horatio nelson, lord nelson, oak piece, piece of oak, nelson, battle of trafalgar, maritime technology, ship relics, 18th century warship, british royal navy, sir home popham’s telegraphic code, admiralty official day signal book, october 21, 1805, admiral lord nelson, french and spanish navies, nelson's famous signal, england expects that every man will do his duty, hms victory, nelson collection at lloyd's, lloyd’s of london, lloyd’s patriotic fund, napoleonic battles, british naval history, 18th century warship, 18th century battleship

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

This overcoat was designed and tailored by Dominex, a company that sold clothing in high end department stores such as Myer and David Jones in the 1940s through to the 2000s. As pictured in the accompanying advertising, Dominex looked to produce clothes for women to “casually, confidently wear … the exquisite styling and superb tailoring of… Dominex Coats”. This sentiment was carried by the company for more than 60 years. Amanda Morgan, a director of the Dominex fashion label in an interview from 2003 said “Not everybody wants sass, or sex, or high fashion for that matter. Au contraire. Our customers will be stylish, sophisticated and womanly, but we don’t do shoestring straps or asymmetrical lines." Dominex was a label specialising in exceptional quality "traditional" dressing for corporate wear. Their clothes looked to provide women with a return to the tried and true values of elegant, unpretentious, classic dressing. "Our look is European-influenced," Morgan explained further. "Inspired by Armani, Valentino, Chanel and Escada. Suits have been specially dyed in France to ensure the perfect shade of ice blue, lemon, grey, or slate. Fabrics are natural, silk and linen. Shapes are stylish, with an almost 1930s feel; classic pants, silk shirts, structured overcoats with elegant-length” Returning to this overcoat, it has a label on the inside which reads “Pure Wool Material by Godfrey Hirst of Geelong”. Nowadays Godfrey Hirst produce flooring products and are the largest manufacturer and exporter of residential and commercial carpets in Australasia. They have expanded into hard flooring and left their fashion days behind. This overcoat serves as a useful example of a different time for the company; before they made the change to concentrating exclusively on flooring, when they produced fabrics to be tailored for the height of Australian fashion. This overcoat was purchased and worn by Joan Waller, aunty of the donor, Kim Rosenow. Kim said her aunty was from Ballarat but frequently shopped in Melbourne to keep up with the latest trends. Her aunty Joan fitted the target demographic of Dominex well, as she needed to look sophisticated and elegant at social events and work. Kim donated the overcoat to the National Wool Museum in 2021. Green singled breasted overcoat with a narrow overlap and one column of buttons for fastening. The overcoat features notched lapels of a medium width and two large buttons of a green & dark green marble. The overcoat has two semi-visible jetted pockets at the hips. Internally, the overcoat features a black silk lining for comfort. It also features a stitched patch on the left side of the opening which reads “Pure Wool Material by Godfrey Hirst of Geelong”. At the collar, another patch reads “Dominex REGD”. At the cuffs, the overcoat finishes in a type of gauntlet cuff which stretches back over 200mm. The decorative finish utilises no buttons and has thick piping to accentuate this design feature. The overcoat finishes with a simple invisible hem at the bottom.Wording, gold. Patch stitched at collar: “DomineX / REGD.” Wording, black. Patch stitched at left off opening: “PURE WOOL MATERIAL BY / Godfrey Hirst / OF GEELONG”dominex, fashion, women's corporate wear, godfrey hirst, overcoat, wool clothing

Change the Rules is an ACTU campaign starting in 2018 targeted at regaining fairness around right to strike, work, wages, job security, penalty rates, taxation (especially businesses that pay zero tax), equity for working women and younger workers. Nationally, Change the Rules rallies were held on Wednesday 9 May 2018. A contingent from Ballarat travelled to Melbourne by train and participated alongside 100,000 other unionists in the CBD. Photos: 1. Rally - Melbourne CBD - Pictured left to right, Moses, Doug Stewart (CFMEU/Trades Hall), Gabriel Waldron (Trades Hall staffer), Michaela Settle (State ALP candidate for the seat of Buninyong), Sarah De Santis (State ALP candidate for the seat of Ripon), Brett Edgington (Secretary, Ballarat Regional Trades and Labour Council. 2. Rally - MUA and other comrades marching. 3. Ballarat Railway Station - Comrades gathering to make the train journey to the rally. Gabriel Waldron (Trades Hall staffer) in the foreground and Michaele Settle in black jacket. 4. Ballarat Railway Station - Comrades gathering to make the train journey to the rally. Tracey Brown, HWU organiser, pictured in red puffer jacket. 5. Ballarat Railway Station - Comrades gathering to make the train journey to the rally. Gabriel Waldron (Trades Hall staffer) and Tracey Brown, HWU organiser, pictured in red puffer jacket. From the Change the Rules website: "Australian Unions are campaigning to change the rules so that working people have more secure jobs and better pay. Right now, big business has too much power. A third of them aren’t paying any tax. And, too many big businesses are in a race to the bottom on wages and job security. As a result, 40% of Australians are in insecure work and wages have flat-lined. We need a wage rise and secure work. We need to change the rules to give all working people the basic rights they need to improve their living standards. We are building a powerful movement to change the rules, and we need you to join your union to be part of it."Significant to nationwide union campaigning and to living and working conditions of all Australians.Electronic photographs.btlc, ballarat trades hall, ballarat trades and labour council, union campaigns - change the rules, actu, rallies, wages, penalty rates, workers' rights, women, equal pay, right to strike, taxation

Comprises twenty-three extracts from the Minutes of Evidence of the Coranderrk Inquiry, accompanied by an analysis of the historical text and context. The book relies strongly on primary-source materials and accurately references historical analysis from scholarly and Aboriginal perspectives. This book is derived from a verbatim-theatre performance in which professional actors portrayed the witnesses who gave evidence before the 1881 Coranderrk Inquiry.; Inscriptions and Markings: illustrations, photographs, facsimiles, maps, portraits About the book One of the first sustained campaigns for justice, land rights and self-determination in colonial Australia was undertaken by the Aboriginal people of Coranderrk reserve in central Victoria. Despite having created an award-winning farm they were targeted for removal to make way for white settlement. As skilled communicators and negotiators, they lobbied the government, in alliance with their white supporters, and succeeded in triggering a Parliamentary Inquiry in 1881. Coranderrk – We Will Show The Country derives from a unique verbatim-theatre performance where professional actors brought to life the witnesses who gave evidence before the 1881 Parliamentary Coranderrk Inquiry. Rescued from dusty archives, and including renowned Wurundjeri leader, William Barak, those witnesses continue to speak to contemporary audiences. Here, their powerful petitioning can be read alongside that of their non-Aboriginal allies, and those who would move them off their land. The book features a concise and accessible history of the Coranderrk Aboriginal Station and of the events that led to the appointment of the 1881 Parliamentary Coranderrk Inquiry. The book also contains a special edition of the verbatim script which has been annotated and referenced so as to provide a blueprint of how the original minutes of evidence from the 1881 Parliamentary Coranderrk Inquiry were adapted into a theatre script. Each scene of the play has also been introduced with a short biography of each character and a discussion of the key themes raised in their testimony. Supplementing the verbatim script of the performance, the book includes a range of historical images and stills from the ILBIJERRI Theatre Company’s production. Coranderrk – We Will Show The Country celebrates the spirit of collaboration between black and white in pursuit of justice, and offers an engaging way to learn about our past – and to think about our future. Coranderrk - We Will Show The Country. (2023, October 19). Retrieved from http://www.minutesofevidence.com.au/education/coranderrk-we-will-show-the-country-book/Ex Yarra Plenty Regional Library copyaboriginal australians, coranderrk, first nations people, healesville, indigenous history, performance, play