The Albury Sailors, Soldiers and Airmen’s Club traces its origins back to the Albury and District War Services Hall Appeal Committee. This group of the World War I diggers, service groups and parents of men serving in World War II set out to raise 14,000 pounds for a Services Memorial Hall. After the war ended, the Memorial Hall Fund was far short of its target. Also, different attitudes prevailed when the boys came home. Instead of a memorial hall, the idea of a licensed club gained favour. This was to be not merely for RSL men who had served overseas, but for many ex-servicemen who had not left Australia. Using the Memorial Hall Fund, the RSL bought the old Commercial Club buildings at 611 Dean Street, which had been a Service Rest Room throughout the war and up to February 1946. The SS&A Club was formally opened in October 1946 and was registered under the Liquor Act in 1947. The foundation stone of the new building in Olive Street was laid by Lt General Sir John Northcott, May 2, 1959. The building was opened July 15,1960 by Governor of NSW, Sir Eric Woodward. It has since undergone many extensions and developments to become a modern facility but still continues to honour its origins with the inclusion of its War MemorialThis badge is representative of the role played by licensed clubs in the local community.Enamelled membership badges for the S.S & A. Club in Albury. Many people from both Albury and Wodonga hold membership the club which provides employment and social activities for people from both sides of the Murray RIver.Red Badge, around the centre image of the Albury War Memorial: "ALBURY S.S.& A CLUB LTD/ 1981-82" On reverse: "MEMBER/NOT TRANSFERABLE/2302/PERFECTION BADGES/SYDNEY/770775" Yellow Badge, around the centre image of the Albury War Memorial: "ALBURY S.S.& A CLUB LTD/ 1980-81"albury s.s & a club, social clubs, licensed clubs albury

Item in the collection of Gilbert John Mitchell (Jack) Pre WW2 Jack had service for a brief time in the 38th BN Bendigo No 447203. He enlisted in the RAAF on 31.1.1942 No 410686 age 20 years. Embarked for England on 6.1.1943 for further Training. Posted to 166 Sqd RAF Wellington Bombers then posted Operational to No 466 Sqd RAAF flying Halifax Heavy Bombers. On 18.7.1944 he and his crew in MZ313 were on a mission to attack Railway Sidings at Vaires. This was new Aircraft on 11.6.1944. They were hit by Anti Aircraft shells exploding in the fuselage. The Bomb Aimer Flt/Lt Finley advised the crew to leave by parachute as it was possible the craft could disintegrate. The Pilot Officer R.J. Evans decided to try and get the aircraft back to England, once there they abandoned the craft which was seen to disintegrate in mid air. Both were awarded the DFC. Jack was taken POW and sent to Stalag Luft 1 near Barth on the Baltic Sea for Allied Airmen. The Crew were; Roger John Evans No 410202, enlisted 5.12.1941 age 31 years. Peter Hamiliton Finley No 412294, enlisted 22.6.1941 age 22 years. L.C. Abbott, British/Allied. G.J. Mitchell, POW. Keith Mossman Tranent POW, No 426402, enlisted 20.6.1942 age 19 years 2 months. J.P.T. Finn RAF (Paddy) T.W. Wild British/Allied. On 30.4.1945 The Germans vacated the Camp Jack was in and 2 days later the Russians released them and he was placed in a British Hospital weighing 6 stone. He arrived home in Sept 1945. He stayed in the RAAF No 033130 and served in No 35 Sqd flying VIPs. He was in the Berlin Airlift 1948 - 1949, he also went on exchange with the RAF and flew in No's 24 & 511 Sqd's one a transport the other VIP transport. He was discharged from the RAAF with the rank of Flt/Lt on 6.7.1956 in No 11 Sqd. "Maunder and Sheean". In the article Jacks says that Lofty Maunder always had a joke etc when near the target to settle everyone down. The crew of Halifax LV875 were shot down by a Night Fighter near the target "Terngier" north of Paris 0n 11.4.1944. There was 157 Halifax's on the raid with 10 being lost. The Crew were; John Henry Maunder No 412562, Navigator, enlisted 19.7.1941 age 19 years 10 months. Brian Leo Sheean, No 409855, Wireless Operator, enlisted 1.10.1941 age 18 years. Research shows there were at least 3 more of the Crew KIA. Cecil John Bond No 420433, Pilot, enlisted 8.11.1941 age 19 years 11 months. John Neville Keys No 426112, Bomb Aimer, enlisted 23.5.1942 age 19 years 6 months. Clifford Young Warren No 427047, Rear Gunner, enlisted 26.4.1942 age 19 years 3 months. J.A. White, Flight Engineer, British/Allied. D.K. Messenger, Mid Upper Gunner, British/Allied. Newspaper article Herald Sun 19.4.2002, copy. Article re Jack Mitchell. The article has 6 photo insets 3 of Jack, 2 show Airmen beside an aircraft. The one with 2 Aircrew is "Lofty" Maunder and Jack. The article is mostly about "Maunder and Brian Sheean" mates of Jack. The inset photo of a women in uniform is believed to be "Maunders" English wife who he had married previously. Maunder and Sheean were KIA. "FLY THE FLAG FOR A MATE"newspaper, article, 466 sqd

Bernhard Gerstle & his family (parents & siblings) were German nationals working in Tehran, Iran upon the outbreak of World War II. In 1941, after the installation of a pro-British ruler to the Persian throne, all German nationals were targeted as threats to national security. The women and children evacuated to Stuttgart, Germany via Turkey, while the men were handed over to British forces. Bernhard was taken by ship (the SS Rona) to Bombay & then to Australia (on the SS Rangitiki). He was then marched in to Loveday internment camp 10, South Australia. In January 1945 the German & Italian internees at Loveday were transferred to Tatura Camp 1. Bernhard remained there until after the war & his eventual release, on 29th August 1946. Bernhard chose & was granted permission to remain in Australia post-war, as did many civilian internees, after their examination by a Committee of Inquiry which investigated their political leanings & other criteria for their supposed suitability as Australian residents. The biography also recounts his employment post-war, marriage in 1952 & his later naturalisation as an Australian citizen. Other material includes Gerstle family history from the perspective of Bernhard's sister & family, who remained in Stuttgart; background on the Gerstle family's Russian origins; and a biography of Oskar Speck, famous kayaker, amongst other things, who was interned along with Bernhard & who became good friends with the family; a brief historical background of the Allied forces/Persia invasion; and extracts of Tatura Camp 3 internee Helga Griffin's book, "Sing Me That Lovely Song Again". Black plastic A4 display folder. CD soft case with CD. Folder contains printed biographical information regarding Bernhard Hermann Gerstle. CD contains copies of same documents and also copies of photographs of Bernhard & the Gerstle family. Folder: Bernhard Hermann Gerstle/ Gerstle Family/ Loveday and Tatura Internment Camps 1941-1946/ Sydney 1946-1978/ Compiled by Mary Henderson 2013 CD: BH Gerstle; 1941 - Interned by British/ 1941-1946 - Internee at Loveday SA, Tatura VIC/ Sydney 1946-1978. camp 1, tatura, loveday, world-war-two, internment-camps

Commemorative object produced by Simplot Food Service and presented to the City of Greater Bendigo on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the creation of the Chicko Roll by Bendigo born boiler maker, Frank McEncroe. The Chicko Roll has been an Australian icon since the 1960's and 70's. Inspired by the Chinese spring roll and first sold in 1951 as the "Chicken Roll" despite not actually containing chicken. The snack was designed to be easily eaten on the move without a plate or cutlery and is typically deep-fried in vegetable oil. By 1965 the ubiquitous Chicko Roll was sold in every fish and chip shop throughout the country and at the height of their popularity in the 1970s, 40 million Chiko Rolls were being sold Australia-wide each year and more than one million were exported to Japan.(Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chiko_Roll). Advertised with the slogan 'Grab a Chiko', 'Hit the Hot Spot' and 'You Can't Knock the Roll' the marketing around the Chicko Roll was aimed towards the male population with women perched on Harley Davidson's prevocatively preparing to bite into a Chicko Roll. In 2008 with a push towards healthier eating, Chicko Roll reviewed its advertising and although it continues to target young men, it switched to using a 'fun, active' young women, riding a retro pushbike near the beach to improve its image. In 1995 J.R. Simplot, an American company who also own Leggo's, Birds Eye, Edgell and John Wes,t acquired Chicko Roll to sure up their foothold in the Australian market. Life size gold plated chicko roll in a hinged wooden presentation box with red lining. Double sided, printed letter accompanying the object explains its creation and significance.0365.1; CHICKOcity of greater bendigo commerce, mayor acherman

The Heliograph MkV is a fascinating piece of historical surveying and communications equipment. It was primarily used for visual signaling by reflecting sunlight with a mirror to send coded messages over long distances. This method was primarily useful in remote areas where other forms of communication were not available. The MkV model, specifically, was widely used by the British Army and other military forces from around 1906 until the mid 1960s. It remained in use with the Australian Army Survey Corps until the mid 1980s. The device typically included a 5 - inch mirror and was often mounted on a tripod for stability. Initially the instrument was used to communicate between survey stations using Morse code to coordinate their activities. Later when better forms of communication were available they were used for precise angle alignment where the sunlight reflection from the mirror was targeted between the survey stations to give very accurate results. The MkV was relatively light weight and portable, making it ideal for use in the field. It could be setup and adjusted quickly. The heliograph had an adjustable mirror that could be tilted to reflect sunlight towards a distant receiver. Surveyors could align the mirror using a sighting device. Whilst it was primarily used by the Military it was also used in civil surveying particularly in the remote areas of Australia. This instrument was used as a training aid to help teach surveyors at the Royal Australian Survey Corps School of Military Survey. Catalog item No 2009 is a tripod that was used to mount the Heliograph whilst being used for surveying.A Heliograph containing two mirrors with brass surrounds mounted on a wooden board as a Training Aid. Item has additional parts attached to the base board."Heliograph Mk V Training Aid"royal australian survey corps, rasvy, fortuna, army survey regiment, army svy regt, asr

The can(product) of powdered Mortein was used throughout Australia and especially in rural regions where environmental conditions of crops, cattle and other livestock resulted in greater amount of "invasions" from insects. The eradication of unwanted invaders into the homestead required either manual extermination or a relevant poison which in low doses would not affect humans. Fly squats were still a good measure of eradication of flying pests however those lurking in cupboards or "hard to get at" locations needed a method, such as the Mortein powder to do the deed. This product and especially this can was used at the fore front of pest eradication. Powders and pellets are still in use 100 years later and the core ingredient is still environmental friendly and meets health conscious modern Australians. The basic product has survived the passage of time and was invented by a German immigrant to Australia in the late 1800s.This can and what it represents to rural households and outhouses, is in some ways immeasurable to the peace, health and tranquility within the household of all the families within the Kiewa Valley. Although small in size the relief of those within the sanctity of the home from annoying pests is enormous. The relief not only physical but also mentally to those residents, from the sometimes grueling and painful rural existence in a "sunburnt" countryside cannot be truly expressed in words. Kiewa Valley residents are part of the sometimes harsh rural environment where the introduction of helpful products such as this powder are noticed and used more prolifically. Any product, especially invented within Australia, which allows for a easier existence is of a great significance.This small cylindrical can contains powder of crushed the chrysanthemum flowers(pyrethrum extract) and has two circles of small circular perforations in the lid (to allow contents to be sprinkled onto other surfaces). It is constructed of mild steel with both ends crimped onto the main cylinder. A paper information label has been adhered to the outside of the cylinder.Printed on the outside label is: 1st line "MORTEIN!" 2nd line "THE GREAT INSECT DESTROYER" underneath "(Registered)" and underneath "It is without doubt the best and most reliable Insect powder in the World" underneath this line "In order to use Mortein with profit it is best to get a Mortein spreader through", next line "which by pressure of the hand the powder is ejected and well diffused." An inflection mark appears over the e in "Mortein" as to signify that the word "mort" is french for (dead) and the "ein" is german for "one". The word "mortein" therefore is diffused and translated into "dead one". A thin line separates the above from the list of insects which the powdered contents will kill together with the suggested application targets. T the bottom of the instructions is printed the manufacturer "J. HAGEMANN PTY. LTD., MELBOURNE," Below is "Sole Proprietors"natural insecticide products, environmentally friendly products, household pest dispensers, australian inventions

The British Royal Navy’s warship HMS Victory was once Lord Nelson’s flagship. The HMS Victory was built in 1765 and after serving active duty is now, in 2019, still a ship of the Royal Navy, in dry dock undergoing continuous restoration to preserve her for display as a museum ship, due to the vessel’s significant naval history. Battle of Trafalgar: On October 21, 1805, twenty-seven British ships of the line, led by Admiral Lord Nelson aboard HMS Victory, defeated thirty-three French and Spanish ships of the line under French Admiral Villeneuve. The battle took place in the Atlantic Ocean off the southwest coast of Spain, just west of Cape Trafalgar, near the town of Los Caños de Meca. The victory confirmed the naval supremacy Britain had established during the course of the eighteenth century and it was achieved in part through Nelson's departure from the prevailing naval tactical orthodoxy of the day. Conventional practice at the time was for opposing fleets to engage each other in single parallel lines, in order to facilitate signalling and disengagement and to maximise fields of fire and target areas. Nelson instead arranged his ships into two columns to sail perpendicularly into the enemy fleet's line. During the battle, Nelson was shot by a French musketeer and he died shortly before the battle ended. Villeneuve was captured, along with his ship Bucentaure. He later attended Nelson's funeral while a captive on parole in Britain. Admiral Federico Gravina, the senior Spanish flag officer, escaped with the remnant of the fleet. He died five months later from wounds sustained during the battle. It was prior to this battle that Nelson had issued his now-famous final orders to his ships in 12 separate flag-hoists “England expects that every man will do his duty”. This wood sample is historically significant for its association with Admiral Lord Nelson the Battle of Trafalgar. Through Nelson’s leadership and unorthodox battle tactics, he secured not only a victory against the French and Spanish but reaffirmed Britain's naval supremacy opening the way for Britain to continuing the policy of colonisation of many countries including Australia.Coloured postcard of sailing ship, warship or battleship, deck cannons on the ship and in the foreground, many signal flags flying from the masts. Printed on the front "H.M.S. Victory Flying Lord Nelson Famous Signal". The signal was given by Lord Nelson in 1805.Printed on the front "H.M.S. Victory / Flying Lord Nelson Famous Signal"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, post card, postcard, sailing ship, vice-admiral lord nelson, horatio nelson, lord nelson, oak piece, piece of oak, nelson, battle of trafalgar, maritime technology, ship relics, 18th century warship, british royal navy, sir home popham’s telegraphic code, admiralty official day signal book, october 21, 1805, admiral lord nelson, french and spanish navies, nelson's famous signal, england expects that every man will do his duty, hms victory, nelson collection at lloyd's, lloyd’s of london, lloyd’s patriotic fund, napoleonic battles, british naval history, 18th century warship, 18th century battleship

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

This overcoat was designed and tailored by Dominex, a company that sold clothing in high end department stores such as Myer and David Jones in the 1940s through to the 2000s. As pictured in the accompanying advertising, Dominex looked to produce clothes for women to “casually, confidently wear … the exquisite styling and superb tailoring of… Dominex Coats”. This sentiment was carried by the company for more than 60 years. Amanda Morgan, a director of the Dominex fashion label in an interview from 2003 said “Not everybody wants sass, or sex, or high fashion for that matter. Au contraire. Our customers will be stylish, sophisticated and womanly, but we don’t do shoestring straps or asymmetrical lines." Dominex was a label specialising in exceptional quality "traditional" dressing for corporate wear. Their clothes looked to provide women with a return to the tried and true values of elegant, unpretentious, classic dressing. "Our look is European-influenced," Morgan explained further. "Inspired by Armani, Valentino, Chanel and Escada. Suits have been specially dyed in France to ensure the perfect shade of ice blue, lemon, grey, or slate. Fabrics are natural, silk and linen. Shapes are stylish, with an almost 1930s feel; classic pants, silk shirts, structured overcoats with elegant-length” Returning to this overcoat, it has a label on the inside which reads “Pure Wool Material by Godfrey Hirst of Geelong”. Nowadays Godfrey Hirst produce flooring products and are the largest manufacturer and exporter of residential and commercial carpets in Australasia. They have expanded into hard flooring and left their fashion days behind. This overcoat serves as a useful example of a different time for the company; before they made the change to concentrating exclusively on flooring, when they produced fabrics to be tailored for the height of Australian fashion. This overcoat was purchased and worn by Joan Waller, aunty of the donor, Kim Rosenow. Kim said her aunty was from Ballarat but frequently shopped in Melbourne to keep up with the latest trends. Her aunty Joan fitted the target demographic of Dominex well, as she needed to look sophisticated and elegant at social events and work. Kim donated the overcoat to the National Wool Museum in 2021. Green singled breasted overcoat with a narrow overlap and one column of buttons for fastening. The overcoat features notched lapels of a medium width and two large buttons of a green & dark green marble. The overcoat has two semi-visible jetted pockets at the hips. Internally, the overcoat features a black silk lining for comfort. It also features a stitched patch on the left side of the opening which reads “Pure Wool Material by Godfrey Hirst of Geelong”. At the collar, another patch reads “Dominex REGD”. At the cuffs, the overcoat finishes in a type of gauntlet cuff which stretches back over 200mm. The decorative finish utilises no buttons and has thick piping to accentuate this design feature. The overcoat finishes with a simple invisible hem at the bottom.Wording, gold. Patch stitched at collar: “DomineX / REGD.” Wording, black. Patch stitched at left off opening: “PURE WOOL MATERIAL BY / Godfrey Hirst / OF GEELONG”dominex, fashion, women's corporate wear, godfrey hirst, overcoat, wool clothing

Change the Rules is an ACTU campaign starting in 2018 targeted at regaining fairness around right to strike, work, wages, job security, penalty rates, taxation (especially businesses that pay zero tax), equity for working women and younger workers. Nationally, Change the Rules rallies were held on Wednesday 9 May 2018. A contingent from Ballarat travelled to Melbourne by train and participated alongside 100,000 other unionists in the CBD. Photos: 1. Rally - Melbourne CBD - Pictured left to right, Moses, Doug Stewart (CFMEU/Trades Hall), Gabriel Waldron (Trades Hall staffer), Michaela Settle (State ALP candidate for the seat of Buninyong), Sarah De Santis (State ALP candidate for the seat of Ripon), Brett Edgington (Secretary, Ballarat Regional Trades and Labour Council. 2. Rally - MUA and other comrades marching. 3. Ballarat Railway Station - Comrades gathering to make the train journey to the rally. Gabriel Waldron (Trades Hall staffer) in the foreground and Michaele Settle in black jacket. 4. Ballarat Railway Station - Comrades gathering to make the train journey to the rally. Tracey Brown, HWU organiser, pictured in red puffer jacket. 5. Ballarat Railway Station - Comrades gathering to make the train journey to the rally. Gabriel Waldron (Trades Hall staffer) and Tracey Brown, HWU organiser, pictured in red puffer jacket. From the Change the Rules website: "Australian Unions are campaigning to change the rules so that working people have more secure jobs and better pay. Right now, big business has too much power. A third of them aren’t paying any tax. And, too many big businesses are in a race to the bottom on wages and job security. As a result, 40% of Australians are in insecure work and wages have flat-lined. We need a wage rise and secure work. We need to change the rules to give all working people the basic rights they need to improve their living standards. We are building a powerful movement to change the rules, and we need you to join your union to be part of it."Significant to nationwide union campaigning and to living and working conditions of all Australians.Electronic photographs.btlc, ballarat trades hall, ballarat trades and labour council, union campaigns - change the rules, actu, rallies, wages, penalty rates, workers' rights, women, equal pay, right to strike, taxation

Comprises twenty-three extracts from the Minutes of Evidence of the Coranderrk Inquiry, accompanied by an analysis of the historical text and context. The book relies strongly on primary-source materials and accurately references historical analysis from scholarly and Aboriginal perspectives. This book is derived from a verbatim-theatre performance in which professional actors portrayed the witnesses who gave evidence before the 1881 Coranderrk Inquiry.; Inscriptions and Markings: illustrations, photographs, facsimiles, maps, portraits About the book One of the first sustained campaigns for justice, land rights and self-determination in colonial Australia was undertaken by the Aboriginal people of Coranderrk reserve in central Victoria. Despite having created an award-winning farm they were targeted for removal to make way for white settlement. As skilled communicators and negotiators, they lobbied the government, in alliance with their white supporters, and succeeded in triggering a Parliamentary Inquiry in 1881. Coranderrk – We Will Show The Country derives from a unique verbatim-theatre performance where professional actors brought to life the witnesses who gave evidence before the 1881 Parliamentary Coranderrk Inquiry. Rescued from dusty archives, and including renowned Wurundjeri leader, William Barak, those witnesses continue to speak to contemporary audiences. Here, their powerful petitioning can be read alongside that of their non-Aboriginal allies, and those who would move them off their land. The book features a concise and accessible history of the Coranderrk Aboriginal Station and of the events that led to the appointment of the 1881 Parliamentary Coranderrk Inquiry. The book also contains a special edition of the verbatim script which has been annotated and referenced so as to provide a blueprint of how the original minutes of evidence from the 1881 Parliamentary Coranderrk Inquiry were adapted into a theatre script. Each scene of the play has also been introduced with a short biography of each character and a discussion of the key themes raised in their testimony. Supplementing the verbatim script of the performance, the book includes a range of historical images and stills from the ILBIJERRI Theatre Company’s production. Coranderrk – We Will Show The Country celebrates the spirit of collaboration between black and white in pursuit of justice, and offers an engaging way to learn about our past – and to think about our future. Coranderrk - We Will Show The Country. (2023, October 19). Retrieved from http://www.minutesofevidence.com.au/education/coranderrk-we-will-show-the-country-book/Ex Yarra Plenty Regional Library copyaboriginal australians, coranderrk, first nations people, healesville, indigenous history, performance, play

The objects are a small sample of small gauge lead shot raised by Flagstaff Hill divers from the LOCH ARD shipwreck site in 1976. Companion pieces are in the Maritime Village collection. The three masted, iron hulled, LOCH ARD was wrecked against the tall limestone cliffs of Mutton Bird Island in the early hours of the first of June 1878. Included in her diverse and valuable cargo were 22 tons of lead shot, packed in cloth bags and wooden casks. Bulk quantities of lead shot, uniformly round balls of dull grey metal ranging from 2mm “birdshot” to 8mm “buckshot”, were routinely exported to the Australian colonies. Shot was used mostly as projectiles fired from smooth bored guns to bring down moving targets such as wild ducks and small game. It was also useful as ballast, when a dense, “pourable” weight was required to fill cavities or establish volume within a measuring container. The production of consistently round spheres of lead shot required the pouring of molten metal through a sieve and then a long drop through the atmosphere to a water filled basin for final cooling and collection. This “shot tower” process was first patented by William Watts of Bristol in 1782. His calculation of a 150 feet fall was not only to form evenly spherical droplets through surface tension, but also to provide partial cooling and solidification to each shot before they hit the water below. The value of his innovation was the minimising of indentation and shape distortion, avoiding the expense of re-smelting and re-moulding the lead. Lead shot was already being produced in Australia at the time the LOCH ARD loaded her cargo and left Gravesend on the second of March 1878. James Moir constructed a 157 feet circular stone shot tower near Hobart in 1870, with a peak annual production of 100 tons of lead shot sold in 28 pound linen bags. However colonial demand exceeded this source of local supply. The continued strength of the market for lead shot in the Colony of Victoria prompted substantial investment in additional productive capacity in Melbourne in the next decade. In 1882 Richard Hodgson erected the 160 feet round chimney-shaped Clifton Hill shot tower on Alexandra Parade (VHR H0709) and in 1889 Walter Coop built the 160 feet square tower-shaped Melbourne Central shot tower on La Trobe Street (VHR H0067). At its peak, the Coop Tower produced 6 tons of lead shot per week, or 312 tons per annum. The shipwreck of the LOCH ARD is of State significance – Victorian Heritage Register S417 Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from LOCH ARD is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the LOCH ARD. The LOCH ARD collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. The LOCH ARD collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the LOCH ARD, which was one of the worst and best known shipwrecks in Victoria’s history. A quantity of 2mm and 4mm lead shot ammunition retrieved from the LOCH ARD shipwreck site. They are concreted together by sediment. There are (6) small pieces with some single shot and a larger conglomerate of cemented shot. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, loch line, loch ard, captain gibbs, eva carmichael, tom pearce, glenample station, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, lead shot, colonial industry, melbourne shot towers, victorian metallurgy, colonial imports

O.F.M. was the ORDNANCE FACTORY MARIBYRNONG. Up to the end of June 1943 and at a time when the wages were about £5 ($10) to £6 ($12) per week Australia had spent £1,106,000,000 (£156 per head) on the war effort. A lot of the money was spent at home in making war necessities such as armaments, munitions, boots, clothing, and in providing special training. Significant increases in numbers occurred in the personnel employed in the fighting services, and also in the work force involved in the war effort. During the financial year 1942-1943 the war cost Australia £561,743,000 (over a billion dollars), while the Income Tax raised from individuals totalled only 16.5% of this amount. To finance the war the Australian government had previously borrowed money from the public, and from institutions such as the savings banks, friendly societies, and life assurance societies, by running three successfully subscribed Liberty Loans. The institutions had contributed considerably more money to these Liberty Loans than the public, however it can be argued that the public members of these institutions had also contributed some money indirectly. The 4th Liberty Loan which opened on 5 October 1943 and closed on 9 November 1943 was intended to raise £125,000,000, with the government aiming for 750,000 subscribers. Bonds costing £10 each could be bought on a time payment scheme. A total of £126,408,000 was raised at two different interest rates and maturity dates, however the number of subscribers had only reached 567,533. Some newspaper reports of the time indicate that the low number of subscribers was a partial failure of the loan, because spare money in the community could lead to inflation at a time when goods were in short supply. The government set target quotas on how much money should ideally be raised in a particular district, and how many subscribers should ideally take part. Often these quotas proved to be excessive. The Special Red Pennant Award as given to the No 1 FORGE O.F.M. was normally for achieving the highest per capita contribution within each particular group. What is unknown at this stage is what other entities were in the same group, or how large the group was. There were other variations of the awards such as those given to country districts, where a star was placed on the left hand corner of the pennant if the money quota was reached, while two or three stars indicated that the quota was doubled or tripled. A bar was also included on the pennant if the quota of subscribers was achieved, while two bars indicated double the quota of subscribers. The above information was sourced from Trove newspaper articles at: (1) http://nla.gov.au.nla.news-article70439716, (2) http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article141292541, (3) http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11797265, (4) http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11788072, and from (5) http://static.awm.gov.au/images/collection/pdf/RCDIG1070158--1-.PDF (see page 580).This framed award has significance in that it serves as a historic reminder that the No 1 Forge O.F.M. and the Ordnance Factory Maribyrnong once existed within the Shire of Braybrook, and later the City of Sunshine, and that it was involved in the manufacture of ordnance for World War 2. It also serves as a historic reminder that it costs a huge amount of money for a country to be involved in a major war, and that a big contribution is required from the public to raise money and to produce goods for the war effort.Permanently sealed brown stained wood frame with a glass face. Enclosed behind the glossy glass is a triangular shaped pennant made of red felt material. The red colour appears to be somewhat faded. The inscriptions and markings on the pennant are in blue, gold, and white coloured inks.The AUSTRALIAN COAT OF ARMS diagram plus the following writing: SPECIAL AWARD / 4th LIBERTY LOAN / Oct.-Nov. 1943 / No 1 FORGE O.F.M.4th liberty loan, special award, ordnance factory maribyrnong, no 1 forge o.f.m., oct - nov 1943, red pennant

Artillery shells were designed to be recycled and spent shells were returned to the munitions factory for re-filling, a mark engraved upon the head-stamp at each re-filling. Millions upon millions of shells were recycled and re-fired. Relationships with ‘objects’ were forged as recycled objects of conflict were welcomed into people’s homes. Such objects were embodied with personal experiences of war, later to become objects textured with memory, remembrance, and longing – attributes that clearly go beyond an object’s form and function. 18-Pounder Artillery Shells: The Great War Recycled and Re-Circulated Categories :Material Culture Machine Subscribe Share on facebook Share on twitter The intention of war is to kill, to maim and to destroy using, for example, the agency of 18-pounder artillery shells (so-called because they weighed 18 pounds). The shells were loaded in to the 18-pounder field guns used by the Royal Artillery and targeted to destroy German batteries and trenches as well as to shoot down aeroplanes. Horse-drawn field gun, Canal du Nord, France. Taken by First World War photographer David McLellan. Available via the National Library of Scotland as CC BY-NC-SA Horse-drawn field gun, Canal du Nord, France. Taken by First World War photographer David McLellan. Available via the National Library of Scotland as CC BY-NC-SA In Under Fire, Henri Barbusse recounts how the incessant and diabolical din of war constantly bombarded the soldier body with the unendurable noise of bursting shells that caused pain to the ears (Barbusse 2010 [1933]: 207). The noise was so ‘monstrously resounding’ that one felt ‘annihilated by the mere sound of the downpour of thunder’ (Barbusse 2010 [1933]: 206). Artillery shells were designed to be recycled and spent shells were returned to the munitions factory for re-filling, a mark engraved upon the head-stamp at each re-filling. Millions upon millions of shells were recycled and re-fired. A mound of spent shell cases, Nord, Nord-pas-de-Calais, France. Taken by war photographer, Tom Aitken, 1918. Available via the National Library of Scotland as CC BY-NC-SA. A mound of spent shell cases, Nord, Nord-pas-de-Calais, France. Taken by war photographer, Tom Aitken, 1918. Available via the National Library of Scotland as CC BY-NC-SA. People’s experience of the First World War did not end with the armistice. Whilst the noise of the artillery had ceased, the noise of war was remembered. Harry Patch on arriving home injured recalled being ‘jumpy for a while’ with the least noise prompting him to dive for cover (2009: 114). Something else materialised. Relationships with ‘objects’ were forged as recycled objects of conflict were welcomed into people’s homes. Such objects were embodied with personal experiences of war, later to become objects textured with memory, remembrance, and longing – attributes that clearly go beyond an object’s form and function. The head-stamp of these particular shells displays the British broad arrow and the initials ‘EOC’ indicates that they were made at the Elswick Ordnance Company, England; the initials ‘CF’ signal that the charge was loaded with cordite, a standard propellant. Spent shells were illicitly scavenged from massive mounds by both soldiers and civilians alike to become personal souvenirs or to swap or sell. Spent artillery shells were crafted, often using a hammer and a bent nail. The crafting of trench art reflects the construction of an identity that offers momentary relief from the hell experienced in the trenches. The lid of an 18Pounder shell which has been adapted for use as an ash tray.Lot 27 1927, 18Pr, III, EOC, C/F, Defence broad arrow,

This file contains 10 items about the Regent Lodge Extension Appeal: 1/Three promotional pamphlets, all called ‘Regent Lodge: A special kind of care’, stating that a building appeal will be launched early next year. The pamphlets also list office bearers. 2/A letter from Rodney Horsfield, Chairperson of the Project Working group, to Betty Freeland of the Elsternwick-Caulfield South Parish, dated 25/03/1992, asking for her to consider becoming a member of the Appeal Team. The letter also contains information on the history of Regent Lodge, the plans for development and progress on raising funds to date. 3/A letter from Ian Clark, Chairman of the Regent Lodge Extension Appeal, to Betty Freeland, dated 18/05/1992, inviting her to the official launch of the Regent Lodge Extension Appeal at Caulfield Grammar School, 217 Glen Eira Road Caulfield on 31/05/1992. The letter gives brief details on the launch, saying it will be attended by the appeal’s patron, the Honourable Joan Child, AO, and the Playback Theatre company. 4/A letter, recipient and sender unknown, dated 26/05/1992, giving details of the appeal launch and a brief history of Regent Lodge. 5/Two newspaper articles from the Southern Cross, Caulfield, dated 16/06/1992. The first, ‘Grant boost for dementia sufferers’, discusses a federal government grant of $8 million to dementia services, and $9 million to disability services. Heathlands, Camden Court, Lovell House, Clarence Court, Regent Lodge and St. Kilda House all received funds. The second, ‘Lodge building appeal launched’, describes the Regent Lodge Extension Appeal and its launch, and includes brief comment by appeal patron Joan Child. The article describes the plans for the appeal and extension, and outlines how readers can make donations. Included is a black-and-white photograph of Joan Child with members of the Playback Theatre Group at the Appeal Launch. 6/The original of the photograph used in the newspaper article in item 5, showing Joan Child with members of the Playback Theatre Group at the launch of the Regent Lodge Extension Appeal. 7/A letter from Rod Horsfield, Convenor of the Project Working Group, to Betty Freeland, dated 22/06/1992, discussing the launch and asking for the opportunity to meet with her Parish council or Finance Committee. 8/The plans for the extension of Regent Lodge, as well as a colour drawing of what the front of the extension will look like. 9/Preliminary photographs taken for the appeal brochure ‘Regent Lodge: Committed to Caring’. Twelve black-and-white photographs of two elderly residents at tea. Also, one black-and-white photographs of an elderly resident being assisted by another person, likely a staff member. 10/Three copies of the appeal brochure ‘Regent Lodge: Committed to Caring’. The brochure contains information about the lodge, the plans for the development, including a floorplan for a typical six bedroom unit, the costs of the extension and breakdown of how the appeal target amount would be spent, and messages from patron Joan Child, Appeal Committee Chairman Ian Clark, and Convenor of the Project Working Group Reverend Rod Horsfield. Also included is a list of the members of the Appeal Committee and Project Working Group. Black-and-white photographs of residents and workers at the Lodge are included in the brochure.regent lodge, regent street, elsternwick, emma street, caulfield south, heathlands, camden court, lovell house, st. kilda house, balaclava, caulfield grammar school, glen eira road, st. georges road, caulfield, uniting church, uniting church lodge program, regent lodge alzeimer appeal, regent lodge extension appeal, tansley hunt and partners, nepean presbytery, child joan the honourable, horsefield rod rev., horsfield rod rev., horsfield rodney rev., lukies noela mrs., campbell jack, cardell bob, davies gail mrs., greensmith duncan, tansley vern, merrick ruth ms., seccull barbara ms., freeland betty miss, clark ian, wilcox rosemary mrs., coleman julie, playback theatre company, martens veronica mayor, brown george, terrell tom, diseases, disabled people, nursing homes, fundraising events, aged people

The piece of oak wood sample inside the case was obtained from Mr. H Cooper during the time he served as a shipwright for the British Royal Navy on Nelson’s flagship, HMS Victory, in 1891. By that time the H.M.S. Victory was around 100 years old having been built in 1765 and was currently in dry dock undergoing restoration. Cooper’s skills as a shipwright would have been well employed during this period. HMS Victory was and still does undergoing continuous restoration to preserve her for display as a museum ship, due to the vessel's significant naval history. It was during that time of early restoration that Cooper obtained the piece of Oak from HMS Victory believed to be from the ships hull. Cooper was in Australia in September 1891 serving on the HMS Wallaroo, a British Auxiliary Squadron commissioned to serve as part of the British Royal Navy contingent, tasked to operate in Australian waters. The photograph included with the donation of the wood sample is a portrait of Mr H Cooper taken in 1895 in Sydney. The inscription on the photograph describes him as a skilled shipwright from the H.M.S. Wallaroo, depicting Cooper as a young man in Royal Navy uniform, with the emblem of a petty officer third class. While Cooper was stationed on the H.M.S. Wallaroo in Sydney he presented the display case, containing the wood sample from H.M.S. Victory, as well as the exhibit labels to Charles Harding, ("Chas") late of the Royal Australian Navy. Harding had been based at the H M Naval Torpedo Depot at Williamstown, Victoria. Although not mentioned, it is believed the two men met whilst serving together in Australia in their respective assignments. It could have been a retirement gift from Cooper to Harding with the photograph of Cooper likely included with the case, and gifted to Harding in 1895, as the date on the photograph indicates. One of the exhibits labels indicates that Harding had the item on display whilst serving at the Naval Torpedo Depot in Williamstown. The label indicates: "This piece of Oak is part of the hull of H.M.S. “Victory” Lord Nelson’s renowned Flag Ship, which took such a prominent part in the Battle of Trafalgar. 21st October 1805. Exhibited by Charles Harding, H.M.V. Naval Torpedo Depot, Williamstown.” After Charles Harding died in 1931 the case containing the sample of oak from H.M.S. Victory was donated by his son Reg Harding to Mr. Murphy in 1962. The display case has since become a treasured item at Flagstaff Hill. A newspaper article dated 1905 included with the donation mentions that the city of Hamilton in Victoria was shortly expecting a mounted piece of the H.M.S. Victory, to be included in the city’s commemoration of the centenary of the "Battle of Trafalgar". Battle of Trafalgar: On October 21, 1805, twenty-seven British ships of the line led by Admiral Lord Nelson aboard HMS Victory defeated thirty-three French and Spanish ships of the line under French Admiral Villeneuve. The battle took place in the Atlantic Ocean off the southwest coast of Spain, just west of Cape Trafalgar, near the town of Los Caños de Meca. The victory confirmed the naval supremacy Britain had established during the course of the eighteenth century and it was achieved in part through Nelson's departure from the prevailing naval tactical orthodoxy of the day. Conventional practice at the time was for opposing fleets to engage each other in single parallel lines, in order to facilitate signalling and disengagement, and to maximise fields of fire and target areas. Nelson instead arranged his ships into two columns to sail perpendicularly into the enemy fleet's line. During the battle, Nelson was shot by a French musketeer and he died shortly before the battle ended. Villeneuve was captured, along with his ship Bucentaure. He later attended Nelson's funeral while a captive on parole in Britain. Admiral Federico Gravina, the senior Spanish flag officer, escaped with the remnant of the fleet. He died five months later from wounds sustained during the battle. It was prior to this battle that Nelson had issued his now-famous final orders to his ships in 12 separate flag-hoists “England expects that every man will do his duty”. This wood sample is historically significant for its association with Admiral Lord Nelson the Battle of Trafalgar. Through Nelson’s leadership and unorthodox battle tactics, he secured not only a victory against the French and Spanish but reaffirmed Britain's naval supremacy opening the way for Britain to continuing the policy of colonisation of many countries including Australia.Wood sample adhered to the base of a hinged wood and glass display case. Wood is a sample of oak taken from the hull of Vice-Admiral Lord Nelson's flagship, the HMS Victory, built in 1765. The case also contain two exhibit labels pinned above the wood sample. Other items donated with the display case, and relating to the wood sample: an 1895 photograph, a 1905 newspaper clipping, a 1962 donor's letter (two pages), and a handwritten exhibit label with a border of red lines. Photograph Front: printed- "Herbst" "28 Oxford Street, Hyde Park, Sydney", handwritten - "Mr Cooper", "see back". Back: handwritten - "Mr H Cooper, skilled shipwright, H.M.S. Wallaroo 1895" Exhibit labels still in the case: Left: handwritten- “PIECE OF OAK FROM THE HULL OF H.M.S. VICTORY”, Right: typewritten- “This piece of Oak was originally obtained by Mr. H. Cooper, skilled shipwright on H.M.S. “Victory” & afterwards on H.M.S. “Wallaroo” on the Australian Station in 1895, when he presented this exhibit to me. Chas. Harding, Late Victorian Navy.”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, oak, hms victory, vice-admiral lord nelson, horatio nelson, lord nelson, oak piece, piece of oaknelson, battle of trafalgar, maritime technology, ship relics, 18th century warship, british royal navy, h cooper shipwright, hms wallaroo, herbst hyde park sydney, charles harding, hmv naval orpedo depot williamstown, sir home popham’s telegraphic code, admiralty official day signal book

This is a set of 23 photographs of surveyors and support staff in the field undertaking tasks in New Guinea 1956 – 1957. The surveyors were employed in the establishment of mapping and geodetic control for Project Cutlass, the “Ship-Shore” survey of the New Ireland province. In this survey operation surveyors used theodolites to observe horizontal and vertical angles and chains to measure base line distances between survey stations. Bob Skitch shown in photo .7P was in the 2nd year of his career in the Australian Army. He achieved the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and his last appointment was the CO of the Army Survey Regiment from 1976 to 1980.This is a set of 23 photographs of surveyors and support staff in the field undertaking duties during Project Cutlass located in New Ireland, New Guinea 1956 – 1957. The photographs were printed on photographic paper and are part of the Army Survey Regiment’s Collection. The photographs were scanned at 300 dpi. .1) - Photo, colour, 1956. Surveyors travelling main road from Kavieng to Namatanai, New Ireland. .2) - Photo, colour, 1956. Unidentified surveyors assessing recovery of their vehicle after bridge collapsed on west side of New Ireland. .3) - Photo, colour, 1956. Unidentified surveyors assessing recovery of their vehicle after bridge collapsed over flooded creek on west side of New Ireland. .4) - Photo, colour, 1956. Survey personnel L to R: Bev Uwins, John Lambie, Bob Thompson, New Ireland. .5) - Photo, colour, 1956. Survey base camp, New Ireland. .6) - Photo, black & white, 1956-1957. Geoff Helsham with possible human remains, New Ireland. .7) - Photo, black & white, 1956-1957. Bob Skitch undertaking survey observations using Wild T2 theodolite, New Ireland. .8) - Photo, black & white, 1956-1957. Chas Beach undertaking survey observations using Wild T2 theodolite, New Ireland. .9) & .10) - Photo, black & white, 1956-1957. Kev Parker (cook) New Ireland. .11) - Photo, colour, 1957. Brian Berkery taking a break, Top Manor Island, Lihir Island Group off New Ireland. Latitude -2° 46”, Longitude 152° 40”. .12) - Photo, colour, 1957. Survey base camp L to R: Chas Beach, Bev Uwins, Feni Islands, New Ireland. Latitude -4° 05”, Longitude 153° 45”. .13) - Photo, colour, 1957. A Hous Kiap. (Kiaps, known formally as district officers and patrol officers, were travelling representatives of the British and Australian governments), New Ireland. .14) & .15) - Photo, colour, 1957. L to R: Joe Farrington, Tom Royle Bob undertaking survey observations using theodolites from an improvised timber tower, New Ireland. .16) & .17) - Photo, colour, 1957. US Army ship FS216 used for ship-to-shore triangulation docked at Rabaul, New Britain. .18) - Photo, colour, 1957. US Army ship FS216 used for ship-to-shore triangulation docked at Kavieng, New Ireland. Sight target on top of mast. .19) - Photo, colour, 1957. Survey personnel onboard US Army ship FS392, L to R: Peter Frodsham, Bob Thompson, Doc Reid, John Underwood, remainder unidentified, New Ireland. .20) - Photo, colour, 1957. Survey base line party heading ashore, New Ireland. .21) - Photo, colour, 1957. Survey personnel rowing US Army assault boat L to R: Kev Parker, Chas Beach, folded up survey beacons overhanging stern, New Ireland. .22) - Photo, colour, 1957. Les Bailey onboard US Army ship departing Rabaul, New Britain for Brisbane. .23) - Photo, colour, 1957. Ron Newman onboard US Army ship departing Rabaul, New Britain for Brisbane. Active volcano in background..1P to .23P annotated on back – ‘Operation Cutlass’, personnel names, the year and the location. royal australian survey corps, rasvy, army survey regiment, fortuna, a, army svy regt, asr, surveying

In April 2012 former Royal Australian College of General Practitioners president Dr Paul Hemming was appointed the University of Ballarat’s new chancellor. Dr Hemming was a deputy chancellor of the university since 2011 and a member of the university council since 2007, and replaces outgoing chancellor Robert Smith. He was a founding director of Beyondblue and has been president of the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners. He was also president of the Australian Medical Association Victoria and has served on numerous federal government medical bodies and tribunals. Chancellors are appointed to chair the university's council (governing body) as the senior office holder of the University. They also confer the academic awards of the university, and represent the university at meetings, functions and ceremonies. At the installation of Dr Hemming as the Fifth Chancellor Of The University Of Ballarat Governor of Victoria Alex Chrnov said: "I join Bonnie Fagan in acknowledging the traditional owners of this land and I pay my respects to their elders past and present. It is my great pleasure, as Governor of Victoria and Visitor to the University of Ballarat, to install Dr Paul Hemming as the fifth Chancellor of this University. I extend to him and his family my warmest congratulations on this appointment and wish him all the best in his new role. I have no doubt that he will be an industrious and wise leader of this University. Although the University of Ballarat is one of Australia’s newest Universities, it is the third oldest Tertiary institution in our country with the School of Mines being established in 1870. It has much to be proud of, and should be recognised for its commitment to being one of our most outstanding regionally focused higher education institutions. It offers on six campuses a diverse, yet suitably targeted, group of learning models that include higher education, TAFE and senior secondary school education, and is one of the few universities in the country that has an associated Technology Park. This University is uniquely placed to provide higher education in Regional Victoria. For example, I understand that by 2020 the population in the Ballarat area will increase by 20% so this University will have the responsibility and opportunity to provide educational opportunities for this growing population. The role of the Governor can be divided into three parts – ceremonial, constitutional and community engagement. It is the third aspect of the role that is most time consuming and, I add, enjoyable. It includes making official visits to Regional areas of Victoria. To date Elizabeth and I have been on 16 such visits and the thing that stands out is that despite the challenges that face Regional communities whether it be through natural disasters, or the economy more broadly – the stoicism, volunteerism and self reliance are always present. Ballarat is an example of such resilience and confidence in its future that can be dated back to this University’s inception. When the School of Mines was established in 1870 on the back of the gold rush era of the 1850s, the local community had vision and faith in its future that is reflected in the building of this institution. It is not dissimilar to Melbourne, where its relatively few citizens established the iconic pillars of our society like the State Library, the University of Melbourne, Parliament Houses and the National Gallery of Victoria. The contribution by the University of Ballarat to Regional Victoria cannot be overstated. Not only does it provide top educational opportunities for students from the Region but its graduates almost invariably end up working in Regional Australia, and often in their own local communities. More specifically, almost three out of every four of the graduates from this University end up finding employment in Regional areas. Such figures highlight the University’s significant contribution to the Regional economy. But its impact is not limited to our Regional areas – it extends to other parts of Australia and overseas. But like so many other higher education institutions in Australia, the University of Ballarat is facing challenges brought about by events such as global uncertainties and the high Australian dollar that impact on the inflow of international students, and dealing with students, more and more of whom come from the lower socio economic sector. It is in those circumstances that the Chancellor must show leadership that involves, amongst others, objectively guiding the Council and supporting the Vice-Chancellor, albeit without becoming involved in the day to day micro management of the University. A strong, trusting and respectful working relationship between the Chancellor and the Vice-Chancellor is, I believe, critical to the sound progress of a University. Before I turn more specifically to Dr Hemming, I would like to reflect briefly on his immediate predecessor, Emeritus Professor Robert Smith. I am sure that Dr Hemming has already found in Professor Smith an invaluable source of assistance. He was a skilled and effective leader not only here, but also in the broader higher education sector. I mention by way of example his instigation and leadership two years ago of the much acclaimed Chancellors’ Conference that was held in Melbourne. There was great diffidence amongst the Chancellors in having it at all. It was a little like herding cats. But Bob Smith spearheaded the organisation of it, with great attention to detail. And it was his hard work and leadership that resulted in the Conference being such a success and of assistance to all Chancellors who attended. It was an illustration of Bob Smith’s skills as a leader in the sector and of this University. And the sector, just as this University remains indebted to him. And I have no doubt that Dr Hemming will similarly lead this University through the challenging, yet exciting, times that lie ahead. He is eminently qualified to do so, in terms of his personal attributes, academic achievements and experience in governance. With his extensive medical career as a General Practitioner, service on a number of Federal Government medical boards and tribunals, and having been a Founding Director of ‘Beyondblue’, President of the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners and President of the Australian Medical Association (Victoria), his list of personal and professional achievements, as well as his strong sense of public and community duty, is impressive. Importantly, Dr Hemming has a long standing connection with the Ballarat community, having moved here with his family from the United Kingdom in 1977. He is now even accepted as a “local” I am told. Given his range of experience to which I have referred and the time he has already spent on the Council and Standing Committees of this University, he is obviously well placed to take part in leading this University. So it is a great pleasure for me to install Dr Hemming as the fifth Chancellor of the University of Ballarat." (http://www.governor.vic.gov.au/victorias-governor/publications/speeches/speech/speech/104) Colour photographS of three men in academic regalia sitting inside the Ballarat Uniting Church, Lydiard Street South. Chancellor Dr Paul Hemming sit in the centre, with Vice-Chancellor Professor david Battersby on the left. Also audience images, academics and a dinner at Craig's Hotel.university of ballarat, federation university, regalia, chancellor, vice chancellor, paul hemming, david battersby, alex chrnov, todd walker, andy smith, craig's hotel, academics

Sir Charles Edward Kingsford Smith is a famous Australian, well known in civil aviation history for his courageous endeavours in flight. He broken many flight records for long distance and time travelled and he was also a war hero in World War 1. He has been referred to as being “known to millions of Australians as “Smithy” … he was one of Australia’s true twentieth-century legends”. In honour of his place amongst the world’s famous pioneers his image is featured on Australia’s $20 note, Sydney airport is named after him, there is a memorial to Kingsford Smith, Taylor and Ulm at the Anderson Park, also in Sydney and his plane “Southern Cross” is on view at Brisbane Airport. Kingsford Smith wrote ‘The Old Bus’ (1932) and he and Ulm were co-authors of ‘Story of 'Southern Cross' Trans-Pacific Flight’ (1928). His also wrote a book about his own life ‘My Flying Life’ which was published after his death in 1937. and the story of his life was filmed in Australia in 1946. A BRIEF HISTORY OF SIR CHARLES EDWARD KINGSFORD SMITH (1897 – 1935) … Kingsford Smith was born 9th February 1897 in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia. His parents were William Charles Smith and Catherine Mary, nee Kingsford. His mother’s maiden name of “Kingsford” was added to the family name when they spent time in Canada from around 1903 to 1907, after which they returned to Sydney, Australia. In 1915 Kingsford Smith enlisted in Australian Imperial Force. He served in 4th Signal Troop, 2nd Division Signal Company at Gallipoli Peninsular as a ‘sapper’ or combat engineer and later in Egypt and in France as a dispatch rider. In 1916 Kingsford Smith was transferred to the Australian Flying Corps as a sergeant. He was discharged after training in England and commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Royal Flying Corps. He was appointed fling officer and soon joined the 23rd Squadron in France. He brought down four machines in his first month there and also did invaluable work attacking enemy targets. He was wounded and shot down and later awarded the Military Cross ‘for conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty’. He was promoted to lieutenant in 1918 and served as a Flying Instructor with the R.F.C. Kingsford Smith was not allowed to participate in the 1919 England to Australia air race because of assumed lack of navigational experience. He and his pilot friend Cyril Maddocks formed a business and flew joy-flights in both England and America. In America he did some stunt flying with a Flying Circus. Kingsford Smith returned to Australia in 1921 and found employment as a pilot. He soon realised the value of air transport in such a vast country. He formed a partnership with pilot Keith Anderson in 1924 and they purchased two Bristol Tourer biplanes. Their business broadened to include Charles Ulm and became the Interstate Flying services in Sydney. Together they performed important ‘demonstration’ flights including a flight around Australia in 10 days and 5 hours using very limited navigational equipment. Kingsford Smith immediately started to search for support to do a trans-Pacific flight. This support came from the New South Wales government, Sidney Myer and G. Allan Hancock, an American oil magnate. On 31st May 1928 Kingsford Smith, Charles Ulm and two American crewmen, Harry Lyan and Jim Warner, took off from Oakland, California and flew to Brisbane via Hawaii and Suva. This historic flight took 83 hours and 38 minutes. Their Fokker plane had three engines and was named the “Southern Cross”. This amazing achievement resulted in huge financial subscriptions. Kingsford Smith was awarded the Air Force Cross and appointed as honorary squadron leader, Royal Australian Air Force. Kingsford Smith flew his Southern Cross plane from Point Cook in Victoria to Perth nonstop. Then in September – October 1928, with Charles Ulm and an Australian crew, he piloted the Southern Cross from Sidney to Christchurch New Zealand. This flight showed that was possible for regular passenger and mail services across the Tasman Sea. Kingsford Smith flew his plane to England to an order for four aircraft, planning to use them for an inter-capital air service in Australia. Sadly on 1st April 1929 he was forced to land, having lost radio contact with the ground and having run into bad weather over north – west Australia. Keith Anderson and Robert Hitchcock both perished before the search party reached them. Once official enquiries were completed the flight to England continued in June and was completed in record time of 12 days and 18 hours. In January 1930 Kingsford Smith piloted the “Southern Cloud”, one of the new Avro Ten planes, on the first flight of his airline, the Australian National Airways, from Sydney to Melbourne. The “Southern Cross” was overhauled in Holland by the Fokker Aircraft Co. and in June 1930 Kingsford Smith achieved an east-west crossing of the Atlantic from Ireland to Newfoundland in 31.5 hours. Kingsford Smith returned to England and took delivery of an Avro Avian biplane that he named the “Southern Cross Junior” and flew solo from England to Darwin, Australia. This record breaking flight took less than 10 days. He beat four other planes that had left England before him and he was 5.5 days faster than Hinkler. Sadly Kingsford Smith’s “Southern Cloud” was lost during a flight from Sydney to Melbourne in 1931 with no surviving crew or passengers; in 1958 the wreckage was discovered in the Snowy Mountains. Later that year Kingsford Smith flew his “Southern Cloud” from Australia to Timor, collecting mail from a damaged Imperial Airways plane in Timor. Other flights followed. Kingsford Smith was knighted in 1932 for his services in Aviation. He returned to selling joy flights then established the Kingsford Smith Air Service, a flying training school in Sydney. In 1933 Kingsford Smith flew the amazing record flight in “Miss Southern Cross” – a Percival Gull - from London to Wyndham in Western Australia in just over ten days. The Australian Commonwealth then gave Kingsford Smith a large grant and he was also appointed as aviation consultant to Vacuum Oil Co. Another flying record was made when Kingsford Smith and Sir P.G. Taylor flow “Lady Southern Cross” from Brisbane to San Francisco in order to sell her there; the west-east-trans-Pacific flight made aviation history. They returned to Australia to make an attempt at the trans-Tasman flight but their attempt failed due to engine failure; they managed to get back to Sydney safely, minus most of their cargo. Kingsford Smith had his unsold “Lady Southern Cross” shipped back to England, from where he and J. T. Pethybridge in the “Lady Southern Cross” attempted another record breaking flight from England The Old Bus Author: Charles Kingsford Smith Publisher: Distibuted by Herald Feature Service Date; 1932Label on spine cover with typed text RA 629.1309 KIN flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, the old bus, charles kingsford smith

This artifact is a sample of small caliber lead shot recovered by Flagstaff Hill divers from the wreck of the Loch Ard in 1975. Included in her diverse and valuable cargo were 22 tons of lead shot, packed in cloth bags and wooden casks. Bulk quantities of lead shot, uniformly round balls of dull grey metal ranging from 2mm “birdshot” to 8mm “buckshot”, were routinely exported to the Australian colonies. Shot was used mostly as projectiles fired from smooth bored guns to bring down moving targets such as wild ducks and small game. It was also useful as ballast, when a dense, “pourable” weight was required to fill cavities or establish volume within a measuring container. The production of consistently round spheres of lead shot required the pouring of molten metal through a sieve and then a long drop through the atmosphere to a water filled basin for final cooling and collection. This “shot tower” process was first patented by William Watts of Bristol in 1782. His calculation of a 150 feet fall was not only to form evenly spherical droplets through surface tension, but also to provide partial cooling and solidification to each shot before they hit the water below. The value of his innovation was the minimising of indentation and shape distortion, avoiding the expense of re-smelting and re-moulding the lead. Lead shot was already being produced in Australia at the time the Loch Ard sinking in March 1878. James Moir had constructed a 157 feet circular stone shot tower near Hobart in 1870, with a peak annual production of 100 tons of lead shot sold in 28 pound linen bags. However colonial demand exceeded this source of local supply. The continued strength of the market for lead shot in the Colony of Victoria prompted substantial investment in additional productive capacity in Melbourne in the next decade. In 1882 Richard Hodgson erected the 160 feet round chimney-shaped Clifton Hill shot tower on Alexandra Parade (VHR H0709) and in 1889 Walter Coop built the 160 feet square tower-shaped Melbourne Central shot tower on La Trobe Street (VHR H0067). At its peak, the Coop Tower produced 6 tons of lead shot per week, or 312 tons per annum. History of the Loch Ard: The Loch Ard got its name from "Loch Ard" a loch that lies to the west of Aberfoyle, and the east of Loch Lomond. It means "high lake" in Scottish Gaelic. The vessel belonged to the famous Loch Line which sailed many vessels from England to Australia. The Loch Ard was built in Glasgow by Barclay, Curle & Co. in 1873, the vessel was a three-masted square-rigged iron sailing ship that measured 79.87 meters in length, 11.58 m in width, and 7 m in depth with a gross tonnage of 1693 tons with a mainmast that measured a massive 45.7 m in height. Loch Ard made three trips to Australia and one trip to Calcutta before its fateful voyage. Loch Ard left England on March 2, 1878, under the command of 29-year-old Captain Gibbs, who was newly married. The ship was bound for Melbourne with a crew of 37, plus 17 passengers. The general cargo reflected the affluence of Melbourne at the time. Onboard were straw hats, umbrellas, perfumes, clay pipes, pianos, clocks, confectionery, linen, and candles, as well as a heavier load of railway irons, cement, lead, and copper. There were other items included that were intended for display in the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880. The voyage to Port Phillip was long but uneventful. Then at 3 am on June 1, 1878, Captain Gibbs was expecting to see land. But the Loch Ard was running into a fog which greatly reduced visibility. Captain Gibbs was becoming anxious as there was no sign of land or the Cape Otway lighthouse. At 4 am the fog lifted and a lookout aloft announced that he could see breakers. The sheer cliffs of Victoria's west coast came into view, and Captain Gibbs realised that the ship was much closer to them than expected. He ordered as much sail to be set as time would permit and then attempted to steer the vessel out to sea. On coming head-on into the wind, the ship lost momentum, the sails fell limp and Loch Ard's bow swung back towards land. Gibbs then ordered the anchors to be released in an attempt to hold their position. The anchors sank some 50 fathoms - but did not hold. By this time the ship was among the breakers and the tall cliffs of Mutton Bird Island rose behind. Just half a mile from the coast, the ship's bow was suddenly pulled around by the anchor. The captain tried to tack out to sea, but the ship struck a reef at the base of Mutton Bird Island, near Port Campbell. Waves subsequently broke over the ship and the top deck became loosened from the hull. The masts and rigging came crashing down knocking passengers and crew overboard. When a lifeboat was finally launched, it crashed into the side of Loch Ard and capsized. Tom Pearce, who had launched the boat, managed to cling to its overturned hull and shelter beneath it. He drifted out to sea and then on the flood tide came into what is now known as Lochard Gorge. He swam to shore, bruised and dazed, and found a cave in which to shelter. Some of the crew stayed below deck to shelter from the falling rigging but drowned when the ship slipped off the reef into deeper water. Eva Carmichael a passenger had raced onto the deck to find out what was happening only to be confronted by towering cliffs looming above the stricken ship. In all the chaos, Captain Gibbs grabbed Eva and said, "If you are saved Eva, let my dear wife know that I died like a sailor". That was the last Eva Carmichael saw of the captain. She was swept off the ship by a huge wave. Eva saw Tom Pearce on a small rocky beach and yelled to attract his attention. He dived in and swam to the exhausted woman and dragged her to shore. He took her to the cave and broke the open case of brandy that had washed up on the beach. He opened a bottle to revive the unconscious woman. A few hours later Tom scaled a cliff in search of help. He followed hoof prints and came by chance upon two men from nearby Glenample Station three and a half miles away. In a complete state of exhaustion, he told the men of the tragedy. Tom then returned to the gorge while the two men rode back to the station to get help. By the time they reached Loch Ard Gorge, it was cold and dark. The two shipwreck survivors were taken to Glenample Station to recover. Eva stayed at the station for six weeks before returning to Ireland by steamship. In Melbourne, Tom Pearce received a hero's welcome. He was presented with the first gold medal of the Royal Humane Society of Victoria and a £1000 cheque from the Victorian Government. Concerts were performed to honour the young man's bravery and to raise money for those who lost families in the disaster. Of the 54 crew members and passengers on board, only two survived: the apprentice, Tom Pearce, and the young woman passenger, Eva Carmichael, who lost her family in the tragedy. Ten days after the Lochard tragedy, salvage rights to the wreck were sold at auction for £2,120. Cargo valued at £3,000 was salvaged and placed on the beach, but most washed back into the sea when another storm developed. The wreck of Lochard still lies at the base of Mutton Bird Island. Much of the cargo has now been salvaged and some items were washed up into Lochard Gorge. Cargo and artifacts have also been illegally salvaged over many years before protective legislation was introduced in March 1982. One of the most unlikely pieces of cargo to have survived the shipwreck was a Minton majolica peacock- one of only nine in the world. The peacock was destined for the Melbourne 1880 International Exhibition. It had been well packed, which gave it adequate protection during the violent storm. Today the Minton peacock can be seen at the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum in Warrnambool. From Australia's most dramatic shipwreck it has now become Australia's most valuable shipwreck artifact and is one of very few 'objects' on the Victorian State Heritage Register.The shipwreck of the Loch Ard is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register ( S 417). Flagstaff Hill has a varied collection of artifacts from Loch Ard and its collection is significant for being one of the largest accumulation of artifacts from this notable Victorian shipwreck of which the subject items are a small part. The collection's objects give us a snapshot of how we can interpret the story of this tragic event. The collection is also archaeologically significant as it represents aspects of Victoria's shipping history that allows us to interpret Victoria's social and historical themes of the time. Through is associated with the worst and best-known shipwreck in Victoria's history.Lead shot; a group of mixed -sized lead shot. Small 2mm shot is embedded in a sea sediment clump of concretion. Also in the group are also 5 single 2mm shot and 4 single 4mm shot that are clean and free of sediment. The shot was recovered from the wreck of the Loch Ard.Nonewarrnambool, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime village, flagstaff hill maritime museum, shipwreck artefact, lead shot, loch ard, colonial industry, melbourne shot towers, victorian metallurgy, colonial imports