Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The Manifolds were a significant pioneering pastoral family in Western Victoria. The donated riding jodhpurs originally belonged to Mrs Edward Manifold, formally Beatrice Mary Synnot Anderson. Beatrice was Edward Manifold’s cousin once removed whom he married in 1900. Edward, the son of John Manifold, was born on 15 November 1868 and educated at Geelong and Melbourne Grammar schools and at Trinity Hall, Cambridge (B.A., 1891). He chose the Danedite portion of land at Purrumbete, and on the death of his bachelor brother Thomas Peter (1863-1895), after a hunting accident, he took over his allocation, Wiridgil. He also owned Boortkoi, near Hexham and on these properties, he ran merino sheep, a Lincoln stud which dated back to 1870, and Shorthorn cattle. 3000 acres were also leased to dairy farmers. Edward was a member of Hampden Shire Council in 1909-31 and three times president at Camperdown. The town was largely bordered by Manifold land and partly dependent upon the local pastoral dynasties, which benefited the local area from the families’ various business interests. Though an offer to build public baths to commemorate the Queen Victoria Jubilee in 1897 was not proceeded with, the town acquired a hospital, a reserve on Mount Leura, a clock tower and a cricket pavilion, as well as notable donations from the Manifolds to St Paul's Church and the grammar school. Edward was a keen polo player and racing man. He was also a successful owner of steeplechasers and a committeeman of the Victoria Racing Club for many years. He was also a member of many Western District racing clubs. On the 16 July 1900, Edward had married his sixteen-year-old cousin Beatrice Mary Synnot Anderson by whom he had three sons Thomas Peter, Andrew and Robert Edward Manifold. Edwards's estate at his death was valued for probate at nearly £500,000. Edward died following an operation on 14 February 1931 at a private hospital in Yarra Vale Melbourne. Beatrice passed away in 1954, aged 79 in Ballarat where she was born in 1874. Contextual historic Family background: The Manifold brothers Thomas (1809-1875), John (1811-1877) and Peter (1817-1885) were the fourth, fifth and sixth sons of William Manifold and Mary, nee Barnes, of Courthouse Farm, Bromborough, Cheshire, England. The family had decided to emigrate to Van Diemen's Land. Thomas was sent ahead, arriving in Hobart Town on 23rd January 1828 with £1500 and a letter of recommendation from the Colonial Office. Thomas acquired 1280 acres on the west bank of the Tamar River. John and Peter, with their parents and three sisters, arrived on 8th July 1831. Land grants by then had finished but William brought ninety acres next to his son Thomas’ land and on the combined properties the family built Kelso House. The Manifolds’ properties were comparatively poor and when news of the Port Phillip District, in Victoria reached Thomas, he lost no time in coming to see for himself in February 1836. He was impressed with what he saw and hurried back to Tasmania to buy lambs and ewes. With one of his brothers, on July 9th he landed his stores at Point Henry and proceeded to occupy both sides of the Moorabool River. Thomas, at the end of the year, returned to Tasmania and left Peter and John to run the new property. Thomas, however, returned to Victoria for several visits and on one of these visits he, along with his brothers, examined the country near Ballarat. In December 1838 they managed to penetrate the Stony Rises, and Peter and John reached Lake Purrumbete and the Mount Leura country. During this time, on 4th July 1838, Thomas married Jane Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Captain Walter Synnot, formerly of Ballinate, County Armagh, Ireland, and then of Van Diemen's Land. Thomas joined his brothers, and they occupied the Purrumbete run in January 1839. On the journey to Purrumbete they could not take their stock and drays through the Stony Rises, so went north of Lake Corangamite, to the neck of land between it and Lake Gnarpurt. By April the move from Moorabool area was complete. As yet they had no hut and were working day and night, but their delight in their new run was unbounded. John wrote to his mother: “We are at last got to the land we wished for it is a beautiful place, and cannot be surpassed by any I have ever seen”. The three brothers occupied Purrumbete together, breeding both sheep and cattle until Thomas went to Grassmere run on the Merri River near Warrnambool in 1844. John and Peter soon gave up breeding sheep but retained the well-known '3M' brand for the cattle. These were Shorthorns, derived from four bulls originally imported by the Boldon brothers and later improved by further importations, and were renowned for size and quality. By the time of the gold rush in 1851, John and Peter were breeding over 1000 head a year, as well as fattening stores. The diggings at this time had disorganised Grassmere by drawing away Thomas's men, and his wife decided to take her two sons and two daughters to Europe for their education. Thomas gave up the property next year, went to England to join his family, and eventually brought the family back to live in Melbourne. At Purrumbete things were different. The brothers, John and Peter, preferred black stockmen to white, so the discovery of gold upset them very little while providing the very market they required. John was on his second visit to England when the rush started, and Peter went in his turn soon after John returned. On 2 September 1856 John married Marion Thomson, at Cormiston, Van Diemen's Land. They had four daughters and five sons, from three of whom, William Thomson, James Chester and Edward, the later generations of the family descend. Through the years the brothers had to contend with the scab, fluke and footrot, depression, rabbits, bush fires and pleuro-pneumonia. In 1861 they appointed as manager Henry Manifold Matson, their nephew, who had already been with them for five years. Thomas died in Melbourne on 7 November 1875, John at Purrumbete on 3 January 1877 and Peter at Purrumbete on 31 July 1885. Devout members of the Church of England, John and Peter, during their lives, gave generously towards building St Paul's Church, Camperdown, and guaranteed part of the vicar's stipend. Peter was a member of the Hampden and Heytesbury Roads Board from 1859 and carried on into the Hampden Shire Council when it was formed in 1864. However, it was not for public works that they were known, but for their personal example. In a new land where speculators and adventurers were all too common, the Manifold brothers were among those who intended it to be their home and their children's home. Industrious, unpretentious and hospitable, they were respected in their community as men of the highest integrity. This riding habit is a characteristic example of the type and style of riding clothes that well-dressed ladies wore in the 1920s. It highlights the changes that were beginning in society for women. Prior to 1918 ladies still had to ride side-saddle with skirts over Jodhpurs. Society of the time regarded women riding astride as unseemly and just not done. This riding habit is particularly significant on a number of levels, it shows the beginnings of change in society's attitudes through women's fashion after the First World War. A change that was to bring a start to a more liberating societal attitude towards women after the successful establishment of the Representation of People Act 1918 that gave women the right to vote. This garments provenance is linked to one of Victoria's important pioneering families the Manifolds, one of the first families that came from Van Diemen's land to settle the Western District of Victoria in 1844. Originally the garment belonged to the wife of the great-grandson of pioneer William Manifold, Edward Manifold who married Beatrice May Synnot Anderson, Edwards Cousin in 1900. The garment was made by the Mayfair tailors J. Busvine & Co. in the early to mid-1920s (estimate) who at the turn of the century were tailors to the Courts of Europe. Their clothing is highly collectible today and examples can be found in a number of significant museum collections around the world, notably the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and the FIDM in Los Angeles. Jodhpurs, part of a three-piece, side saddle riding habit tailored for Mrs Edward Manifold, with four buttons to the front material black woolen twill the legs are cuffed below the knee with 8 buttons holes which are reinforced to the inside with fabric. Cream Satin waistband and removable chamois lining to the seat makers label Busvines Co. tailored for Mrs Edward Manifold.Embroidered in blue on a Satin Cream label to Jodhpurs "Busvine Ltd / 4, Brook St, London. W. No." Hand written in black ink script "523/ Mrs Edward Manifold"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, side saddle riding habit, side saddle riding outfit, breeches, mrs edward manifold, beatrice manifold, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road

The Manifolds were a significant pioneering pastoral family in Western Victoria. The donated riding jacket originally belonged to Mrs Edward Manifold, formally Beatrice Mary Synnot Anderson. Beatrice was Edward Manifold’s cousin once removed whom he married in 1900. Edward, the son of John Manifold, was born on 15 November 1868 and educated at Geelong and Melbourne Grammar schools and at Trinity Hall, Cambridge (B.A., 1891). He chose the Danedite portion of land at Purrumbete, and on the death of his bachelor brother Thomas Peter (1863-1895), after a hunting accident, he took over his allocation, Wiridgil. He also owned Boortkoi, near Hexham and on these properties, he ran merino sheep, a Lincoln stud which dated back to 1870, and Shorthorn cattle. 3000 acres were also leased to dairy farmers. Edward was a member of Hampden Shire Council in 1909-31 and three times president at Camperdown. The town was largely bordered by Manifold land and partly dependent upon the local pastoral dynasties, which benefited the local area from the families’ various business interests. Though an offer to build public baths to commemorate the Queen Victoria Jubilee in 1897 was not proceeded with, the town acquired a hospital, a reserve on Mount Leura, a clock tower and a cricket pavilion, as well as notable donations from the Manifolds to St Paul's Church and the grammar school. Edward was a keen polo player and racing man. He was also a successful owner of steeplechasers and a committeeman of the Victoria Racing Club for many years. He was also a member of many Western District racing clubs. On the 16 July 1900, Edward had married his sixteen-year-old cousin Beatrice Mary Synnot Anderson by whom he had three sons Thomas Peter, Andrew and Robert Edward Manifold. Edwards's estate at his death was valued for probate at nearly £500,000. Edward died following an operation on 14 February 1931 at a private hospital in Yarra Vale Melbourne. Beatrice passed away in 1954, aged 79 in Ballarat where she was born in 1874. Contextual historic Family background: The Manifold brothers Thomas (1809-1875), John (1811-1877) and Peter (1817-1885) were the fourth, fifth and sixth sons of William Manifold and Mary, nee Barnes, of Courthouse Farm, Bromborough, Cheshire, England. The family had decided to emigrate to Van Diemen's Land. Thomas was sent ahead, arriving in Hobart Town on 23rd January 1828 with £1500 and a letter of recommendation from the Colonial Office. Thomas acquired 1280 acres on the west bank of the Tamar River. John and Peter, with their parents and three sisters, arrived on 8th July 1831. Land grants by then had finished but William brought ninety acres next to his son Thomas’ land and on the combined properties the family built Kelso House. The Manifolds’ properties were comparatively poor and when news of the Port Phillip District, in Victoria reached Thomas, he lost no time in coming to see for himself in February 1836. He was impressed with what he saw and hurried back to Tasmania to buy lambs and ewes. With one of his brothers, on July 9th he landed his stores at Point Henry and proceeded to occupy both sides of the Moorabool River. Thomas, at the end of the year, returned to Tasmania and left Peter and John to run the new property. Thomas, however, returned to Victoria for several visits and on one of these visits he, along with his brothers, examined the country near Ballarat. In December 1838 they managed to penetrate the Stony Rises, and Peter and John reached Lake Purrumbete and the Mount Leura country. During this time, on 4th July 1838, Thomas married Jane Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Captain Walter Synnot, formerly of Ballinate, County Armagh, Ireland, and then of Van Diemen's Land. Thomas joined his brothers, and they occupied the Purrumbete run in January 1839. On the journey to Purrumbete they could not take their stock and drays through the Stony Rises, so went north of Lake Corangamite, to the neck of land between it and Lake Gnarpurt. By April the move from Moorabool area was complete. As yet they had no hut and were working day and night, but their delight in their new run was unbounded. John wrote to his mother: “We are at last got to the land we wished for it is a beautiful place, and cannot be surpassed by any I have ever seen”. The three brothers occupied Purrumbete together, breeding both sheep and cattle until Thomas went to Grassmere run on the Merri River near Warrnambool in 1844. John and Peter soon gave up breeding sheep but retained the well-known '3M' brand for the cattle. These were Shorthorns, derived from four bulls originally imported by the Boldon brothers and later improved by further importations, and were renowned for size and quality. By the time of the gold rush in 1851, John and Peter were breeding over 1000 head a year, as well as fattening stores. The diggings at this time had disorganised Grassmere by drawing away Thomas's men, and his wife decided to take her two sons and two daughters to Europe for their education. Thomas gave up the property next year, went to England to join his family, and eventually brought the family back to live in Melbourne. At Purrumbete things were different. The brothers, John and Peter, preferred black stockmen to white, so the discovery of gold upset them very little while providing the very market they required. John was on his second visit to England when the rush started, and Peter went in his turn soon after John returned. On 2 September 1856 John married Marion Thomson, at Cormiston, Van Diemen's Land. They had four daughters and five sons, from three of whom, William Thomson, James Chester and Edward, the later generations of the family descend. Through the years the brothers had to contend with the scab, fluke and footrot, depression, rabbits, bush fires and pleuro-pneumonia. In 1861 they appointed as manager Henry Manifold Matson, their nephew, who had already been with them for five years. Thomas died in Melbourne on 7 November 1875, John at Purrumbete on 3 January 1877 and Peter at Purrumbete on 31 July 1885. Devout members of the Church of England, John and Peter, during their lives, gave generously towards building St Paul's Church, Camperdown, and guaranteed part of the vicar's stipend. Peter was a member of the Hampden and Heytesbury Roads Board from 1859 and carried on into the Hampden Shire Council when it was formed in 1864. However, it was not for public works that they were known, but for their personal example. In a new land where speculators and adventurers were all too common, the Manifold brothers were among those who intended it to be their home and their children's home. Industrious, unpretentious and hospitable, they were respected in their community as men of the highest integrity. This riding habit is a characteristic example of the type and style of riding clothes that well-dressed ladies wore in the 1920s. It highlights the changes that were beginning in society for women. Prior to 1918 ladies still had to ride side-saddle with skirts over Jodhpurs. Society of the time regarded women riding astride as unseemly and just not done. This riding habit is particularly significant on a number of levels, it shows the beginnings of change in society's attitudes through women's fashion after the First World War. A change that was to bring a start to a more liberating societal attitude towards women after the successful establishment of the Representation of People Act 1918 that gave women the right to vote. This garments provenance is linked to one of Victoria's important pioneering families the Manifolds, one of the first families that came from Van Diemen's land to settle the Western District of Victoria in 1844. Originally the garment belonged to the wife of the great-grandson of pioneer William Manifold, Edward Manifold who married Beatrice May Synnot Anderson, Edwards Cousin in 1900. The garment was made by the Mayfair tailors J. Busvine & Co. in the early to mid-1920s (estimate) who at the turn of the century were tailors to the Courts of Europe. Their clothing is highly collectible today and examples can be found in a number of significant museum collections around the world, notably the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and the FIDM in Los Angeles. A riding jacket, part of a three-piece, side saddle riding habit tailored for Mrs Edward Manifold. Knee length English woolen jacket black in colour, seamed and fitted to the female client's figure, fastening from the waist with three bone buttons to rather high lapels. The sleeves are long with closely fitted cuffs and one button and lined with cream satin. The jacket is fitted to the waist and flared to below the hips with a 35 cm vent to the back. Lower back to the jacket is reinforced with removable fabric and the jacket is lined with black twill cotton, there is a cream satin label, with makers' emblem Busvine. Circa 1920s Label to Jacket Embroidered in gold with a Royal logo on a Cream Satin label “By Special /Appointment” “To Her Majesty/The Queen”, “Busvine / Ltd / London 4 Brook St. W. / No” “hand written in purple ink 315 / Mrs Edward Manifold”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, side saddle riding habit, mrs edward manifold, edward manifold, busvines, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road

The Manifolds were a significant pioneering pastoral family in Western Victoria. The donated riding skirt originally belonged to Mrs Edward Manifold, formally Beatrice Mary Synnot Anderson. Beatrice was Edward Manifold’s cousin once removed whom he married in 1900. Edward, the son of John Manifold, was born on 15 November 1868 and educated at Geelong and Melbourne Grammar schools and at Trinity Hall, Cambridge (B.A., 1891). He chose the Danedite portion of land at Purrumbete, and on the death of his bachelor brother Thomas Peter (1863-1895), after a hunting accident, he took over his allocation, Wiridgil. He also owned Boortkoi, near Hexham and on these properties, he ran merino sheep, a Lincoln stud which dated back to 1870, and Shorthorn cattle. 3000 acres were also leased to dairy farmers. Edward was a member of Hampden Shire Council in 1909-31 and three times president at Camperdown. The town was largely bordered by Manifold land and partly dependent upon the local pastoral dynasties, which benefited the local area from the families’ various business interests. Though an offer to build public baths to commemorate the Queen Victoria Jubilee in 1897 was not proceeded with, the town acquired a hospital, a reserve on Mount Leura, a clock tower and a cricket pavilion, as well as notable donations from the Manifolds to St Paul's Church and the grammar school. Edward was a keen polo player and racing man. He was also a successful owner of steeplechasers and a committeeman of the Victoria Racing Club for many years. He was also a member of many Western District racing clubs. On the 16 July 1900, Edward had married his sixteen-year-old cousin Beatrice Mary Synnot Anderson by whom he had three sons Thomas Peter, Andrew and Robert Edward Manifold. Edwards's estate at his death was valued for probate at nearly £500,000. Edward died following an operation on 14 February 1931 at a private hospital in Yarra Vale Melbourne. Beatrice passed away in 1954, aged 79 in Ballarat where she was born in 1874. Contextual historic Family background: The Manifold brothers Thomas (1809-1875), John (1811-1877) and Peter (1817-1885) were the fourth, fifth and sixth sons of William Manifold and Mary, nee Barnes, of Courthouse Farm, Bromborough, Cheshire, England. The family had decided to emigrate to Van Diemen's Land. Thomas was sent ahead, arriving in Hobart Town on 23rd January 1828 with £1500 and a letter of recommendation from the Colonial Office. Thomas acquired 1280 acres on the west bank of the Tamar River. John and Peter, with their parents and three sisters, arrived on 8th July 1831. Land grants by then had finished but William brought ninety acres next to his son Thomas’ land and on the combined properties the family built Kelso House. The Manifolds’ properties were comparatively poor and when news of the Port Phillip District, in Victoria reached Thomas, he lost no time in coming to see for himself in February 1836. He was impressed with what he saw and hurried back to Tasmania to buy lambs and ewes. With one of his brothers, on July 9th he landed his stores at Point Henry and proceeded to occupy both sides of the Moorabool River. Thomas, at the end of the year, returned to Tasmania and left Peter and John to run the new property. Thomas, however, returned to Victoria for several visits and on one of these visits he, along with his brothers, examined the country near Ballarat. In December 1838 they managed to penetrate the Stony Rises, and Peter and John reached Lake Purrumbete and the Mount Leura country. During this time, on 4th July 1838, Thomas married Jane Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Captain Walter Synnot, formerly of Ballinate, County Armagh, Ireland, and then of Van Diemen's Land. Thomas joined his brothers, and they occupied the Purrumbete run in January 1839. On the journey to Purrumbete they could not take their stock and drays through the Stony Rises, so went north of Lake Corangamite, to the neck of land between it and Lake Gnarpurt. By April the move from Moorabool area was complete. As yet they had no hut and were working day and night, but their delight in their new run was unbounded. John wrote to his mother: “We are at last got to the land we wished for it is a beautiful place, and cannot be surpassed by any I have ever seen”. The three brothers occupied Purrumbete together, breeding both sheep and cattle until Thomas went to Grassmere run on the Merri River near Warrnambool in 1844. John and Peter soon gave up breeding sheep but retained the well-known '3M' brand for the cattle. These were Shorthorns, derived from four bulls originally imported by the Boldon brothers and later improved by further importations, and were renowned for size and quality. By the time of the gold rush in 1851, John and Peter were breeding over 1000 head a year, as well as fattening stores. The diggings at this time had disorganised Grassmere by drawing away Thomas's men, and his wife decided to take her two sons and two daughters to Europe for their education. Thomas gave up the property next year, went to England to join his family, and eventually brought the family back to live in Melbourne. At Purrumbete things were different. The brothers, John and Peter, preferred black stockmen to white, so the discovery of gold upset them very little while providing the very market they required. John was on his second visit to England when the rush started, and Peter went in his turn soon after John returned. On 2 September 1856 John married Marion Thomson, at Cormiston, Van Diemen's Land. They had four daughters and five sons, from three of whom, William Thomson, James Chester and Edward, the later generations of the family descend. Through the years the brothers had to contend with the scab, fluke and footrot, depression, rabbits, bush fires and pleuro-pneumonia. In 1861 they appointed as manager Henry Manifold Matson, their nephew, who had already been with them for five years. Thomas died in Melbourne on 7 November 1875, John at Purrumbete on 3 January 1877 and Peter at Purrumbete on 31 July 1885. Devout members of the Church of England, John and Peter, during their lives, gave generously towards building St Paul's Church, Camperdown, and guaranteed part of the vicar's stipend. Peter was a member of the Hampden and Heytesbury Roads Board from 1859 and carried on into the Hampden Shire Council when it was formed in 1864. However, it was not for public works that they were known, but for their personal example. In a new land where speculators and adventurers were all too common, the Manifold brothers were among those who intended it to be their home and their children's home. Industrious, unpretentious and hospitable, they were respected in their community as men of the highest integrity. This riding habit is a characteristic example of the type and style of riding clothes that well-dressed ladies wore in the 1920s. It highlights the changes that were beginning in society for women. Prior to 1918 ladies still had to ride side-saddle with skirts over Jodhpurs. Society of the time regarded women riding astride as unseemly and just not done. This riding habit is particularly significant on a number of levels, it shows the beginnings of change in society's attitudes through women's fashion after the First World War. A change that was to bring a start to a more liberating societal attitude towards women after the successful establishment of the Representation of People Act 1918 that gave women the right to vote. This garments provenance is linked to one of Victoria's important pioneering families the Manifolds, one of the first families that came from Van Diemen's land to settle the Western District of Victoria in 1844. Originally the garment belonged to the wife of the great-grandson of pioneer William Manifold, Edward Manifold who married Beatrice May Synnot Anderson, Edwards Cousin in 1900. The garment was made by the Mayfair tailors J. Busvine & Co. in the early to mid-1920s (estimate) who at the turn of the century were tailors to the Courts of Europe. Their clothing is highly collectible today and examples can be found in a number of significant museum collections around the world, notably the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and the FIDM in Los Angeles. Safety skirt/apron, part of a three-piece, side saddle riding habit tailored for Mrs Edward Manifold. This side saddle skirt is made from black woolen material fixing at the waist with two metal hooks and three buttons to the front opening. One internal concealed pocket lining to the top part of the apron made of cotton the seat is shaped for side saddle riding and the skirt wraps around the body the longer side draped over the leg that is in the stirrup. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, side saddle riding habit, side saddle safety skirt, side saddle apron, mrs edward manifold, beatrice manifold, female riding habit 1920s, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road

Mawul Rom Project: Openness, obligation and reconciliation Morgan Brigg (Universtiy of Queensland) and Anke Tonnaer (University of Aarhus, Denmark) Aboriginal Australian initiatives to restore balanced relationships with White Australians have recently become part of reconciliation efforts. This paper provides a contextualised report on one such initiative, the Mawul Rom crosscultural mediation project. Viewing Mawul Rom as a diplomatic venture in the lineage of adjustment and earlier Rom rituals raises questions about receptiveness, individual responsibility and the role of Indigenous ceremony in reconciliation efforts. Yolngu ceremonial leaders successfully draw participants into relationship and personally commit them to the tasks of cross-cultural advocacy and reconciliation. But Mawul Rom must also negotiate a paradox because emphasis on the cultural difference of ceremony risks increasing the very social distance that the ritual attempts to confront. Managing this tension will be a key challenge if Mawul Rom is to become an effective diplomatic mechanism for cross-cultural conflict resolution and reconciliation. Living in two camps: the strategies Goldfields Aboriginal people use to manage in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time Howard Sercombe (Strathclyde University, Glasgow) The economic sustainability of Aboriginal households has been a matter of public concern across a range of contexts. This research, conducted in the Eastern Goldfields of Western Australia, shows how economically successful Aboriginal persons manage ?dual economic engagement?, or involvement in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time. The two economies sometimes reinforce each other but are more often in conflict, and management of conflicting obligations requires high degrees of skill and innovation. As well as creating financially sustainable households, the participants contributed significantly to the health of their extended families and communities. The research also shows that many Aboriginal people, no matter what their material and personal resources, are conscious of how fragile and unpredictable their economic lives can be, and that involvement in the customary economy is a kind of mutual insurance to guarantee survival if times get tough. Indigenous population data for evaluation and performance measurement: A cautionary note Gaminiratne Wijesekere (Dept. of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, Canberra) I outline the status of population census counts for Indigenous peoples, identifying information on Indigenous births and deaths, and internal migration estimates. I comment on the ?experimental? Indigenous population projections and question the rationale for having two sets of projections. Program managers and evaluators need to be mindful of limitations of the data when using these projections for monitoring, evaluating and measuring Indigenous programs. Reaching out to a younger generation using a 3D computer game for storytelling: Vincent Serico?s legacy Theodor G Wyeld (Flinders University, Adeliade) and Brett Leavy (CyberDreaming Australia) Sadly, Vincent Serico (1949?2008), artist, activist and humanist, recently passed away. Born in southern Queensland in Wakka Wakka/Kabi Kabi Country (Carnarvon Gorge region) in 1949, Vincent was a member of the Stolen Generations. He was separated from his family by White administration at four years of age. He grew up on the Cherbourg Aboriginal Reserve in the 1950s, when the policies of segregation and assimilation were at their peak. Only returning to his Country in his early forties, Vincent started painting his stories and the stories that had been passed on to him about the region. These paintings manifest Vincent?s sanctity for tradition, storytelling, language, spirit and beliefs. A team of researchers was honoured and fortunate to have worked closely with Vincent to develop a 3D simulation of his Country using a 3D computer game toolkit. Embedded in this simulation of his Country, in the locations that their stories speak to, are some of Vincent?s important contemporary art works. They are accompanied by a narration of Vincent?s oral history about the places, people and events depicted. Vincent was deeply concerned about members of the younger generation around him ?losing their way? in modern times. In a similar vein, Brett Leavy (Kooma) sees the 3D game engine as an opportunity to engage the younger generation in its own cultural heritage in an activity that capitalises on a common pastime. Vincent was an enthusiastic advocate of this approach. Working in consultation with Vincent and the research team, CyberDreaming developed a simulation of Vincent?s Country for young Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal persons from the Carnarvon Gorge region to explore Vincent?s life stories of the region. The use of Vincent?s contemporary paintings as storyboards provides a traditional medium for the local people to interactively re-engage with traditional values. Called Serico?s World, it represents a legacy to his life?s works, joys and regrets. Here we discuss the background to this project and Vincent?s contribution. A singular beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land RG Gunn (La Trobe University) and RL Whear (Jawoyn Association) Samples from a beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land were analysed for radiocarbon and dated to be about 150 years old. An underlying beeswax figure was found to be approximately 1100 years old. The Dreaming Being Namarrkon is well known throughout Arnhem Land, although his sphere of activity is concentrated around the northern half of the Arnhem Land plateau. Namarrkon is well represented in rock-paintings in this area and continues to be well represented in contemporary canvas-paintings by artists from the broader plateau region. We conclude that representations of Namarrkon in both painted and beeswax forms appear to be parallel manifestations of the late Holocene regionalisation of Arnhem Land. ?Missing the point? or ?what to believe ? the theory or the data?: Rationales for the production of Kimberley points Kim Akerman (Moonah) In a recent article, Rodney Harrison presented an interesting view on the role glass Kimberley points played in the lives of the Aborigines who made and used them. Harrison employed ethnographic and historical data to argue that glass Kimberley points were not part of the normal suite of post-contact artefacts used primarily for hunting and fighting or Indigenous exchange purposes, but primarily were created to service a non-Indigenous market for aesthetically pleasing artefacts. Harrison asserted that this market determined the form that these points took. A critical analysis of the data does not substantiate either of these claims. Here I do not deal with Harrison?s theoretical material or arguments; I focus on the ethnographic and historical material that he has either omitted or failed to appreciate in developing his thesis and which, in turn, renders it invalid. The intensity of raw material utilisation as an indication of occupational history in surface stone artefact assemblages from the Strathbogie Ranges, central Victoria Justin Ian Shiner (La Trobe University, Bundoora) Stone artefact assemblages are a major source of information on past human?landscape relationships throughout much of Australia. These relationships are not well understood in the Strathbogie Ranges of central Victoria, where few detailed analyses of stone artefact assemblages have been undertaken. The purpose of this paper is to redress this situation through the analysis of two surface stone artefact assemblages recorded in early 2000 during a wider investigation of the region?s potential for postgraduate archaeological fieldwork. Analysis of raw material utilisation is used to assess the characteristics of the occupational histories of two locations with similar landscape settings. The analysis indicates variability in the intensity of raw material use between the assemblages, which suggests subtle differences in the occupational history of each location. The results of this work provide a direction for future stone artefact studies within this poorly understood region.document reproductions, maps, b&w photographs, colour photographskimberley, mawul rom project, 3d computer game, storytelling, vincent serico, beeswax, namarrkon, artefact assemblages, strathbogie ranges, groote eylandt, budd billy ii

Quarter leather bound scrap book with pasted in invoices which were sent to the Ballarat School of Mines.Ballarat School of Mines Invoice Scrapbook, with many invoices made out to the Ballarat School of Mines stuck into the book (most folded over). * 01/12/1875 - 31/12/1875 - Annual account of all sums of Money for subscriptions to the Ballarat School of Mines * 31/12/1875 - Charles J. Evans - printer * 1875 - William Gooch - for Argus newspaper * 13/01/1876 - M.D. Hamilton - salary payment * 14/01/1876 - receipt for two shillings and sixpence from M.D. Hamilton * 31/1/1876 - account to R.J. Vale * 1/2/1876 - Caxton printing works - account to James Curtis * 4/12/1876 - Ballarat Gas company - receipt from J.W.Robertson * 29/1/1876 - Permewan Hunt and company - account to Hon. W.H.Barnard *28/1/1876 - Osborn, Cushing and company - account to Hon. W.H.Barnard * 7/10/1875 - Geo. H. Bliss and company - account to Hon.N.H. Barnard * 31/12/1875 - I. Longstaff - Druggist * 1875 - A. M. Leirnan * 9/12/1876 - Petty cash - M. Hamilton * 15/12/1875 - reimbursement to W.D. Barnard * 31/1/1876 - "Ballarat Star" newspaper account - Rob Wreford * 12/4/1876 - Geelong Gas company - receipt for 2 pounds and ten shillings - A.B. Langlands * 27/1/1876 - Geelong Gas company - account to School of Mines * 1/2/1876 - Cornell and King - Chemists - account to School of Mines * 10/2/1876 - Salary payment slip to M.D. Hamilton for 8 pounds 6 shillings and 8 pence * January 1876 - Stansfield and Robson, Importers - account to School of Mines * January 1876 - Stansfield and Robson - School of Mines - Dr. A.M.Leisman - account * 31/1/1876 - Charles J. Evans - account to School of Mines * 31/1/1876 - Proprietors of the Evening Post - account to School of Mines * 10/2/1876 - Petty cash receipt from W. Barnard * 1/2/1876 - Bateman, Clark and Company - account to School of Mines * 8/3/1876 - Salary payment to M.D. Hamilton from School of Mines Ballarat *1/3/1876 - William Johnson - Chemist - account to School of Mines Ballarat * 28/2/1876 - Cornell and King - Chemists - account to School of Mines Ballarat * 2/1876 - Hugh Gray and Son - Instrument makers - account from School of Mines * 28/2/1876 - J. Longstaff - druggist * 11/3/1876 - Fidelity Guarantee of Alfred B.Burne for 100 pounds from Victoria Life Insurance Co. *10/3/1876 - Petty cash slip from W.H. Barnard * 4/3/1876 - account from Alfred B. Burne * 15/3/1876 - personal expenses account from I.W. Jonan * 27/3/1876 - account from John Victor * 25/3/1876 - account from C.W. Thomas * 27/3/1876 - account from W. Schmidt - Lecturer * 25/3/1876 - account from Joseph Flude * 29/6/1876 - account from J. Thomas * 30/6/1876 - receipt from W.M. Barnard * 1/4/1876 - receipt from Joseph Flude * 1/3/1876 - account from William Blomeley, Iron and Brass Founder * 31/3/1876 - account from A.H. King, Iron Merchant * 31/3/1876 - account from W.M. Gooch, Newsagent * 13/4/1876 - salary payment to M.D. Hamilton * 12/4/1876 - Petty cash receipt * 13/4/1876 - List of subscriptions received from Alfred B. Burne (collector) (John P. Hanson, Comm. Bank of Aust., T.A. Wanliss, Andrew Cant, B. Hepburn, R. Lewis, Sovereign Hill Mining Co., Buninyong Shire Council, Union Bank Aust. Francis Taylor) * 15/2/1876 - account from Battersea Works London * 2/5/1876 - account from Charles J. Evans Lithographic Printer etc. * 11/5/1876 - salary slip to M.D. Hamilton * 30/4/1876 - subscriptions received from Alfred B. Bruce (M.P. Whiteside, S. Steele, J. Usher, Charles Walker, W.H. Bougghen, W.V. Jenkins, A.M. Gransfield, Hon. Henry Cuthbert, Aust. Bank, Borough Council, Thomas Bath, Rev. William Henderson, James Smith, S. Hamburger) * 30/4/1876 - account from The Ballarat Star Newspaper * 7/6/1876 - account from Ballarat Gas Company * 11/5/1876 - petty cash account from M.J. Barnard * 9/5/1876 - receipt from M.D. Hamilton * 6/5/1876 - account from M.D. Barnard * 4/1876 - account from W.M. Gooch - News and Advertising agents * 22/4/1876 - account from Broadbent Bros and Co. - Railway Carriers etc * 1/6/1876 - account from Bateman, Clark, and Co. * 31/5/1876 - account from J. Longstaff - Druggist * 16/2/1876 account from A.M. Leiman * 6/1876 - account from R.T. Vale - Newsagent * 31/5/1876 - receipt from Sir Redmond Barry for one shilling * 1/6/1876 - account from F.W. Niven - Stationer etc. * 31/5/1876 - account to The Ballarat Star and The Miner newspapers * 31/5/1876 - account from Stansfield and Robson, Importers * 31/5/1876 - account from The Evening Post * 8/6/1876 - Salary slip fro M.D. Hamilton * 1/6/1876 - account to J. McHutchison, Bookbinder * 1/6/1876 - account from A.H. King - Iron Merchant * 1/6/1876 - account from Cornell and King - Chemists * 31/5/1876 - account from W.M. Gooch - Advertising agent * 8/6/1876 - petty cash receipt from M.D. Barnard * 31/5/1876 - List of subscriptions from Alfred B. Bruce (T.J. Kerr, Jacob Showman, J.L. Thompson, W.J. Clarke, R.C. Baih, L. Ballhausen, James Coghlan, Parade Gold mining Co., A. Williams, Sung Hung Fat, A. Dimmock Esq.M.D., Bank Victoria, Reform Co., Gilbert, James Ward, James Stewart, Ian Kwong Yick 7/6/1876 - account to Alfred White - Custom House Agent 30/6/1876 - receipt from John Victor for twelve pounds 10 shillings 29/7/1876 - receipt from A.M. Barnard 26/6/1876 - receipt from Joseph Flude 4/6/1876 - receipt from E.S. Schmidt 22/6/1876 - receipt from John W. Tail 19/6/1876 - receipt from Jonathan Butterworth 3/7/1876 - receipt from Joseph Hurde 1/7/1876 - account from Henry Richards Caselli - Architect and Building Surveyor 30/6/1876 - account from J. Scovell - Cabinet Maker 14/7/1876 - account from H.R. Caselli - Architect and Building Surveyor 20/7/1876 - payslip to M.D. Hamilton 1/7/1876 - account from Henry Brind - Chemist 6/1876 - account from W.M. Gooch - News and Advertising Agent 21/7/1876 - account from W.D. Hamilton 26/6/1876 - account from Parkinson and co. - City Nightmen and van proprietors 19/7/1876 - petty cash receipt from M.D.Barnard 30/6/1876 - account of subscriptions received - J.A. Anderson, A. Anderson, John Osborne, J. Noble Wilson, Bateman and Clarke, National bank of Aust., James Lory, F. Atkins 27/7/1876 - account from H. Hunt - Builder 26/7/1876 - account to G. Leitch and co. 1/8/1876 - receipt to The National Insurance Co. of Aust., Ltd. 1/8/1876 - receipt from Victoria Fire and Marine Insurance Company 1/8/1876 - account to The Victoria Lime and Cement Co. 1/8/1876 - receipt from Ballarat Gas Company 1/8/1876 - account from Charles J. Evans, Printer 1/8/1876 - account from Cornell and King - Druggists and Chemists 8/8/1876 account from Cornell and King - Druggists and Chemists 5/6/1876 to 22/9/1876 - account to A.N. Lennan 11/8/1876 - receipt from W.D. Hamilton 16/9/1876 - receipt from Geelong Gas Company 7/8/1876 - account to the Geelong Gas Company 1/8/1876 - account to Bateman, Clark and Co. 31/7/1876 - account from The Ballarat Star and of The Miner 10/8/1876 - salary slip to M.D. Hamilton 1/7/1876 to 31/7/1876 - list of subscriptions from Alfred B. Burne - P. Channey, P. Pakenhagen, John Price, Ballarat Gas Co., L.E. Brann, A.H. King, M. O"Ferrall, John Foord 19/7/1876 to 10/8/1876 - Petty cash receipt from M.N. Barnard 7/ 1876 - account to W. M. Gooch - General News and Advertising agent 1/7/1876 - account to Stansfield and Robson - Importers in Oils, colours, window glass, etc. 17/8/1876 - account to Lermes Lamurk 4/8/1876 - account to James Allen "Camperdown Chronicle" general printing office from W.H. Barnard 6/9/1876 - account to Henry Masham 1/9/1876 - account to A.H. King - Iron Merchant, Furnishing and General Ironmonger 22/9/1876 - travelling expenses account from R.D. Ellery 25/9/1876 - receipt from M. Schmidt 15/9/1876 - receipt from M.D. Hamilton 1/9/1876 - account to James Curtis - Caxton Printing Works 25/8/1876 - account from William McCulloch and Co., General Carriers 18/8/1876 - account to G. Leitch and Co. 14/9/1876 - payment slip to M.D. Hamilton 10/8/1876 - petty cash account from M.H. Barnard 25/9/1876 - receipt from John Victor 25/9/1876? - receipt from M.H.Barnard 6/10/1876 - receipt from Joseph Fude 12/10/1876 - receipt from M.D. Hamilton 30/9/1876 - receipt from Joseph Fude 1/10/1876 - account to A.M. Lennan 12/10/1876 - salary slip to M.D. Hamilton 30/9/1876 - account from Ballarat Star Newspaper Office 12/10/1876 - petty cash account - M.H. Barnard 30/9/1876 - account to J. McHutchison - Bookbinder 1/8/1876 - account from Ballarat Gas Company 1/11/1876 - receipt from Ballarat Gas Company 1/11/1876 - account to Charles J. Evans - Lithographic Printer 1/11/1876 - account from Cornell and King - Chemists 9/1876 - account from W.M. Gooch - General news and advertising agent 10/1876 - account from J. and J. McDonald - Plumbers and gas fitters 13/10/1876 to 9/11/1876 - petty cash statement from M.H. Barnard 14/11/1876 - receipt from M.D. Hamilton 11/9/1876 - account from A.M. Lennan 9/11/1876 - Salary slip to M.D. Hamilton 12/10/1876 - Expenses account received by M.H. Barnard 1/11/1876 - account from J. Longstaff - Druggist 10/1876 - account from Parkinson and Co. - City Nightmen and van proprietors 6/12/1876 - account from Emanuel Steinfield, Importer of Furniture etc. 13/11/1876 - account The Geelong Gas Company 31/11/1876 - account from The Ballarat Star Newspaper office 28/11/1876 - account from R.T. Vale - bookseller, stationer and news agent 28/11/1876 - acount from John Slater and co. 1/12/1876 - account from J. Doig and co., Tinsmiths, Gasfitters etc. 14/12/1876 - Salary slip to M.D. Hamilton 14/12/1876 - receipt from M.D. Hamilton for one pound one shilling and ninepence 1/11/1876 to 31/12/1876 - petty cash statement 15/12/1876 - statement of travelling expenses for A.B. Barnes 23/12/1876 - receipt from John Victor 21/2/1877 - receipt from C.M.Thomas 23/12/1876 - receipt from Joseph Flude 29/12/1876 - receipt from Lecturer - S.Schmidt 30/12/1876 - receipt from Joseph Flude 1876 - receipt from Joseph Flude 12/1/1877 - statement of refund to W.H. Barnard 11/1/1877 - Salary slip to M.D.Hamilton 8/1/1877 - petty cash statement 18/1/1877 - receipt for Ballarat Gas company 2/1/1877 - account from Eyres Brothers - Furnishing and general ironmongers 19/12/1876 - statement from W.H. Barnard - registrar 1/1/1877 - account from Bateman, Clark and company 11/121876 - account from Parkinson and co. - City nightmen 31/12/1876 - account from Ballarat Star Newspaper office 25/1/1877 - account from J. McHutchison, Bookbinder 3/2/1877 - account from J. McHutchison, Bookbinder 1/2/1877 - account from Cornell and King - Chemists 1/2/1877 - account from Stansfield J. Robson - Importers in oils, colours, window glass etc. 1/2/1877 - account from Charles J. Evans - Bookbinder etc. 12/12/1876 - account from W. Gooch - General news and advertising agent 2/1/1877 - account from proprietors of the Evening Post 14/2/1877 - account from John F.Paten - Printer, Publisher and Bookseller "Avoca Mail" 2/2/1877 - account from T. Longstaff - wholesale and retail druggist 8/81877 - salary slip for M.D. Hamilton 21/1/1877 - account from Ballarat Star Newspaper office 9/2/1877 - account for petty cash from W.H. Barnard 7/2/1877 - account from S.C. Steele - Ballarat Fine Art Gallery 13/2/1877 account from R.T. Vale - Bookseller, Stationer and News Agent 8/2/1877 - account from Joseph Flude 13/1/1877 - account from William Johnson, Chemist 9/1877 - account to J. Flude from William Johnson, Chemist, 3 accounts 2/11/1876 to 23/1/1877 - account from A.N. Leiman 1/3/1877 - account from Bateman, Clark and company 8/3/1877 - salaray payment to M.D. Hamilton 8/3/1877 - salary payment to J. Ashley 9/3/1877 - statement from Post Office Ballarat (one shilling - for the first years rent of telegraph line on school premises) 1/2/1877 - statement from Mining and commercial stationer - J.W. Niven Dec.1876 to 15/2/1877 - account from R.T. Vale - Bookseller, Stationer, and News agent 1/1877 - statement from C.W. Thomas 8/3/1877 - petty cash account from W.H. Barnard 9/3/1877 - account from R. Gibbings - Livery and Letting Stables and carriage repository 28/2/1877 - account from Charles J. Evans - Stationer, Lithographic printer etc. 9/3/1877 - receipt from M.D. Hamilton 31/3/1877 - account from Ballarat Star and The Miner 2/1877 - receipt from Joseph Flude 8/3/1877 - receipt from F.J. Ashley 28/3/1877 salary statement from John Victor 28/4/1877 - salary statement from John A. Sharp 28/3/1877 - receipt from Joseph Flude 26/3/1877 - receipt from T.Schmidt - Lecturer 12/3/1877 - receipt from C.H. Walker 6/4/1877 - account from Mr. Ellery 27/4/1877 - account from A. M. Leiman 31/3/1877 - account from W.M. Gooch, General news and advertising agent 6/3/1877 - statement from London Remittances 12/4/1877 - salary payment to M.D. Hamilton 1877 - receipt from W.H. Barnard 1/4/1877 - account from Parkinson and company, City nightmen and van proprietors 5/4/1877 - account from William McCulloch and company, General carriers 11/4/1877 - account from S. Steele, Draper 31/3/1877 - account from Charles J. Evans, Stationer etc. 1/4/1877 - account from James Curtis - Caxton Printing Works 4/1877 - receipt from W.H. Barnard 8/3/1877 to 12/4/1877 - petty cash receipt from W.H.Barnard 12/4/1877 - receipt from C. Flude 31/3/1877 - receipt for Sir Redmond Barry for 13 pounds 10 shillings 1/1877 - receipt from Alphonse Ausaldie 1/3/1877 - 30/4/1877 - account from Joseph Flude 9/5/1877 - account from Henry Costin - Machinery Merchant 31/1/1877 to 3/5/1877 - Ballarat Gas Company 13/6/1877 - receipt to Ballarat Gas Company 9/5/1877 - salary slip to M.D. Hamilton 11/5/1877 - account for stationary from C. Flude, Registrar 23/3/1877 - account from Edmund Donelly 1/5/1877 - account from Charles J. Evans, Stationer etc. 9/4/1877 - account from W.M. Gooch, News and advertising agent 30/4/1877 - account from The Ballarat Star and The Miner 13/4/1877 - account from T. Longstaff, wholesale and retail druggist 30/4/1877 - account from Echuca railway station 1/5/1877 - account from Cornell and King, Chemists 11/5/1877 - salaray slip for C. Flude 11/5/1877 - petty cash account to the Registrar, W.H. Barnard 2/5/1877 - account from William McCulloch and co.,general carriers 5/1877 - account from William Willis and co. Locksmiths etc. 1/5/1877 - account from Joseph Flude 6/6/1877 - account from Henry Morham 31/5/1877 - account from Charles J. Evans, Stationer and Printer etc. 14/6/1877 - salary payment to M.D. Hamilton 15/6/1877 - salary payment to C. Flude 15/6/1877 - receipt from M.D. Hamilton 1/6/1877 - account from James Curtis, Caxton Printing Works 31/1/1877 - Ballarat Gas company account 23/8/1877 - receipt from Ballarat Gas company 15/6/1877 - receipt from The National Insurance Company of Aust., Ballarat Branch 1/6/1877 - account from The Ballarat Courier 3/1877 - receipt from L.M. Cook 1/6/1877 - account from J.McHutchison, Bookbinder 10/5/1877 to 14/6/1877 - petty cash account 17/5/1877 - account from William McCulloch and co., general carriers 15/6/1877 - account from T. Longstaff, Wholesale and retail Druggist 1/5/1877 - account from H. Hunt, Builder 4/1877 - receipt from John Victor 3/7/1877 - receipt from J.Alex Sharp 15/6/1877 - receipt from Sir Redmond Barry to Revenue and Pay Office 26/6/1877 - receipt from M. Shaw, Lecturer 25/6/1877 - receipt from Joseph Flude 23/6/1877 - receipt from S.Schmidt 6/1877 - account from W.M. Gooch, general news and advertising agent for Argus newspapers 6/1877 - account from the Proprietors of the Evening Post 21/6/1877 - account from John F. Paten, "Avoca Mail" and general printing office 14/6/1877 - account from Ballarat Star and The Miner Newspaper office 30/6/1877 - account from Ballarat Star Newspaper office 2/7/1877 - account from R.T. Vale, News Agent 19/6/1877 account for railway fare and personal expenses 23/5/1877 - account from William Johnson, Chemist 1/7/1877 - account from Henry Brind, Chemist and Family Pharmacist 2/7/1877 - account from Cornell and King, Druggists and Chemists 12/7/1877 - salary slip to M.D. Hamilton 14/7/1877 - salary slip to C. Flude 14/6/1877 - 12/7/1877 petty cash account from W.H. Barnard 16/6/1877 - account from William McMulloch and Co., general carriers 1/7/187 - account from Parkinson and Co., City Nightmen and Van Proprietors 1/6/1877 to 30/6/1877 - account from Joseph Flude 1/8/1877 - receipt to Victoria Fire and Marine Insurance Company 21/7/1877 - account to Brush and Drummond, Importers and Manufacturing Jewellers 11/7/1877 - account from Charles J. Evans, Printer etc. 31/7/1877 - account from The Ballarat Star Newspaper Office 1/8/1877 - account from James Curtis, Caxton Printing Works 7/71877 - account from W.M. Gooch, Advertising Agent 7/1877 - account from Hugh Gray and Son, Mechanists and Philosophical Instrument Makers 13/8/1877 - account from Ballarat Gas Company redmond barry, joseph flude, hall of commerce, george crocker, ballarat star, the miner, bank of new zealand, daniel brophy, james curtis, caxton printing works, mcdonald plumbers and gas fitters, mcvitty and co, j. mchutchison, bookbinder, niven, john warrington rogers, henry bland, rivett henry bland, telegraphy, ellery, r.t. vale, richard vale, w. johnson analytical chemist st kilda, judge warrington rogers, art gallery of ballarat, henry richards caselli, h. hunt, ballarat school of mines botanical gardens, henry caselli, charles flude, ballarat star news, john armstrong

The Parks Division of the Board was responsible for the preparation of a Master Plan for the management of the Plenty Gorge Metropolitan Park, comprising privately owned land and land owned by the Board and councils.The creation of the park by the Victorian government, to be managed by the Board of Works, guaranteed public access to a large area of land adjacent to the Plenty River Gorge.2p. newsletter, black ink on blue paperNewsletter No. 6plenty gorge park, plenty river

This Cresolene vapouriser is an "American" product when "home" based remedial products were of a high demand due to lack of specialised medical facilities such as a hospital in rural communities. "An apparatus for reducing medicated liquids to a state of vapor suitable for inhalation or application to accessible mucous membrane A device for volatising liquid anesthetics." The only criteria used by Health authorities in the decision to provide a community with hospitals was and still is the size of the population it feeds. The introduction of the SEC Victorian Hydro Electricity Scheme started in the 1940's, was the impetus for health planners to build a hospital in the Kiewa Valley. Rural regions especially those considered semi or fully remote locations had to rely on farm based remedial health "alternative medical treatment". This product is such a remedy.This vapouriser is very significant to a rural area such as the Kiewa Valley as it demonstrates the "home" remedies that were available to rural communities such as the cattle and sheep stations before the Kiewa Valley had a hospital(1949). The influx of workers employed by the SEC Vic. Hydro Electricity Scheme(circa 1940's onward) changed dramatically the need for a hospital and specialised medical treatment. The reliance of "health products" such as this vaporiser were still in high demand especially when on the box of this product was printed "Guaranteed under the Food and Drugs Act, June 30, 1906, Serial no. 436". Also on the packaging is printed "A remedy Whooping Cough also Asthma, Catarrh, Colds Diptheria, Croup, Coughs Hay Fever, Sore Throat, Influenza, Etc." An additional benefit of this product "Is obnoxious to Moths, Flies, Mosquitos, Ants, Cock Roaches, Hen Lice, and other Troublesome insects." This advertising is dated before a tightening in the "advertising" legislation of post mid 1900's. However it was a good attraction for rural communities wanting relief of "rural" pests. This vaporiser stand with its cradle and dish is made from cast iron (stand) and tin (dish). At the bottom of the "dish" is a flame diffusion port with eight heat directional holes. The stand upright is painted gold in colour.See KVHS 0342 (B) for markings and advertising material printed on the box which contains this item.home based vaporisers, first aid, home nursing, over-the-counter medicines

This packaging/box containing a home based health product was in use well before the Federal Department of Health legislation tightened up the permissible advertising for "health" products. The strict Occupation and Health Legislation of the later 1900's would not have allowed the grandiose statements printed on this container. It was only later in the 1900's that stricter laws covering medical or quasi medical products came into Australian legislation.This box is very significant (in the time period of pre 1940's), to a semi isolated region as the Kiewa Valley, especially before the valley had a hospital, pre 1949. The reliance of "health products" such as what is stored in this box, were still in high demand, especially when on the box of this product was printed "Guaranteed under the Food and Drugs Act, June 30, 1906, Serial no. 436", a quasi legitimising statement. Also on the packaging is printed "A remedy Whooping Cough also Asthma, Catarrh, Colds Diptheria, Croup, Coughs Hay Fever, Sore Throat, Influenza, Etc." An additional benefit of this product "Is obnoxious to Moths, Flies, Mosquitos, Ants, Cock Roaches, Hen Lice, and other Troublesome insects." This advertising is dated before a tightening in the "advertising" legislation of post mid 1900's. However it was a good "purchase" for rural communities wanting relief of "rural" pests.home based vaporisers, first aid, home nursing, over-the-counter medicines

Letter paper with printed letterhead. H. P. Nelson & Co., 35 Pall Mall, Bendigo. Auctioneer, Property Salesman, Hotel Broker. Date line ends 192-. Printed on the left is a list of Agencies. Printed in black on pale yellow paper. Grey shadow around the name.business, printers, cambridge press, cambridge press collection, h p nelson & co, the ocean accident and guarantee corporation ltd

interchangeable, hypodermic, syringe, top, syringe, mamufacturing, boxed, guarantee

John S. Irvine was a resident of Peterborough and one of the original trustees of the present golf club. He died in 1999. Rod Calvert's house (on the corner of Blair & Schomberg) was used as the clubhouse, prior to the purchase of the current clubhouse.This photograph is significant for two reasons: it depicts the second hole plus some of the off shore rocks as they were in 1999. Mainly this is significant as John Irvine, along with N. R. Calvert, & P. G. Clark, guaranteed a loan in 1972 for the purchase of the land and building which are now the golf clubhouse. Until the Hall was built, this clubhouse was the meeting point for the community, and continues to be for many events. This photo was donated in his memory and in appreciation for his long service to the Peterborough Golf club24 inch x 40 inch framed photograph of the second hole, Peterborough and a framed photo of John S. IrvinePrinted title, photographers signature and copyright statement on the front. Plaque is inscribed: Donated in memory of John S. Irvine who helped create and loved this course and was a respected long serving member of this club.peterborough, peterborough golf club, golf, golf links, john irvine, rod calvert

Map of Mitcham, Nunawading and Blackburn with compliments of G.C.Karnaghan, Estate and Insurance Agent of 15 Blackburn Road, Blackburn. Phone WX 1661 (4copies) Possibly 1947.g. c. karnaghan estate agent, perpetual general insurance and guarantee co. ltd., mitcham, nunawading, blackburn