Hurley, Sir Thomas Ernest Victor (1888-1958) was gifted this Probyn Williams inhaler in 1914. After studying at Melbourne University, Victorian-born Hurley was a Medical Officer at the Royal Melbourne Hospital until he commenced private practice in Collins Street. He was appointed Captain Australian Army Medical Corps, AIF and served in Gallipoli with the 2nd Field Ambulance. He served in Enypt, London, and the Western Front during World War 1. He gained a Companion of the Order of St George and St Michael in 1917. Upon return to Melbourne he held positions such as surgeon to Victoria Police (1928-1956), elected to Council of the Victorian branch of the British Medical Association, member of the Charities Board of Victoria and foundation member of the Royal Australasian College of Surgeons and chaired the Flying Personnel Research Committee m a consulting surgeon at the Royal Melbourne Hospital. This apparatus is transitional between Clover's and Hewitt's having Clover's narrow "ways" and compact size, but using Hewitt's ether-control lever.Black round topped box with brass hooks [missing] at front and brass hinges at rear. The initials T.E.V.H. are printed in gold leaf on the front. There is a black fabric handle on the top. Inside the box is black padding with the manufacturer's logo printed in gold leaf. There is a square section in the base of the box for holding the square clear glass bottle for ether. The pear-shaped mask is made of metal. There is also a metal ether measure for pouring the ether. The metal inhaler is ovoid shaped. The rotating gauge has a series of numbers engraved onto the inhaler for measurement. There is an elbow joint attaching a re-breather bag, with a small amount of waxy paper remaining attached with a thin ribbon. There is a small glass bulb encased in a metal housing. Printed in gold leaf on front of box: T.E.V.H. •Printed in gold leaf on inside lid of box: MAYER & MELTZER / LONDON / MELBOURNE & CAPE TOWN •Engraved on side of inhaler: PRESENTED / TO / T.E.V. Hurley Esq.,M.D.M.S. / by / THE M.S.S. / 15.6.14. •Engraved on reverse side of inhaler: PROBYN WILLIAMS / ETHER INHALER •Moulded into connector on elbow joint: MAYER & MELTZER •Stamped into base of metal pourer: MAYER & MELTZER / LONDON •Blue sticker with white printed text on front of inhaler: O.2.21.hurley, thomas ernest victor, probyn williams, university of melbourne, world war 1, wwi, gallipoli, australian army medical corps, medical student society, mayer & meltzer, clover, joseph, hewitt, fredrick william

B+W Photo of 8 adults in a line, 4 men + 4 Women. Seems to an advertisement for ''Monkey Brand'' Cleaning products. Women are dressed as maids with white 1/2 length aprons and white caps. The men are wearing monkey masks and dinner suits (White tie + Tails). They are holding Bleaming aluminium frying pans. Women have black knee-length dresses and white stockings. 2 have ankle strap shoes. Women have 2 paper advertisements pinned to their aprons + Holding another one, suspended from a block. Inscription: In Image:- * Advertisements 'Monkey/Brand/Won't/Wash/Clothes'. On Board:- Lower R.H. Corner 'Kalma/57&59/PallMall/Bendigo'. On Back: Lower L.H. Corner indentation- mark of photographer (?)Kalma 57 & 59 Pall Mall Bendigoorganization, business, monkey brand, see: 829

Certificate contained within Reg. Item 2526, page 8 titled "Public Inoculation Depot / Pneumonic Influenza". Printed form on paper with perforated left hand edge, to record the H.P. James of ESCo had received the two injections for the Spanish Influenza outbreak of 1919. Formed signed by Geo. F. Morton as Acting Town Clerk. Has been stamped that the second injection had been received. The required date for the 2nd injection was 4/2/1919. H.P. James refers to the outbreak in the item on the retirement of Bob Haines (Reg. Item 2529), and notes he was the "Dispenser-Inspector" of two quinine powders to each man and that they had to wear gauze masks. S Note Item Not formally Numbered. A photocopy of the manuscript is held with the work sheet.Has stamped number '136' on form.tramways, trams, esco, tram crews, personnel, influenza

The Coxeter-Mushin carbon dioxide absorber consists of the main metal body, painted aquamarine, fixed to a stand. The cylindrical silver metal cannister on the left was used to contain ether, while that on the right contained soda lime. The apparatus has been sectioned to show the inside of the two cannisters, the right of which has an arrow drawn inside to indicate the flow of air breathed out by a patient. The front cover over the control dials has also been removed to show the mechanism. The two circular holes above the dials, facing forward, are where two corrugated tubes would attach; both of these tubes attached to the mask of the patient. The round yellow knob in the centre controls the Compensating Valve, which allowed the anaesthetist to raise or lower the rebreathing bag to allow air into the circuit or expel anaesthetic gas.anaesthesia, carbon dioxide, ether, soda lime

Stella Dunn played Nanny, a senile old woman, in 'Gamma Rays' in April 1976 when she was a sprightly 82 year old.1. - Program - Jade coloured card with dark blue typeface, 2. - Photos -photographic paper. 3. - Review - photocopy paper. 4. - Roneod duplicate on foolscap paper.2. - Typed information on Stella Dunn glued onto the back of the photo, reverse side of photo has typed paper glued on as well as remnants of masking tape 3. - Photocopy of a review of The Effects of Gamma Rays on Man-in-the-Moon Marigolds on page 6 of the VDL (Victorian Drama League) newsletter 'Theatrecraft' April 1976. Includes photo of Sue Lukis as Tillie. 4. - Prompts Newsletter No 2 19th March, 1976. – Typed. Includes information on next production, reminders of happenings and forthcoming events and the Moomba Drama Festival results 1976, 170, bill cherrey - director, fred merryweather - set construction, michael bond - lighting, george bugge - sound, max brooks - photography, cast - stella dunn

The 1908 pattern was used during WWI, made from woven cotton & water proofed. The kit is used for school groups.Webbing kit complete including 1908 pattern webbing, gas mask haversack, personnel items, rations. Refer attached sheet. .1) Waist belt with brass buckles & keepers. .2) Braces x 2, connects to waist belt & large pack. .3) Bayonet. .4) Bayonet carrier. .5) Bayonet scabbard. .6) Entrenching tool carrier [fits to .5)]. .7) Entrenching tool handle, wood & metal [fits to .6)]. .8) Entrenching tool, metal, combination shovel & pick. .9) Entrenching tool carrier [fits inside .8)]. .10) Cartridge carriers x 2, 1 left hand, 1 right hand. .11) Water bottle, metal, blue colour. .12) Water bottle cover, khaki wool. .13) Water bottle carrier. .14) Pack, large. .15) Great coat, wool, [inside .14)]. .16) Helmet, steel with inside liner & chin strap. .17) Mess tin carrier, replica. .18) Haversack, side pack. .19) Carry all, white cotton, for personnel hygiene items [inside .18)]. .20) Razor, cut throat [inside .19)]. .21) Comb [inside .19)]. .22) Toothbrush [inside .19)]. .23) Shaving brush [inside .19)]. .24) Laces, leather, not original, [inside .19)]. .25) Soap [inside .19)]. .26) Tin bully beef x 2, replicas, [inside .18)]. .27) Tin stew, replica, [inside .18)]. .28) Pair socks, khaki wool, not original, [inside .18)]. .29) Field dressing, WWII issue, [inside .18)]. .30) Towel, brown colour, not original, [inside .18)]. .31) Gas mask carrier bag & straps. (Cowley) .32) Water bottle, metal, blue colour, [inside .31)].Items 1 - 13, there are numerous markings all stamped on from, “A.A.O.D”, “L”, “R”, “S”, “M.E.C.O”, “49th INF”, Years examples, “8.12”, “1.13”, “1911”military history - equipment / army, medicine-first aid, personal effects - containers, toilet requisites - shaving

A newspaper article promoting the annual demonstration in The Sun on 7 September 1960. The article focusses on Miss Enez Domec Carre as it was her 25th Annual Demonstration. She was responsible for the whole demonstration, from choreography, designing costumes, and training the girls. She commented: 'Our big number this year is Toyland'. 'We do everything on a shoestring - costumes are remade and dyed from year to year, masks repainted. Wives of Legatees, senior girls and mothers all help to make the costumes and props.' 'Once the show starts I don't say a word. The girls find their own places on the floor and perform to the music. These children without fathers have to learn self-reliance and confidence, and this is a good start.' Throughout the year Melbourne Legacy provided classes for Junior Legatees such as dancing, gymnastics and eurythmics, the Demonstration was an annual event to showcase their skills. Melbourne Legacy conducted Annual Demonstrations / Parades from 1928 through to the 1980's, usually held at Melbourne Town Hall or Olympic Pool Stadium. The article was cut from the newspaper and pasted into a scrap book of press clippings. For many years Legacy kept scrap books of press clippings that related to their work and publicity.A record of photos and an article taken in 1960 for promoting Legacy's annual demonstration.Newspaper article about Miss Domec Carre preparing for the Annual Demonstration in 1960 pasted to brown page of a scrap book .annual demonstration, junior legatees, girls classes, enez domec carre

A hand painted paper scroll, which Berthold Irving Meier (Bert. I. Myer, or BIM - a well-known Commercial Artist in Melbourne) had made when a member of the team of set designers and scenery painters, for the 8th Employment Company's production of "Sergeant Snow White", which was performed at the Melbourne University Union Theatre, in April 1943! It was a Sergeant Doc K Sternberg production, the other set designers being L/Corporal Emil Wittenberg, Private Klaus Friedeberger and Private Friedrich (Fritz) Schoenbach. The show incorporated songs and music by Kurt Kohn (pseudonym Ray Martin), with Erich Liffmann cast as Prince Charming. The masks for the ballet "Ghosts of Europe" were designed by Private Erwin Fabian. Others in the cast included Corporal A P Schmitz (ballet soloist), Sergeant Sigismund Lohde, and Sergeant H Mayer. The Production was extremely well-received and was called "a colourful and tuneful revue ......... a fine achievement of writing and direction......scenery and stage décor ingenious and amusing." There were write-ups in both "The Age" and "The Argus" Melbourne newspapers at the time. The scroll was originally housed in a wooden box, with "windows", (since lost) so that when the scroll was wound though, each scene, and the accompanying description from the original programme, could be seen.Two long pieces of paper which originally would have been one and has been rolled into a scroll. The length of paper has been divided into two and then divided into approximately 12 sections. On the left in different colours is bits of information relating to the scene. On the right are different scenes from the play.bert i myer, bim, sergeant snow white, 8th employment company, melbourne university union theatre, doc k sternberg, f schoenbach, kurt kohn, erich liffmann, erwin fabian, a p schmitz, h mayer, kathleen whelan, tatura internment camps, berthold irving meier, klaus friedeberger, emil wittenberg, friedrich (fritz) schoenbach, sigismund lohde

Black and white group of eight adults in a line. Men (four) wear dinner suits (white ties and tails) and are holding monkey masks to resemble the :Monkey Brand: appliance cleaning product they are advertising or using in a theatrical performance. The four women wear black, knee length dresses and are dressed as maids, with white 1/2 length aprons and white caps. They have the 'Monkey Brand' advertisement pinned onto their aprons and are holding another cardboard ad. (the same one) suspended from a block. Four clean saucepans on floor at men's feet. Inscriptions: in image - the same advertisement seen eight times - Monkey Brand Won’t Wash Clothes. On board: front - Kalma 57 & 59, Pall Mall, Bendigo. Back - (hand written, J Dean, Joe Borrell, John Borrell, F Donaldson. Second line of names on back - A Hurst, Kathleen Dixon. In lower LH corner, brand indentation (photographer?)/Kalma, 57 & 59 Pall Mall, Bendigoperson, group, theatrical group?, see also 2001.334.01

Murray MEAD Artist's Statement: Impression attracts me due to its potential for presenting how one person ses one particular part of the world at one particular time in exquisite stylizaton and character. My works explore the nature of the 'individual' and how we perceive others and are in turn, seen ourselves in a given instant in time. I circumvent the tendency of individuals to adopt masks ab when confronted by cameras. I wnt to capture a fleeting moment in paint when that facde is momentarily breahed. I like the fact tht painting is a laborius medium that allows me to utterly stylize the image. In an otherwide realistic caricature I focus on capturing and coveying the subject's unrehearsed and elicited expression and emotion. My works are of individualistic responses from those who view them. From one person's explosive snort of amusement to another's quiet contemplation of how they too are seen by strangers and close friends - all are equally valid connections. photography, scuplture, murray maud

This mask set is part of the North East Region Water Authority collection in the Wodonga Historical Society. Wodonga's drinking water and wastewater operations were originally managed by the Wodonga Waterworks Trust, which was established in 1897, after Wodonga became a separate shire in 1876. In 1923 a Wodonga Waterworks Trust referendum to provide funding for new infrastructure to supply more water of better quality to Wodonga was passed. This included building the Wodonga Water Tower and it was completed in 1924. It supplied water to Wodonga until 1959, when it was drained and decommissioned after the No 1 Basin on Huon Hill was completed in 1958. In 1983 the Wodonga Waterworks Trust and the Wodonga Sewerage Authority became part of the Wodonga Council. And by 1989 a filtration plant at Huon Hill was completed, which provided filtered water of improved quality to Wodonga, in accordance with the World Health Organisation’s guidelines. In 1994 the Kiewa Murray Region Water Authority took over the Wodonga Council’s water and wastewater operations, and then in 1999 the Kiewa Murray Region Water Authority combined with the Ovens Region Water Authority and became the North East Region Water Authority or NERWA. NERWA then became known as North East Water. Siebe Gorman was a British manufacturer of industrial respirators that served the mining industry, the chemical industry, and the agricultural industry from 1938 until the 1980s. The "Puretha" line refers to the canister included, which was designed to tackle industrial hazards.Siebe Gorman "Puretha" Type C Kit with Vista Vision Facepiece. The facepiece consists of a formed plastic lens held on by a white retaining ring that stretches around the rubber facepiece and is connected by two thumbscrew lugs. The exhale assembly is covered by a steel mesh.The hose is a standard industrial hose. The canister is attached by a khaki webbing material. An instruction sheet is included. The kit is a small leather case with two front latches. Safety instructions and chemical information on canister label. On label: EVERYTHING FOR SAFETY EVERYWHERE Date filled 28 DEC 1961 NO. 675 north east region water authority, gas mask, respirator, sieba gordon

This specimen is part of a collection of almost 200 animal specimens that were originally acquired as skins from various institutions across Australia, including the Australian Museum in Sydney and the National Museum of Victoria (known as Museums Victoria since 1983), as well as individuals such as amateur anthropologist Reynell Eveleigh Johns between 1860-1880. These skins were then mounted by members of the Burke Museum Committee and put-on display in the formal space of the Museum’s original exhibition hall where they continue to be on display. This display of taxidermy mounts initially served to instruct visitors to the Burke Museum of the natural world around them, today it serves as an insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century. The male Turquoise Parrot is bright green above, with a turquoise blue crown and face. A brilliant two-tone blue band around the bend of the wing contrasts with a dark, brick-red shoulder patch. Its underparts and tail edges are a rich yellow. The female is similar, but not as bright, with a whitish facial mask, no red on the wing, and a pale wing stripe. Old birds of both sexes may have orange underparts. Once common throughout many parts of eastern Australia, the Turquoise Parrot was formerly recorded from near Mackay in Queensland south to Melbourne until the 1880s, when its population suddenly crashed. It was even considered to be extinct by 1915, but populations recovered spectacularly over the next 20 years or so, and by the 1930s they were again recorded through much of their former range. Now the species can once more be seen in many parts of eastern and south-eastern Australia, though not quite as extensively as before. These birds are vulnerable in NSWThis specimen is part of a significant and rare taxidermy mount collection in the Burke Museum. This collection is scientifically and culturally important for reminding us of how science continues to shape our understanding of the modern world. They demonstrate a capacity to hold evidence of how Australia’s fauna history existed in the past and are potentially important for future environmental research. This collection continues to be on display in the Museum and has become a key part to interpreting the collecting habits of the 19th century. This Turquoise Parrot is bright green above, with a turquoise blue crown and face. A brilliant two-tone blue band around the bend of the wing contrasts with a dark, brick-red shoulder patch. Its underparts and tail edges are a rich yellow. Old birds of both sexes may have orange underparts. This particular specimen is faded with some missing feathers. It is mounted on a wooden stand with a tag wrapped around its leg.Label: 80a. / Chesnutt-shouldered Grass Parakeet / See Catalogue, page 22.taxidermy, parrot, turquoise parrot, taxidermy bird, australian bird, burke museum, trustees of australia

a/ Royal Historical Society Of Victoria Bendigo Branch The President and Committee Invite With Pleasure to a Costume Ball in conjunction with Dean Henry Backhaus Centenary Celebrations, City Hall Saturday 4th September, 1982 7.30pm-1am. Dress: 1882-1982, with masks (optional) Music: 'Whipstick' Country Band Sherries: 7.30pm - Dinner 9pm. Double: $36.00 Single: $18.00 R.S.V.P 20 August, 1982. Organising Secretary, Felicity Kingerlee, Dudley House, 60 View Street, Bendigo 3550. We will/will not be able . . . . b/ Poster: Dean Henry Backhaus Centenary Celebrations German Masked Costume Ball 4th September, 1982 City Hall - Bendigo. Picture by Dorothy Carroll. The Mass Tent Used by Dean Backhaus on the Bendigo Goldfield. Royal Historical Society Of Victoria Bendigo Branch. c/ Royal Historical Society Of Victoria Bendigo Branch Dean Henry Backhaus Centenary Celebrations German Masked Costume Ball. Picture: Chair used by Dean Backhaus. Hewn from a tree stump. Programme. City Hall, Bendigo, Saturday 4th September,1982. Dance Programme.event, official, historical/educational, royal historical society of victoria bendigo branch dean henry backhaus centenary celebrations a/ the president and committee invite costume ball 4th september, 1982 7.30pm-1am. dress: 1882-1982, with masks music: 'whipstick' country band sherries: 7.30pm - dinner 9pm. double: $36.00 single: $18.00 r.s.v.p 20 august, 1982. organising secretary, felicity kingerlee, dudley house, 60 view street, bendigo 3550. we will/will not be able . . . . b/ poster: german masked costume ball 4th september, 1982 city hall - bendigo. picture by dorothy carroll. the mass tent used by dean backhaus on the bendigo goldfield. c/ german masked costume ball. picture: chair used by dean backhaus. hewn from a tree stump. programme. city hall, bendigo, saturday 4th september, 1982. dance programme.

Barn Owls are the most widely distributed owl species in the world and one of the most widespread of all bird species, including in Australia. Barn Owls are sedentary and prefer open habitats such as grasslands, farmlands, and open woodlands, where they forage and hunt small mammals, particularly rodents, at night. Barn Owls nest in deep hollows in old trees, especially eucalypts, but also in caves, rock cavities, and sometimes cavities in buildings. Barn Owl's have a highly distinctive white heart-shaped face and pale underbelly feathers. They can be seen circling low above grassland areas at dusk or at night, and their drawn-out shrieking, hissing, and 'eerie' rasping sounds have led some rural populations to consider they have magical powers. Barn Owls vary in size but average 330-390mm in length, with wing spans between 800-950mm. Females are larger than males and most are a mix of white, pale brown and shades of grey speckled with fine black tear-shaped spots. They have a distinctive flat heart-shaped facial mask with oversized oblique black eye-slits and black irises. A ridge of feathers sits above the beak resembling a long nose. The feet vary in colour from pink to grey, and beaks can be pale to dark buff, corresponding to general plumage hue. This specimen is part of a collection of almost 200 animal specimens that were originally acquired as skins from various institutions across Australia, including the Australian Museum in Sydney and the National Museum of Victoria (known as Museums Victoria since 1983), as well as individuals such as amateur anthropologist Reynell Eveleigh Johns between 1860-1880. These skins were then mounted by members of the Burke Museum Committee and put-on display in the formal space of the Museum’s original exhibition hall where they continue to be on display. This display of taxidermy mounts initially served to instruct visitors to the Burke Museum of the natural world around them, today it serves as an insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century.This specimen is part of a significant and rare taxidermy mount collection in the Burke Museum. This collection is scientifically and culturally important for reminding us of how science continues to shape our understanding of the modern world. They demonstrate a capacity to hold evidence of how Australia’s fauna history existed in the past and are potentially important for future environmental research. This collection continues to be on display in the Museum and has become a key part to interpreting the collecting habits of the 19th century.This Barn Owl is medium sized with long wings and a short squarish tail. Its underbelly is pale and speckled with dark spots. The wings and tail feathers are light brown, grey and white with small, dark, tear-shaped speckles on the upper parts. It has a distinctive white heart-shaped facial disc with large black eyes and curved beak. This specimen stands on a wooden perch pedestal and it has metal and paper identification tags attached to its legs. Swing tag: 36. / Barn [torn] / Catalogue [torn] / Metal tag: 4058 /taxidermy mount, taxidermy, animalia, burke museum, beechworth, australian museum, skin, owls, birds of prey, tyto alba, heart-shaped faced owl, nocturnal birds, predator birds, 'harbingers of misfortune', demon owl, ghost owl, death owl, magical animals, lich owl, birds as omens, barn owl, carnivore, hissing owl

This is a set of six staff photographs of the Army Survey Regiment’s Officers, Warrant Officers and Sergeants, and each of its four Squadrons at Fortuna, Bendigo in December 1982. Note - Air Survey Squadron’s photo was probably taken in July 1982 as they appear in winter dress. Air Survey Squadron was responsible for aerotriangulation, photogrammetric feature extraction and the AUTOMAP 1 system. Typical tasks were flight planning the acquisition of aerial photography, pugging, mensuration and block adjustments, photogrammetric extraction of topographic features from aerial photography, digital feature editing, map compilation, operating the scanner/plotter, operating the AUTOMAP 1 system and computer programming by civilians. Cartographic Squadron was responsible for the production of the following military products: Joint Operation Graphics, small-scale RAAF Air Charts, large-scale topographic line maps and orthophotomaps. Cartographic technician tasks were scribing, compiling, retouching, masking, type setting, type stickup, terrain embossing, correcting and proving quality control. Headquarters Squadron was responsible for the planning and coordination of map production and contracts. It also performed administrative and support functions such as personnel administration, pay, finance, transportation, records, map Library, kitchens, messes and facility maintenance. It was staffed by Army personnel from RASvy, RACT, AACC, RAAOC and RAEME corps. Other supporting staff at this time included the RAAF Liaison Officer, RAN Liaison Officer and several civilians employed in administration, the Q-Store and grounds maintenance. A component of the Army Svy Regt’s cartographic map production was carried out by the Detachment, a sub-unit located at Bonegilla next to the School of Military Survey. Lithographic Squadron was responsible for the reproduction of map materials and printing of military map products. The main tasks undertaken by photographic technicians were photographic enlargements, reductions and duplication of map reproduction material and processing of aerial photography. Printing technician tasks included platemaking, offset printing, map stock despatching and proofing.This is a set of six staff photographs of the Army Survey Regiment’s Officers, Warrant Officers and Sergeants, and its four Squadrons, at Fortuna, Bendigo, 1982. The black and white photographs were printed on photographic paper and are part of the Army Survey Regiment’s Collection. The photograph was scanned at 300 dpi. No personnel are identified. No personnel are identified. .1P – Annotated on front “OFFICERS MESS DEC ’82” .2P – Annotated on back “SGTS MESS DEC ’82” .4P– Annotated on front “CARTO SQN DEC ’82” .5P– Annotated on front “HQ SQN DEC ’82”royal australian survey corps, rasvy, army survey regiment, army svy regt, fortuna, asr, air survey, carto, litho

Mr Webb King was an Air Raid Warden during World War 2. These badges were found when his workshop was being cleared out, and so were donated to our society. The badges in our possession do not have the word WARDEN printed on them, like the image of the badge shown on the Darebin Heritage 'Air Raid Protection Services (ARP)' publication, or the image of a badge offered for sale on ebay. At this stage we are uncertain of why this is so. If anybody knows the answer then please leave a message on this site. During World War 2 Australian municipalities were expected to take precautions against air raids, with the Government campaigning to recruit men over 45 to be volunteer Air Raid Wardens. It was also common for women to become wardens. Wardens carried gas masks, helmets, and rattles or whistles. The wardens received 7 to 8 one hour sessions of training, and their chief duty was to advise people of precautions to take, and to ensure those precautions were taken. Air Raid Precautions included air raid drills, shelters (usually trenches), first aid, fire fighting, rescue of 'gassed' persons, evacuation drills, demolition and repair squads, monitoring of blackouts. Melbourne was deemed vulnerable to aerial attack because of its centralised port and industrial facilities and so Anti-aircraft guns were installed in Maribyrnong. By early 1942 more than 60,000 people voluntarily carried out Air Raid Precautions duties according to the Autobiography of Robert V. J. Padula OAM. As the threat diminished during 1943 and 1944 the need for air raid precautions was slowly reduced, and some shelters (trenches) were filled. The two photos showing Air Raid Wardens are out of copyright and have been sourced from the 'Argus Newspaper Collection of Photographs, State Library of Victoria.' The image showing one warden on Swanston Street Melbourne has been cropped to remove extras not connected with the photo. Other sources of information for this report are: (1) http://bpadula.tripod.com/autobiography/id100.html, (2) https://www.awm.gov.au/exhibitions/underattack/mobilise/precautions.asp, (3) http://heritage.darebinlibraries.vic.gov.au/article/57. The ARP badges are a historic reminder of the precautions that were taken in Victoria during the early years of World War 2. The precautions were an effort to minimise the harmful effects of a theoretical air raid. The war started to turn and so an air raid never came, however many people received valuable training in what precautions needed to be taken.Pressed metal round badges with pins. Main feature of badges is the large whitish lettering ARP on a red background. A black outlined crown and the word VICTORIA in red on whitish background is also on the badges. At the bottom of the badges in black are the letters DC plus the numbers of the badges.Serial Numbers of the badges are: DC 361, DC 362, DC 364, DC 368, DC 370, DC 374, DC 375, DC 376, DC 377, DC 379, DC 388, DC 389.arp. arp badge, air raid precautions, air raid precautions warden, warden, badges

This photograph is part of the Caulfield Historical Album 1972. This album was created in approximately 1972 as part of a project by the Caulfield Historical Society to assist in identifying buildings worthy of preservation. The album is related to a Survey the Caulfield Historical Society developed in collaboration with the National Trust of Australia (Victoria) and Caulfield City Council to identify historic buildings within the City of Caulfield that warranted the protection of a National Trust Classification. Principal photographer thought to be Trevor Hart, member of Caulfield Historical Society. Most photographs were taken between 1966-1972 with a small number of photographs being older and from unknown sources. All photographs are black and white except where stated, with 386 photographs over 198 pages. https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/43737 - re 26 Kambrook Road and 345 Balaclava Road corner building: A prominently situated two-storeyed complex of late Victorian buildings consisting of "Wybar's Buildings" occupying the Balaclava Road/ Kambrook Road corner and the "Caulfield Bakery" facing Kambrook Road, separated by a driveway from a single storeyed shop. The main building has a comer splay and balustraded parapet with curved pediments, the words "Wybar's Buildings 1887" having been obliterated but "Caulfield Bakery 1887" with the characteristic wheatsheaf surviving in raised cement work. The walls are stuccoed and richly ornamented with bracketed cornices and keystones with masks extending to the Bakery. The main building is further distinguished by the Masonic symbol of the mason's dividers in the pediment whilst the upper level of the bakery is in overpainted brickwork. The single storeyed shop incorporates the bracketed cornice and consoles characteristic of the main buildings and is in other respects a utilitarian structure. https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/35413 - re 16 Kambrook Road A small late Victorian Italianate villa distinguished by its parapeted window bays either side of a small verandah with encaustic tiled floor. The parapets are balustraded with console enrichment and glazed tiles, the stuccoed surfaces being unpainted. Ornamentation is in other respects undistinguished. https://www.gleneira.vic.gov.au/services/planning-and-building/heritage/heritage-management-plan - re 9-11 Kambrook Road ... they demonstrate most of the commonly employed aesthetic devices characteristic of the Italianate Style including patterned brickwork, patterned slate roofs, cast iron lace verandahs, ornamental stucco work and ashlar boards...https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/43737 - 345 Balaclava and 26 Kambrook Roads HO91 in City of Glen Eira "Wybar's Buildings" at the corner of Balaclava Road and Kambrook Road are important as a prominent late Victorian commercial development incorporating a variety of activities including a bakery and possibly a coffee palace, the latter understood to be unique within the municipality, but characteristic of the period. It is a rare complex of its type in Caulfield and is important also as evocative evidence of the late Victorian Land Boom and the creation of a small now defunct commercial centre at this location by the George Wybrow. https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/35413 - 16 Kambrook Road HO121 in City of Glen Eira ''Hollywood'' at 16 Kambrook Road is of architectural interest for its pavilions which retain their unpainted parapets and ornamental tiles in the manner of other less imposing examples in the immediate locality possibly linked with the builder George Wybar and his son, who undertook substantial projects nearby. Its association with James Yorston, presumably is Yorston of Dickson and Yorston, important builders and estate developers at Caulfield during the Inter war period is of interest. https://www.gleneira.vic.gov.au/services/planning-and-building/heritage/heritage-management-plan - re 9-11 Kambrook Road HO152 Normanby Road/Kambrook Road, Caulfield North Statement of Significance: The Precinct is historically significant for its capacity to demonstrate standards of design and building construction in this part of the municipality during the late Land Boom years and especially just prior to the bank collapse of 1891. The housing stock is representative of the standards of amenity excepted by the middle classes of Melbourne society at the time, including artists, (horse) trainers, jockeys, managers, travellers, journalists and the like, also having a functional link with the activities of the Caulfield Racecourse which forms an important element in the history of the Municipality. The row of attached pairs at 5-11 Kambrook Road and 53-67 Kambrook Road is especially significant in this respect in that the narrow allotments are indicative of the owner/developer’s determination to maximise profits at the height of the Land Boom in 1891...Page 104 of Photograph Album with four photographs (landscape) of three different properties on Kambrook Road.Handwritten: Kambrook Road [top right] / WYBAR'S BUILDING 1887/ INC CAULFIELD BAKERY / [under top right photo] / 16 KAMBROOK ROAD / 1970 HIRST MRS J.N.[under bottom left photo] / 11-9 KAMBROOK ROAD / 1970 9-BUCKLAND MRS L.A / 11- ATKINS MRS N.E. [under bottom right photo] / 104 [bottom right]trevor hart, kambrook road, victorian, caulfield north, parapets, wybar's buildings 1887, caulfield bakery 1887, architectural features, painted bricks, balaclava road, victorian italianate style, houses, bay windows, verandahs, glazed tiles, shops, george wybar, builders, james yorston, dickson and yorston, j n hirst, l a buckland, n e atkins, patterned slate roofs, patterned bricks, cast iron work, attached houses

This page of photographs is part of the Caulfield Historical Album 1972. This album was created in approximately 1972 as part of a project by the Caulfield Historical Society to assist in identifying buildings worthy of preservation. The album is related to a Survey the Caulfield Historical Society developed in collaboration with the National Trust of Australia (Victoria) and Caulfield City Council to identify historic buildings within the City of Caulfield that warranted the protection of a National Trust Classification. Principal photographer thought to be Trevor Hart, member of Caulfield Historical Society. Most photographs were taken between 1966-1972 with a small number of photographs being older and from unknown sources. All photographs are black and white except where stated, with 386 photographs over 198 pages. First 2 images: milkbar and residence corner Kambrook and Balaclava Roads ie south west corner - building named Airdrie 3rd image: https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/43737 - re 26 Kambrook Road and 345 Balaclava Road corner building ie south east corner: A prominently situated two-storeyed complex of late Victorian buildings consisting of "Wybar's Buildings" occupying the Balaclava Road/ Kambrook Road corner and the "Caulfield Bakery" facing Kambrook Road, separated by a driveway from a single storeyed shop. The main building has a comer splay and balustraded parapet with curved pediments, the words "Wybar's Buildings 1887" having been obliterated but "Caulfield Bakery 1887" with the characteristic wheatsheaf surviving in raised cement work. The walls are stuccoed and richly ornamented with bracketed cornices and keystones with masks extending to the Bakery. The main building is further distinguished by the Masonic symbol of the mason's dividers in the pediment whilst the upper level of the bakery is in overpainted brickwork. The single storeyed shop incorporates the bracketed cornice and consoles characteristic of the main buildings and is in other respects a utilitarian structure. 4th image: https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/42415 (on 24/01/2021) - 196 Kambrook Road An imposing late Victorian poly-chrome brick asymmetrical villa with corner verandah and projecting west facing wing with faceted window bay to the facade. Body bricks are red and relieved by cream and black brick banding and by cream bricks to the bracketed eaves. The fretted barge with king post treatment and timber posted verandah are unique in the Municipality and unusual in the metropolitan area and demonstrate an understated appreciation of the emerging Queen Anne mode.345 Balaclava and 26 Kambrook Roads HO91 - City of Glen Eira https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/43737 (on 24/01/2021) "Wybar's Buildings" at the corner of Balaclava Road and Kambrook Road are important as a prominent late Victorian commercial development incorporating a variety of activities including a bakery and possibly a coffee palace, the latter understood to be unique within the municipality, but characteristic of the period. It is a rare complex of its type in Caulfield and is important also as evocative evidence of the late Victorian Land Boom and the creation of a small now defunct commercial centre at this location by the George Wybrow. 196 Kambrook Road HO122 - City of Glen Eira https://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/places/42415 "Glencoe" is situated at no. 196 Kambrook Road, Caulfield North and was built for the boot manufacturer, Robert Bruce Mair, in 1888. It is of historic and aesthetic significance. It is historically significant (Criterion A) as the home of an inner suburban industrialist, notable a boot manufacturer, demonstrating the attraction of Caulfield as a residential location for the manufacturers of the metropolis during the late Victorian Boom period. It is aesthetically significant (Criterion E) as a very early example of a Queen Anne influenced late Victorian villa, comparing at the State level with ''Woodlands'' (1888), North Essendon, generally acknowledged to be one of Australia's earliest houses to fully exploit this emerging style. The ornamental timberwork is especially expressive of the new architectural fashion and compares with the house at 33 Clarence Street, Elsternwick (1888-89).Page 105 of Photograph Album with two photographs of a milk bar and attached residence, one older photograph of Wybar's Building and another photograph of a house on Kambrook Road (all are landscape).Handwritten: 196 KAMBROOK ROAD / 1970 - GAFFNEY MRS S.M. [under bottom right photo] / 100 [bottom left]trevor hart, kambrook road, victorian style, caulfield north, parapets, wybar's buildings 1887, caulfield bakery 1887, architectural features, painted bricks, balaclava road, george wybrow, shops, milk bars, airdrie, polychrome bricks, verandahs, queen anne architectural style, houses, glencoe, robert mair

Mechanical resuscitation devices, such as the Pulmotor and Lungmotor, were popular in the early part of the twentieth century. Their use waned in the 1920s as significant bodies like the British Medical Research Council and American Red Cross refused to endorse them. The most popular of the resuscitators to emerge in the 1930s was the E&J (Ericson and Johnson) resuscitator. The device was soon widely available, vigorously promoted with support from many medical practitioners. They were soon to be found in hospitals, emergency services like the ambulance and fire brigade, and voluntary life-saving organisations. In Australia, Norman James, director of anaesthesia at the Royal Melbourne Hospital, developed an interest in equipment for ambulances and the resuscitation of drowning victims. Little in the way of practical, portable equipment was available to either the ambulances or the voluntary life-saving organisations, such as Surf Life Saving Australia (SLSA); American resuscitators, like the E&J, were expensive and bulky to import. James designed a simple portable resuscitation device for local use after being approached by Jack Conabere, secretary of the Elwood Life Saving Club (ELSC). The resulting Royal Melbourne Hospital resuscitator, or the R.M. resuscitator as it was marketed, was a simpler, manual version of those available overseas. It was gas driven with a plunger, marked “Press”, and a safety valve. The small working unit attached directly to the facemask. Once the patient was positioned facedown and the airway cleared of debris, the mask was placed firmly over the face. The plunger allowed gas to flow and lung inflation; releasing the plunger allowed expiration. This simple resuscitator was marketed by Commonwealth Industrial Gases (CIG) and became very popular in Australia with volunteer and professional rescue organisations. It represents one of the many innovations in resuscitation equipment that resulted from cooperation between volunteer life savers and medical practitioners. Norman James worked closely with Jack Conabere and the Government Pathologist to develop the equipment. ELSC was the first life saving club to use the resuscitator on the beach. While conducting an early training exercise on 23 December 1951, they used it to successfully resuscitate a man who had drowned after capsizing his home made yacht. The R.M. resuscitator was also used in more inventive ways. At Fairfield Hospital in Melbourne, a group of physiotherapists and doctors did some innovative work with polio patients, teaching them glossopharyngeal (or “frog”) breathing, as a means of becoming less dependent on ventilators. In 1981, the Australian Standards Association stated that the RM head failed to meet its revised standards and it was withdrawn from the market. Red leather suitcase with black leather trim with metal studs. There are clip locks for locking the suitcase in the closed position. The suitcase contains equipment for oxygen resuscitation. There is a space allocated for two oxygen cylinders, however there are no cylinders present.Embossed into metal plaque: The C.I.G. / Oxy-viva / PORTABLE UNIVERSAL OXYGEN RESUSCITATORresuscitation, portable, surf life saving australia, royal melbourne hospital, rm resuscitator

On 12 January, the World Health Organization (WHO) confirmed that a novel coronavirus was the cause of a respiratory illness in a cluster of people in Wuhan City, Hubei Province, China, who had initially come to the attention of the WHO on 31 December 2019. On 3 March, the Reserve Bank of Australia became the first central bank to cut interest rates in response to the outbreak. Official interest rates were cut by 0.25% (25 base points) to a record low of 0.5%. On 12 March, the Federal Government announced a A$17.6 billion stimulus package, the first since the 2008 GFC. he package consists of multiple parts, a one-off A$750 payment to around 6.5 million welfare recipients as early as 31 March 2020, small business assistance with 700,000 grants up to $25,000 and a 50% wage subsidy for 120,000 apprenticies or trainees for up to 9 months, 1 billion to support economically impacted sectors, regions and communities, and $700 million to increase tax write off and $3.2 billion to support short-term small and medium-sized business investment. On 16 March, Premier Dan Andrews and Minister for Health Jenny Mikakos declared a state of emergency for Victoria for at least four weeks. On 19 March, the Reserve Bank again cut interest rates by a further 0.25% to 0.25%, the lowest in Australian history. On 22 March, the government announced a second stimulus package of A$66bn, increasing the amount of total financial package offered to A$89bn. This included several new measures like doubling income support for individuals on Jobseeker's allowance, granting A$100,000 to small and medium-sized businesses and A$715 million to Australian airports and airlines. It also allowed individuals affected by the outbreak to access up to A$10,000 of their superannuation during 2019–2020 and also being able to take an additional same amount for the next year. on the same day Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews announced on 22 March that the state will bring the school holiday forwards to 24 March from 27 March. On 30 March, the Australian Federal Government announced a $130 billion "JobKeeper" wage subsidy program offering to pay employers up to $1500 a fortnight per full-time, part-time or casual employee that has worked for that business for over a year. For a business to be eligible, they must have lost 30% of turnover after 1 March of annual revenue up to and including $1 billion. For businesses with a revenue of over $1 billion, turnover must have decreased by 50%. Businesses are then required by law to pay the subsidy to their staff, in lieu of their usual wages. This response came after the enormous job losses seen just a week prior when an estimated 1 million Australians lost their jobs. This massive loss in jobs caused the myGov website to crash and lines out of Centrelink offices to run hundreds of metres long.The program was backdated to 1 March, to aim at reemploying the many people who had just lost their jobs in the weeks before. Businesses would receive the JobKeeper subsidy for six months. Victoria's "Second Wave" from Ballarat Courier, 05 August 2020 Wednesday, August 5: 725 cases, 15 deaths. A record figure reached yet again. Tuesday, August 4: 439 cases, 11 deaths. New fines introduced for COVID-infected people who aren't home. Monday, August 3: 429 cases, 13 deaths. Premier details mass industry shutdowns in Melbourne. Sunday, August 2: 671 cases, seven deaths as harsh new statewide lockdowns are announced Saturday, August 1: 397 new cases, three deaths Friday, July 31: 627 new cases, eight deaths. Premier says one in four Covid cases not home when checked. Thursday July 30: 723 cases, 13 deaths. Just when it was looking promising, alarming new record set. Wednesday July 29: 295 new cases, nine deaths as new cases drop below 300 for first time in nine days Tuesday July 28: 380 new cases, six deaths as aged care outbreaks continue to climb Monday July 27: 532 new cases as daily cases hits 500 for first time, six deaths Sunday July 26: 459 new cases as double-digit death toll is recorded for first time with 10 deaths Saturday July 25: 357 new cases, five new deaths Friday July 24: 300 cases, six deaths, ADF role expanded to help with contact tracing. Thursday July 23 - 403 cases, five deaths, worst day for fatalities in any state, masks now mandatory Wednesday July 22 - 484 cases, two deaths Tuesday July 21 - 374 cases, three deaths Monday July 20 - 275 cases, one death Sunday July 19 - 363 cases, three deaths, notice that masks will become mandatory in lockdown areas Saturday July 18 - 217 cases, three deaths, final Melbourne public housing tower released from hard lockdown Friday July 17 - 428 cases, three deaths Thursday July 16 - 317 cases, two deaths Wednesday July 15 - 238 cases, one death Tuesday July 14 - 270 cases, two deaths Monday July 13 - 177 cases Sunday July 12 - 273 cases, one death Saturday July 11 - 216 cases, one death Friday July 10 - 288 cases, a national daily record at the time Thursday July 9 - 165 cases, eight of nine Melbourne public housing towers released from hard lockdown Wednesday July 8 - 134 cases, new stage-three restrictions announced for metropolitan Melbourne and Mitchell Shire Tuesday July 7 - 191 cases Monday July 6 - 127 cases, two deaths, NSW border closed Sunday July 5 - 74 cases Saturday July 4 - 108 cases, immediate hard lockdown of nine Melbourne public housing towers Friday July 3 - 66 cases Thursday July 2 - 77 cases Wednesday July 1 - 73 casesColour photographs of social distancing signs during the Covid-19 Pandemic, on Chemist Warehouse in Sebastopol. On 06 April 2020 a maximum of 75 people were allowed in the chemist at one time, and those with syptoms of Covid-19 (fever, cough, shortness of breath) were asked to not enter without phone contact. Upon entering customers were directed to use hand sanitizer, and 1.5 metre markings were placed on the floor to enable legal social distancing.covid-19, corona virus, pandemic, chemist's warehouse, sebastopol, social distancing

Set of 8 black and white photographs of the SEC Ballarat track welding truck, Reg. No. 119 341. Truck is a British Bedford truck, model WHG, built by GMH Melbourne between 1932 and 1934. Has a fabric roof, chassis fitted with a tray top body, side tool box, metal frame and covered with canvas, fitted out with a motor generator set, welding equipment and oxy acetylene bottles. Also fitted with a spot light - 'Auto Reel Lite". - See Related Items sheet on truck notes provided by Kevin Oates, MFESB workshops, 4/2001. (Scan of this sheet of the Kodak folder added 15-8-2017 - see pdf file.) 1705.1 - side on view of truck with covers down, except for opening at back. Photographed in Wendouree Parade with two different boat sheds in the background. 1705.2 - view with drivers side cover opened, showing equipment arrangement. 1705.3 - close up view of motor generator set and controls and one of the oxy acetylene bottles. 1705.4 - view showing equipment laid out on the roadway, welding cover, seat, grinder, cables, shovels, welding mask etc. 1705.5 - close up view of motor generator control panel and associated cables. 1705.6 - view of side of truck showing all equipment. 1705.7 - vertical format photo from rear of truck showing equipment laid out and wandering lead connected to the overhead. Also shows high voltage wires on a power pole fitted with a bracket arm. 1705.8 - view of truck from the front, with SEC symbol on side, with a covers closed. Thought to be photographed at loop in Wendouree Parade on the View Point line, near Mill St. Prints when donated to the BTM were contained within a red and yellow "Kodak" folder. Folder stored with catalogue worksheet. On rear of folder in ink is number "53569" and stamped on the front is number "984" and written in front top left hand cover, "8 prints" and in top right hand corner word "Sarah". See Notes provided by Kevin Oates of the MFESB (Metro Fire Brigade Melbourne) Thornbury workshops on the truck, manufacture and engine. A survey of Wendouree Parade on 22/4/2001 did not show the boat sheds or power lines featured in the photographed. Thought to be in vicinity of Power station because of the high voltage lines on the power poles.Stamped on rear in black ink, "984" on photos 1705.3 to 1705.8.trams, tramways, welding truck, trackwork, secv, wendouree parade

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty