Louise Hearman used the Norla Dome and painted a mural painted which had taken her around a year to complete. The exhibition called Elephant Room was shown from June 1988. The work was vandalised in 1989 and subsequently demolished.Louise Hearman is a Melbourne born artist and Archibald Prize winner. Hearman first came to public notice in 1987/88 when she spent a year painting the mural in the Norla Dome. The premises of the Mission also served as her studio at that time.Black and white copy of a newspaper article, printed on A3 paper.It’s Louise’s masterpiece, come heaven, hell or high water Report: SARAH TURNER PICTURE: LEIGH HENNINGHAM When her Little Bourke St studio was pulled down to make way for a carpark, artist Louise Hearman, above, contacted The Seamen’s Mission in Flinders St to see whether she could use their cottage. They agree. But neither knew what it was going to lead to. When Hearman saw ‘the Elephant Room’ at the mission, a big domed room, she felt she “just had to do something with it”. She applied for and was granted a $3250 grant from the Australia Council, with which she was able to buy the necessary scaffold and paint, and then set about transforming the room. Now, a year later, her masterpiece is complete. Hearman emphasised the the mural doesn’t represent “heaven and hell”. Rather, she said, “people should make their own interpretations”. She said it was “not particularly heaven and hell, it’s not particularly anything”. And there is “no narrative” to the mural. It “just developed with the building”, out of whatever images and feeling Hearman had at the time. Sadly though, Hearman said the mural was likely to fall off the walls and domed ceiling unless the room was waterproofed - water damage is a serious problem at the mission. louise hearman, norla dome, exhibitions, 1988, elephant room, flinders street, melbourne, leigh henningham, cultural events

This large bean slicer was first manufactured in the late 1800's in England and exported to Australia. Due to the transportation costs it was not used in many Domestic kitchens. This slicer would have been in a kitchen of a higher socio/economic family within the Kiewa Valley. In the 1930's the manufacturer traded this slicer as "domestic labour-saving slicers". This was the beginning of new generation of the kitchen "gadget". The introduction of the Asian "gadget" manufacturer from the late 1950's saw English export diminish by the cheaper Asian products.This item has great significance because it demonstrates that even "remote rural" locations, such as the Kiewa Valley in the early 1900s still were able to optain "state of the art" labour saving "kitchen" appliances. It was these English and European goods that were made "to last" which brought the mind set "British is best" This mindset was only altered by periods of Australian economic down turns and the cheap Asian product availabilityThis bean slicer is made from cast iron with a round body housing three rotating blades screwed into a riveted spinning base plate. The whole body of this slicer is green with a "natural coloured" handle. A "G" clamp is part of the main frame to fasten the slicer onto a table/counter top (when in use). On the side of the handle and along the top plate "SPONG & Co Ltd" and opposite "BEAN SLICER" below this "No 633"domestic kitchen time savers, food processors, bean slicers

This raker/jointer/guage set is a sharpening tool for cross cut logging saws. The logging saws used in the early 1900's for the clearing of forests required constant sharpening of their "cutting teeth". The logging of forested areas during these times was very much a "hands on" method of either one or two men by the use of saw or hand axe. Chain saws, chain and ball(clearing) and bulldozing methods came in the mid 1900's.This particular saw sharpening method was used by surveyors laying down boundaries for the S.E.C. Victoria Hydro Electricity Scheme (1920's). This item was given to a local Kiewa Valley lad who accompanied the initial surveyors. The lad was responsible for the tendering and feeding of the surveyors "pack horses". Surveys during this period and in the dense mountainous terrain of the Victorian Alps was both exhausting and hazardous. Overnight accommodation at various log cabins was not always possible and swag/tent alternative was the "fall back" This raker/jointer saw sharpener was made in the USA (DISSTON) from cast and flat iron. The main body has been painted in orange. It has three adjustment screws on the top horizontal bar and one bolt on(adjusting) leveling platform on the bottom. The small size and weight of this saw sharpener was ideal for the travelling/mobile logger or surveyor(as in this case). The main frame resembles two towers connected by two horizontal bars and the top of the towers has a horizontal bar with adjustment screws. See KVHS 0090 (B) for setting stake wedge adjusting the rake and cutting angle and KVHS 0090 (C) for a small spanner (for adjustments).On one inner supports is stamped "DISSTON" and on the other "U.S.A."hand tool, saw, sharpening method, tree felling.

[article by Bettina Woodburn in EDHS Newsletter No. 97, July 1994:] THE WARRANDYTE MYSTERY TOUR MAY 29TH 1994 - Members of the Eltham Historical Society met at the Old Post Office, now converted into the Warrandyte Historical Museum, for a picnic lunch on the sunny back verandah overlooking the shimmering Yarra River. Interesting photographs and artefacts filled various rooms outlining the history of this area, and told tales of Aboriginal and more recent neighbours of the Eltham Shire. The weather was calm, cloudy mostly with only occasional sunny patches, but it wasn't cold, although the autumnal leaf colours had changed to wintry brown. "All Aboard" and we set off in the Warrandyte Community Bus (with the School Bus sign displayed at the rear) to learn about local places of "Pride and Joy” from Bruce our guide and Tom the driver. Almost directly opposite we entered Whipstick Gully to explore the first of the district's hidden treasures - the Victory, one of the largest of the six or so major mines, past the old quarry now used for abseiling practice. By torchlight we entered the rocky hillside and saw the seams of quartz the miners had followed in their search for gold. Stamping batteries, and there was one in this gully, converted discarded rock into 'road metal'. Warrandyte is proud to be the first declared Goldfield in 1851, and one of the longest surviving, into the 1920s. A pleasant drive across the Bridge and along Bradley's Lane to Norman's Reserve brought us to see another Tunnel at Pound Bend through which the Yarra was diverted to allow about three miles of river-bed to be used for prospecting for alluvial gold. Still on this side of the river we visited the Old Slab Hut in Castles Road. This remnant of miners' housing is preserved because it had been incorporated into a weatherboard house, and saved from the bulldozers - a last minute reprieve, for preservation, by the National Trust. Devastating bush fires have destroyed other old cottages built of wattle and daub, with bark roofs and stone fire-places. The Cairn commemorating the disclosure of Gold Discovery at Warrandyte on June 30th 1851 beside Anderson's Creek Road was our next point of historical interest. We drove on to South Warrandyte and circled back to above the ford on Anderson's Creek to the entrance of the 4th Hill Mine. Again we crept along with our torches, careful of the low roof-rock, and side shafts. At a junction in a large cavity we were able to stand, look up a long air-vent which some 'cavers' climb down, and marvel at, and experience an aspect of a miner's life. Outside we heard the same bird songs, the trills and bell-pealing, saw the same straggly eucalypts, and a silver leafed wattle in flower, native grasses and ferns, and the neat present day houses, often of Warrandyte stone, perhaps veneered only. The day ended pleasantly, seeing more of the Yarra from Everard Drive, and the water rushing out of the Tunnel at Pound Bend, before returning to afternoon tea or coffee at the Museum. A great day for all concerned - many thanks to the Organisers.Colour photographslab hut, warrandyte, "warrandyte miner's cottage"

[article by Bettina Woodburn in EDHS Newsletter No. 97, July 1994:] THE WARRANDYTE MYSTERY TOUR MAY 29TH 1994 - Members of the Eltham Historical Society met at the Old Post Office, now converted into the Warrandyte Historical Museum, for a picnic lunch on the sunny back verandah overlooking the shimmering Yarra River. Interesting photographs and artefacts filled various rooms outlining the history of this area, and told tales of Aboriginal and more recent neighbours of the Eltham Shire. The weather was calm, cloudy mostly with only occasional sunny patches, but it wasn't cold, although the autumnal leaf colours had changed to wintry brown. "All Aboard" and we set off in the Warrandyte Community Bus (with the School Bus sign displayed at the rear) to learn about local places of "Pride and Joy” from Bruce our guide and Tom the driver. Almost directly opposite we entered Whipstick Gully to explore the first of the district's hidden treasures - the Victory, one of the largest of the six or so major mines, past the old quarry now used for abseiling practice. By torchlight we entered the rocky hillside and saw the seams of quartz the miners had followed in their search for gold. Stamping batteries, and there was one in this gully, converted discarded rock into 'road metal'. Warrandyte is proud to be the first declared Goldfield in 1851, and one of the longest surviving, into the 1920s. A pleasant drive across the Bridge and along Bradley's Lane to Norman's Reserve brought us to see another Tunnel at Pound Bend through which the Yarra was diverted to allow about three miles of river-bed to be used for prospecting for alluvial gold. Still on this side of the river we visited the Old Slab Hut in Castles Road. This remnant of miners' housing is preserved because it had been incorporated into a weatherboard house, and saved from the bulldozers - a last minute reprieve, for preservation, by the National Trust. Devastating bush fires have destroyed other old cottages built of wattle and daub, with bark roofs and stone fire-places. The Cairn commemorating the disclosure of Gold Discovery at Warrandyte on June 30th 1851 beside Anderson's Creek Road was our next point of historical interest. We drove on to South Warrandyte and circled back to above the ford on Anderson's Creek to the entrance of the 4th Hill Mine. Again we crept along with our torches, careful of the low roof-rock, and side shafts. At a junction in a large cavity we were able to stand, look up a long air-vent which some 'cavers' climb down, and marvel at, and experience an aspect of a miner's life. Outside we heard the same bird songs, the trills and bell-pealing, saw the same straggly eucalypts, and a silver leafed wattle in flower, native grasses and ferns, and the neat present day houses, often of Warrandyte stone, perhaps veneered only. The day ended pleasantly, seeing more of the Yarra from Everard Drive, and the water rushing out of the Tunnel at Pound Bend, before returning to afternoon tea or coffee at the Museum. A great day for all concerned - many thanks to the Organisers.Two colour photographswarrandyte, activities, pound bend

James came to Australia from Plymouth on the ship "Mobile" arriving 16/11/1853 aged 22. he married Alice Roberts on November 27, 1861. With a large young family he moved from Central Victoria to Glengarry in Gippsland where he farmed and set up sawmills at Glengarry and Rosedale. After hearing of land grants at Orbost and investigating the possibilities with Elizabeth, his eldest daughter he selected land at Pumpkin Point, Bete Bolong. The whole family (ten children from 23years - 2years) eventually moved to Orbost around 1885. ( read "From White Knowle to Pumpkin Point" by Hon Peter Nixon A.O.) He had the first saw mill. He convened the meeting that established butter factory foundation and shares and was the first Agricultural Show president,James Nixon was a significant and influential citizen of Orbost's early years.Portrait done in oils of Nixon, James Mr. The portrait is of the bust of Nixon in a tuxedo with blue to grey background. Timber finish frame.nixon-james orbost-bete-bolong pumpkin-point

This badge is one of a set of badges collected by Dr W R Angus from the organisations in which he was involved. The set of badges is now part of Flagstaff Hill’s comprehensive W.R. Angus Collection, donated by the family of Dr W R Angus, surgeon and oculist. The badge represents the Australian Presbyterian Brotherhood. The Presbyterian church has used the burning bush logo from the 1800s. The logo describes the Biblical account of the prophet Moses, who saw the miracle of a bush on fire that did not burn and heard the voice of God giving his instructions. The light blue cross symbolises the origin of the Australian Presbyterian church, the Church of Scotland, which is Presbyterian. Its flag is blue with a white 'x' and a burning bush symbol in the centre. Dr William Roy Angus was of Scottish heritage. He sailed overseas to further his studies at Edinburgh Royal Infirmary and in 1928, was awarded FRCS (Fellow from the Royal College of Surgeons), Edinburgh, Scotland. He was e Presbyterian and treated Sunday as a Sabbath, a day of rest. He would visit three or four country patients on a Sunday, taking his children along ‘for the ride’ and visiting with him. Sunday evenings he would play the pianola and sing Scottish songs to his family. In 1928, Dr Angus was a Flying Doctor in the A.I.M. (Australian Inland Ministry) Aerial Medical Service, which was established by the Presbyterian Church in that year. The W.R. Angus Collection includes historical medical equipment, surgical instruments and material belonging to Dr Edward Ryan and Dr Thomas Francis Ryan, (both of Nhill, Victoria) and Dr Angus’ own belongings. The Collection’s history spans the medical practices of the two Doctors Ryan, from 1885-1926 plus that of Dr Angus, up until 1969. It includes historical medical and surgical equipment and instruments from the doctors Edward and Thomas Ryan of Nhill, Victoria. Dr Angus married Gladys in 1927 at Ballarat, the nearest big city to Nhill where he began as a Medical Assistant. He was also Acting House surgeon at the Nhill hospital where their two daughters were born. During World War II He served as a Military Doctor in the Australian Defence Forces. Dr Angus and his family moved to Warrnambool in 1939, where Dr Angus operated his own medical practice. He later added the part-time Port Medical Officer responsibility and was the last person appointed to that position. Both Dr Angus and his wife were very involved in the local community, including the planning stages of the new Flagstaff Hill and the layout of the gardens there. Dr Angus passed away in March 1970.This badge is significant for connecting Doctor Angus with organisations that he supported. The badge also associates Dr Angus with the history of the Presbyterian Church in Australia, showing the historic logo of the burning bush and the Scottish flag. The W.R. Angus Collection is significant for still being located at the site it is connected with, Doctor Angus being the last Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool. The Collection includes historical medical objects that date back to the late 1800s.Badge; a round badge with a blue enamel outer border in front of a light blue enamel ‘x’. A silver logo is on top of the 'X'. There is a silver inscription around the outer circle. It is the badge of the Presbyterian Brotherhood of Australia.This badge is part of a set of badges collected by Dr W R Angus. the set represents organisations that he was involved in, and is part of the W.R. Angus Collection.On the dark blue border: “PRESBYTERIAN BROTHERHOOD’ Logo [a bush on fire] a 'burning bush'flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime village, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, w.r. angus, badge, organisation badge, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, badges, buttons, lapel badge, religious badge, denominational badge, presbyterian church, presbyterian brotherhood, hat pin, flying doctor, scottish heritage, w.r. angus collection

Worn by the principal of Ballarat Teachers' College over black academic gown at formal assemblies. Ellwood was the Principal of the Ballarat Teachers' College. Ballarat Teachers’ College was opened on 04 May 1926, at S.S. 33 Dana Street, with an enrolment of 61 students. Its original staff consisted of the Principal, Mr W.H. Ellwood, M.A., M.Ed. (Chairman of the Teachers’ Tribunal from its inception in 1946 until 1954), Miss A. Bouchier, B.A., and Mr A.B. Jones, BA., (lecturers). In 1927 Miss P.A. Hamano joined the staff. In 1927 the college moved to the old Ballarat East Town Hall (remodelled for their use) in Barkly Street. During 1927 the numbers in the College were augmented by 26 Manual Arts students, who had formerly received their training at Ballarat High School. Manual Art students continued till 1930 when, on grounds of economy, their training was concentrated at Melbourne Teachers’ College. During the four succeeding years, approximately 60 students annually entered the primary course. Inclusive of Manual Arts students, and private fee-paying students, exactly 400 trainees passed through the College in its brief span of life (1926-1931). Five per cent of each year’s students were granted an extension of their studentship to enable them to proceed to Melbourne Teachers’ College, and to take the first year’s course for a University degree. With the advent of the economic depression of the ‘thirties, Ballarat Teachers' College closed its doors in December, 1931. Fourteen years were to pass before the College opened again on February 2nd, 1946. The college re-commenced at SS Dana Street, under the guidance of Mr W.F. Lord, M.C., M.M., B.A., Dip. Ed., (acting, later Principal 1946-1950) and a staff consisting of Miss E.B. Hughes, B.A., Dip. Ed., Mr C.B. Bryan, B.A., B. Com., Dip. Ed., Miss Monica H. Miller, L.Mus.A., and Miss G. Kentish, Dip. Phys. Ed. The opening ceremony was performed by the Minister of Education at that time, the Hon. F. Field, M.L.A., accompanied by the Hon. T.T. Hollway, M.L.A., and the then Director of Education, Mr J.A. Seitz. It was originally intended to cater for women students only but, at the last moment, men resident in Ballarat were also accepted. A co-educational college was thus set up instead, and it has continued as such. 1951 saw the introduction of the two-year course, successful students being presented with the Trained Primary Teacher’s Certificate at the final College Assembly each year. In December 1955, College held its first Graduation Ceremony, with its own Graduation Hymn, the words of which were written by Miss C.M. (Mavis) Canty of the staff. Lord remained as principal until 1951 when he transferred to establish a teachers' college at Toorak. Tom William Turner was Lord's successor. A highlight of his term was the construction of new college buildings at Gillies Street with the students commencing their lessons there in February 1958. Turner retired in 1970, having overseen a period of substantial growth in the institution. In that year alone more than one hundred and forty students completed their primary teaching qualification to meet a severe shortage of teachers. Doug Watson commenced as principal in 1971. In 1973 Ballarat Teachers' College became the State College of Victoria at Ballarat. Three years later Ballarat College of Advanced Education was formed and the teacher education students moved to the Mount Helen Campus. In 1990 Ballarat College of Advanced Education became Ballarat University College, an affiliated college with the University of Melbourne. The University of Ballarat was formed in January 1994.Light blue grosgrain sash, bound in yellow taffeta, sewn by machine. Two mitred seams, one at each shoulder, hand sewn and two seams machine stitched on straight part of sash. A BTC insignia is placed in the centre back. The insignia is stitched in yellow, royal blue and dark blue cotton. This sash is hand sewn at the end of one side length, in order to shorten it. Extra Muros (Beyond the Wall) on insignia BTC (Ballarat Teachers' college)education, teaching, assembly, btc, ballarat teachers college, university of ballarat, regalia, ceremony, graduation, stoll, balalrat teachers' college

Ballarat Teachers' College was opened on may 4th, 1926, at S.S. 33, Dana Street, with an enrollment of sixty-one students, its original staff consisted of the Principal, Mr W. H. Ellwood, M.A., m.Ed. (Chairman of the Teachers' tribunal from its inception in 1946 until 1954), Miss A. Bouchier, B.A., and Mr A.B. Jones, B.A. (Lecturers). In 1927 Miss P.A. Hamano joined the staff. Teaching practice and special rural school work were carried on in schools in or near Ballarat - drawing, crafts and singing were taught by local teachers. In 1927 the college moved to the old Ballarat East Town Hall (remodelled for their use) in Barkly Street. During 1927 the numbers in the College were augmented by twenty-six Manual arts students who had formerly received their training at Ballarat High School. Manual Arts students continued till 1930, when, on grounds of economy, their training was concentrated at Melbourne Teachers' College.\During the four succeeding years approximately sixty students annually entered the primary course. Inclusive of Manual Arts students, and private fee-paying students, exactly 400 trainees passed through the college in its brief span of life (1926-1931) Fourteen years were to pass before they were again opened to students on February 2nd, 1946. The college was re-commenced at S.S. Dana Street under the guidance of Mr W.F. Lord, M.C., M.M., B.A., Dip.Ed., (Acting Principal 1946-1950), and a staff consisting of Miss E.B. Hughes, B.A., Dip. Ed., Mr C.B. Bryan, B.A., V.Com., Dip.Ed., Miss M.H. Miller, L.Mus.A., and Miss G. Kentish, Dip.Phys.Ed. The opening ceremony was performed by the Minister for education at that time, the Hon. F. Field, M.L.A., accompanied by the Hon. T.T. Hollway, M.L.A., and the then Director of Education, Mr J.A. Seitz. It was originally intended to cater for women students only (for whom 130 Victoria Street was purchased as a hostel) but, at the last moment, men were also accepted. A co-educational college was thus set up instead, and has continued as such. The original Staff has been considerable augmented, and the number of Students has been more than trebled. 1951 saw the introduction of the two-year course, successful students being presented with the Trained Primary Teachers' Certificate at the final College assembly each year. In December, 1855, College held its first Graduation Ceremony, with its own Graduation hymn, the words of which were written by Miss C.M. Canty of the staff. Mr Ellwood, former Principal,delivered the occasional address and presented the Ellwood Prize to the outstading student of the year (Mr C.P. Handreck). Students who had successfully completed the course received their certificates from Mr E.B. Pederick, Chief Inspector of Primary Schools. College accomodation having been strained for several years, it was pleasant news when tenders were called in July, 1956, for the building of the first section of the new Ballarat Teachers' College in Gillies Street, near the Botanical Gardens. At the beginning of 1958 the new College was occupied, and staff and students have appreciated greatly the appointments and cacilities of the new buildign. In 1968 the three-year Diploma Course began, co-existent with the other courses which will continue during the transitional period. Successful students in the course receive the Diploma of Teaching (Primary).Black and white photograph of students and staff of the Ballarat Teachers' College. The people are in four rows, and they stand in front of the Dana Street Primary School. Back Row: Jim Howlett; Milton Rice; Keith McLean; Jim Williams; George Nield, David Cooper, Ray Terrill, William Gleeson; Tom Pascoe; Lindsay Harley; Ron Carless; Robert Giddings; Colin Connelly; Alex Magill; Eddie Blake; William Punshon; Athol Aisbett; Kevin Collins; John O'Shannessy. Second Row: Beth Leslie; Faye Dreher; Gwen Pamphilon; Arthur Lelean; Howard Pattenden; Jack Tyers; Hugh Fraser; William Henderson; Jack Mallett; Alan Martin; Keith Boyd; John Ellifson; John Collins; Tom Hill; Wal Henning; Burns Roddis; Fred Marshman; Dawn Doney; Pat Watts; Ann McKinnon. Third Row: Ethel Esmore; Joy Love; Pat Luxford; Jean Elliott; Josie Bunny; Phyllis Borley; Joyce Matheson; Val Witney; Ruth Tozer; Nancy Kerr; K.ath Tobin; Muriel Morrish; Jean Clode; Peg Purdue; Joyce Kennedy; Margaret Palmer; Marie Faulds; Thelma Ritchie. Fourth Row: Pat Lewin; Mavis Poland; Lorna Welsh; Lynette Lynch; Nancy Alexander; Betty Williams, Val Gorrie; Alan Sonsee; Trudy Kentish; Carl Bryan; Monica Miller; W.F. Lord; Beth Hughes; Mephan McMcEwin; Mattie Hayes; Neila Vallance; Pat Robinson; Elva Surman; Joan Gunning; Norma Dally; Beatrice Freeman; Kath Crossett.ballarat teachers' college, education, dana street primary school, 1947

Ellwood was the Principal of the Ballarat Teachers' College. Ballarat Teachers’ College was opened on 04 May 1926, at S.S. 33 Dana Street, with an enrolment of 61 students. Its original staff consisted of the Principal, Mr W.H. Ellwood, M.A., M.Ed. (Chairman of the Teachers’ Tribunal from its inception in 1946 until 1954), Miss A. Bouchier, B.A., and Mr A.B. Jones, BA., (lecturers). In 1927 Miss P.A. Hamano joined the staff. In 1927 the college moved to the old Ballarat East Town Hall (remodelled for their use) in Barkly Street. During 1927 the numbers in the College were augmented by 26 Manual Arts students, who had formerly received their training at Ballarat High School. Manual Art students continued till 1930 when, on grounds of economy, their training was concentrated at Melbourne Teachers’ College. During the four succeeding years, approximately 60 students annually entered the primary course. Inclusive of Manual Arts students, and private fee-paying students, exactly 400 trainees passed through the College in its brief span of life (1926-1931). Five per cent of each year’s students were granted an extension of their studentship to enable them to proceed to Melbourne Teachers’ College, and to take the first year’s course for a University degree. With the advent of the economic depression of the ‘thirties, Ballarat Teachers' College closed its doors in December, 1931. Fourteen years were to pass before the College opened again on February 2nd, 1946. The college re-commenced at SS Dana Street, under the guidance of Mr W.F. Lord, M.C., M.M., B.A., Dip. Ed., (acting, later Principal 1946-1950) and a staff consisting of Miss E.B. Hughes, B.A., Dip. Ed., Mr C.B. Bryan, B.A., B. Com., Dip. Ed., Miss Monica H. Miller, L.Mus.A., and Miss G. Kentish, Dip. Phys. Ed. The opening ceremony was performed by the Minister of Education at that time, the Hon. F. Field, M.L.A., accompanied by the Hon. T.T. Hollway, M.L.A., and the then Director of Education, Mr J.A. Seitz. It was originally intended to cater for women students only but, at the last moment, men resident in Ballarat were also accepted. A co-educational college was thus set up instead, and it has continued as such. 1951 saw the introduction of the two-year course, successful students being presented with the Trained Primary Teacher’s Certificate at the final College Assembly each year. In December 1955, College held its first Graduation Ceremony, with its own Graduation Hymn, the words of which were written by Miss C.M. (Mavis) Canty of the staff. Lord remained as principal until 1951 when he transferred to establish a teachers' college at Toorak. Tom William Turner was Lord's successor. A highlight of his term was the construction of new college buildings at Gillies Street with the students commencing their lessons there in February 1958. Turner retired in 1970, having overseen a period of substantial growth in the institution. In that year alone more than one hundred and forty students completed their primary teaching qualification to meet a severe shortage of teachers. Doug Watson commenced as principal in 1971. In 1973 Ballarat Teachers' College became the State College of Victoria at Ballarat. Three years later Ballarat College of Advanced Education was formed and the teacher education students moved to the Mount Helen Campus. In 1990 Ballarat College of Advanced Education became Ballarat University College, an affiliated college with the University of Melbourne. The University of Ballarat was formed in January 1994.Yellow folded card programme for the Ballarat Teachers' College Grand Concert held at Alfred Hall Ballarat on Thursday 28 August 1947. Student Teachers from the 1947 class performed, including Jessie Batson, Ruth Tozer, Joy Love, N. Kerr, Arthur Lelean, D. Cooper, John Collins, Ann McKinnnon, Peg Purdue, Lindsay Harley.ballarat teachers' college, education, alfred hall

Ellwood was the Principal of the Ballarat Teachers' College. Ballarat Teachers’ College was opened on 04 May 1926, at S.S. 33 Dana Street, with an enrolment of 61 students. Its original staff consisted of the Principal, Mr W.H. Ellwood, M.A., M.Ed. (Chairman of the Teachers’ Tribunal from its inception in 1946 until 1954), Miss A. Bouchier, B.A., and Mr A.B. Jones, BA., (lecturers). In 1927 Miss P.A. Hamano joined the staff. In 1927 the college moved to the old Ballarat East Town Hall (remodelled for their use) in Barkly Street. During 1927 the numbers in the College were augmented by 26 Manual Arts students, who had formerly received their training at Ballarat High School. Manual Art students continued till 1930 when, on grounds of economy, their training was concentrated at Melbourne Teachers’ College. During the four succeeding years, approximately 60 students annually entered the primary course. Inclusive of Manual Arts students, and private fee-paying students, exactly 400 trainees passed through the College in its brief span of life (1926-1931). Five per cent of each year’s students were granted an extension of their studentship to enable them to proceed to Melbourne Teachers’ College, and to take the first year’s course for a University degree. With the advent of the economic depression of the ‘thirties, Ballarat Teachers' College closed its doors in December, 1931. Fourteen years were to pass before the College opened again on February 2nd, 1946. The college re-commenced at SS Dana Street, under the guidance of Mr W.F. Lord, M.C., M.M., B.A., Dip. Ed., (acting, later Principal 1946-1950) and a staff consisting of Miss E.B. Hughes, B.A., Dip. Ed., Mr C.B. Bryan, B.A., B. Com., Dip. Ed., Miss Monica H. Miller, L.Mus.A., and Miss G. Kentish, Dip. Phys. Ed. The opening ceremony was performed by the Minister of Education at that time, the Hon. F. Field, M.L.A., accompanied by the Hon. T.T. Hollway, M.L.A., and the then Director of Education, Mr J.A. Seitz. It was originally intended to cater for women students only but, at the last moment, men resident in Ballarat were also accepted. A co-educational college was thus set up instead, and it has continued as such. 1951 saw the introduction of the two-year course, successful students being presented with the Trained Primary Teacher’s Certificate at the final College Assembly each year. In December 1955, College held its first Graduation Ceremony, with its own Graduation Hymn, the words of which were written by Miss C.M. (Mavis) Canty of the staff. Lord remained as principal until 1951 when he transferred to establish a teachers' college at Toorak. Tom William Turner was Lord's successor. A highlight of his term was the construction of new college buildings at Gillies Street with the students commencing their lessons there in February 1958. Turner retired in 1970, having overseen a period of substantial growth in the institution. In that year alone more than one hundred and forty students completed their primary teaching qualification to meet a severe shortage of teachers. Doug Watson commenced as principal in 1971. In 1973 Ballarat Teachers' College became the State College of Victoria at Ballarat. Three years later Ballarat College of Advanced Education was formed and the teacher education students moved to the Mount Helen Campus. In 1990 Ballarat College of Advanced Education became Ballarat University College, an affiliated college with the University of Melbourne. The University of Ballarat was formed in January 1994. Programme for the 1934 Ballarat Teachers' College Reunion run by the Ballarat teachers' College ex- Students Association. Inside the programme is an image of W.H. Ellwood and copy of his 14 points. ballarat teachers' college, ellwood, reunion, w.h. elwood, elwood's fourteen points

Mirrabooka means Southern Cross. The Melbourne Movie Club was established for those interested in Moving Pictures and all its branches. 'A place to go to spend a few leisure hours, a select dance, parties, picnics, amusements, to learn the art of picture acting and make up, to take part in the Company's productions, dramatic art, to have a jolly good time, etc.' The Melbourne Movie Club has a spacious premises at 184 Exhibition Street, Melbourne, with a floor space of 10,000 square feet, where scenes and sets were erected for the use of Club Members. The Club had full moving picture producing equipment such as big light plant, stage effects, scenery, and cameras. The Melbourne Movie Club saw themselves ad the nursery and basis for a National Film Industry. .1) The secretary was Burnard W. Morey (AICA), the director was L. Morton, and the Managing director of Mirrabooka Films was James Weston. .2) The Managing Director was Louis Morton, the director was Ivan Morton, the Manager Robert Spencer and the organiser and Producer was W. Winford.Two booklets relating to the Melbourne Movie Club. .1) Eight page white booklet of the Melbourne Movie Club - The Mirrabooka Films Pty Ltd. The booklet discusses the place of film in Australia. .2) Eight page pink booklet of the Melbourne Movie Club.melbourne movie club, movie, theatre, james weston, mirrabooka, mirrabooka films, burnard morey

History of the Ballarat Teachers, College as outlined on page 9 of the handbook. Ballarat Teachers' College was opened on may 4th, 1926, at Dana Street State School (no 33), with an enrollment of sixty-one students, its original staff consisted of the Principal, Mr W. H. Ellwood, M.A., M.Ed. (Chairman of the Teachers' tribunal from its inception in 1946 until 1954), Miss A. Bouchier, B.A., and Mr A.B. Jones, B.A. (lecturers). In 1927 Miss P.A. Hamano joined the staff. Teaching practice and special rural school work were carried on in schools in or near Ballarat - drawing, crafts and singing were taught by local teachers. In 1927 the college moved to the former Ballarat East Town Hall (remodelled for their use) in Barkly Street. During 1927 the numbers in the College were augmented by twenty-six Manual arts students who had formerly received their training at Ballarat High School. Manual Arts students continued until 1930, when, on grounds of economy, their training was concentrated at Melbourne Teachers' College. During the four succeeding years approximately sixty students annually entered the primary course. Inclusive of Manual Arts students, and private fee-paying students, exactly 400 trainees passed through the college in its brief span of life (1926-1931) Fourteen years were to pass before they were again opened to students on February 2nd, 1946. The college was re-commenced at S.S. Dana Street under the guidance of Mr W.F. Lord, M.C., M.M., B.A., Dip.Ed., (Acting Principal 1946-1950), and a staff consisting of Miss E.B. Hughes, B.A., Dip. Ed., Mr C.B. Bryan, B.A., V.Com., Dip.Ed., Miss M.H. Miller, L.Mus.A., and Miss G. Kentish, Dip.Phys.Ed. The opening ceremony was performed by the Minister for education at that time, the Hon. F. Field, M.L.A., accompanied by the Hon. T.T. Hollway, M.L.A., and the then Director of Education, Mr J.A. Seitz. It was originally intended to cater for women students only (for whom 130 Victoria Street was purchased as a hostel) but, at the last moment, men were also accepted. A co-educational college was thus set up instead, and has continued as such. The original Staff has been considerable augmented, and the number of Students has been more than trebled. 1951 saw the introduction of the two-year course, successful students being presented with the Trained Primary Teachers' Certificate at the final College assembly each year. In December, 1855, College held its first Graduation Ceremony, with its own graduation hymn, the words of which were written by Miss C.M. (Mavis) Canty of the staff. Mr Ellwood, former Principal, delivered the occasional address and presented the Ellwood Prize to the outstanding student of the year (Mr C.P. Handreck). Students who had successfully completed the course received their certificates from Mr E.B. Pederick, Chief Inspector of Primary Schools. College accomodation having been strained for several years, it was pleasant news when tenders were called in July, 1956, for the building of the first section of the new Ballarat Teachers' College in Gillies Street, near the Botanical Gardens. At the beginning of 1958 the new College was occupied, and staff and students have appreciated greatly the appointements and cacilities of the new building. In 1968 the three-year Diploma Course began, co-existent with the other courses which will continue during the transitional period. Successful students in the course receive the Diploma of teaching (Primary). Orange and black soft covered booklet with a childlike image of a woman on the cover. The 44 page book is the handbook of the Ballarat Teachers' College and includes: history of the college, 1968 programme, courses, teaching Practice, practising school, classification, certification, Ellwood Prize, Lord Prize, hostels, college tripsInside front page signed "Peter Fryar".ballarat teachers' college, peter fryar, t.w.h. turner, tom turner, frank lord, monica miller, dana street primary school, art collection, hostels

The ship “Ellis” started life as the Clementina, launched in America in 1781. The vessel was first listed in Lloyd's Register in 1784 and under this name began serving as a slave ship sailing out of Liverpool. A Lloyd’s database records of slave-trading voyages by vessels from Liverpool makes it clear that Clementina was a slave trader. The next year Captain J. Elworthy sailed her to West Central Africa and St Helena. He transported his slaves to South Carolina. Then in 1785 Elworthy gathered slaves in the Bight of Biafra and the Gulf of Guinea Islands for delivery to Jamaica. In 1786 Bent & Co. purchased the Clementina and renamed her Ellis, presumably after the then owner Ellis Bent. She remained in the slave trade and In 1788 Captain John Ford sailed the now renamed Ellis to the Bight of Biafra and the Gulf of Guinea to gather slaves. He delivered this batch of slaves to the island of Grenada. The next year, 1789 the Ellis was almost completely rebuilt, and from the change in subsequent reports of her cargo loading or (burthen), she was enlarged. In 1791, Captain Joseph Matthews became master and sailed the Ellis to the Gold Coast then delivering his consignment of slaves to the island of St Vincent. During this voyage, some misfortune may have befallen Matthews because records show the Ellis command was transferred to Thomas Given. In 1792, Given sailed to the Bight of Biafra and the Islands in the Gulf of Guinea, again collecting slaves for delivery to Jamaica. There is a parallel record, also for 1793, that the Ellis under the command of Thomas Heart, undertook the same journey and with the same itinerary and cargo. In 1793, Bent & Co. decided to use the Ellis as a privateer with John Levingston as the master. After receiving a letter of "marque” on the 3rd of June 1793, that allowed any armed vessel to commit acts on the high seas which would otherwise have constituted piracy. Thus the Ellis began to operate as a combat ship under the endorsement of the British navy. The Ellis was three times captured first by the French frigate Gracieuse, under the command of Captain Chevillard on 22 July 1793. The French took her into service and renamed her as ”Elise”. Later that summer the Spanish captured her and in November ownership returned to the French who then renamed her the “Esperance”. On the 8th of June 1794, Esperance arrived in Jacmel, Saint-Domingue (present-day Haiti), from France with the official proclamation of the abolition of slavery. Leger-Felicite Sonthonax was one of the Civil Commissioners of Saint-Domingue and he had already unilaterally proclaimed the island for the French colony the year before amid a slave rebellion and attacks from British and Spanish forces. Ironically, Esperance also brought the news to the Civil Commissioners that the National Convention of France had impeached them on 16th July 1793 and ordered them to return promptly to France. On 8 January 1795, HMS Argonaut, under the command of Captain Alexander John Ball, captured Esperance while she was on the North America station. At this time the Esperance was armed with 22 guns (4 and 6-pounders) and had a crew of 130 men. She was under the command of Lieutenant de vaisseau De St. Laurent and had been out at sea for 56 days from Rochfort, bound for the American Chesapeake Bay area.  The French ambassador to the United States registered a complaint with the President of the United States that Argonaut, by stating that by entering Lynnhaven bay, either before she captured Esperance or shortly thereafter, had violated a treaty between France and the United States. The French also accused the British of having brought the Esperance into Lynnhaven for refitting for a cruise. The British Consul replied that the capture had taken place some 10 leagues offshore as the bad weather had forced Argonaut and her prize to shelter within the Chesapeake area for some days, but that they had left as soon as practicable. Furthermore, Argonaut had paroled her French prisoners on arrival at Lynnhaven, and if she had entered American territorial waters solely to parole her French prisoners no one would have thought that objectionable. Royal Navy Service: Because the Esperance was captured in good order and sailed well, Rear Admiral George Murray, the British commander in chief of the North American station, put a British crew aboard and sent the Esperance out on patrol with HMS Lynx, under the command of John Poo Beresford, on 31st January. On 1st March the two vessels captured the Cocarde Nationale (or National Cockade), a privateer from Charleston, South Carolina, of 14 guns, six swivel cannons and a crew of 80 men. Esperance and the lynx went on to recaptured the ship Norfolk, of Belfast, and the brig George, of  Workington. On 20 July, Esperance, in company with frigates Thetis and Hussar, intercepted the American vessel Cincinnatus, of Wilmington, sailing from Ireland to Wilmington. They pressed many men on board into service, narrowly missing the Irish revolutionary Wolfe Tone, who was on his way to Philadelphia. Esperance was formally commissioned in 1795 into the Royal Navy in August under the Command of Jonas Rose. On 4 May 1796 Esperance was sailing in company with HMS Spencer and Bonetta when they sighted a suspicious vessel. Spencer set off in chase while shortly thereafter Esperance saw two vessels, a schooner and a sloop, and she and Bonetta set off after them. Spencer sailed south by south-east and the other two British vessels sailed south-west by west, with the result that they lost sight of each other. Spencer captured the French gun-brig Volcan, while Bonetta and Esperance captured the French schooner Poisson Volant.   The Esperance eventually arrived at Portsmouth on the 3rd of November 1797, the crew was paid off and on 31st May 1798 the Admiralty listed the Esperance for sale and she was sold in June 1798 for £600.The subject scrimshaw is a modern reproduction crudely done of a historic vessel and the scene is believed to be engraved onto a synthetic substance. Scrimshaw art crudely carved into non-natural material in the shape of a tooth. The line artwork is an image of a three-masted sailing ship with a poop deck, and anchors, are coloured black. Inscription is engraved into tooth.Engraved "Man o War Ellis" warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, scrimshaw, ellis, esperance, clementina, elise, hms ship, man of war, leter of marque, privateer, slave ship, slavery, ellis bent, american war of inderpendance, marine art, marine artifact, whale tooth, ivory tooth, resin, plastic, craft, engraving, carving

This pump is an Ajax Type L2 Series A model, made and sold by McPherson’s Pty Ltd of Melbourne circa 1930’s to 1940’s, is a mechanical, hand operated, constant flow pressure pump. It would have been used to pump fluids from one area to another, for example from a dam to a tank or used as a bilge pump on a small vessel, mounted on the vessel’s bulkhead, floor or deck. This type of hand pump is sometimes called a ‘Reciprocating Suction Pump’. It has a mechanical pumping action of the lever moves the piston inside the pump up and down. The water is lifted from below the pump through the inlet pipe and into the pump’s cylinder. This action causes the lower valve to close and the piston’s valve opens and the pressure within the pump forces the water out of the pump through the exit pipe. The limitation of this type of pump is that it can only raise the water a maximum of about 7 metres from beneath the ground and yields 24-26 Litres per minute. This type of pump could be used for many purposes such as pumping water or fuel. McPherson’s 1940’s advertisement proclaims “For all jobs on the land – irrigation, spraying, tank, plumbing, fire-fighting – there’s a suitable “Ajax” pump. Send us the details of you pumping problem. Our Expert’s advice will help you choose the right pump – the one that will give you most years of PROFITABLE PUMPING.” (The Australasian (Melbourne) Sat. 26th October 1940.) McPherson’s Pty Ltd, the manufacturer, advertised a similar pump to this one in The Australasian (Melbourne) in 1936, calling it the Ajax Double Acting Hand Pump. In 1942 another advertisement advised that a representative for a fire-fighting equipment supplier was visiting the western district of Victoria. The company could now supply double-action two-spray Ajax pumps at lower prices than similar pumps the district had recently purchased from Adelaide. McPHERSON’S FOUNDER and COMPANY TIMELINE 1860 – Thomas McPherson, a Scottish immigrant (c. 1853 ), founded McPherson’s in Melbourne, supplying pig iron (lead ingots imported as ballast in ships) to local manufacturers. 1882 – Thomas McPherson established a warehouse in Collins St Melbourne and included tools, steam fittings and machinery in his wares. The business expanded to include steam saw mills and became known as Thomas McPherson and Sons (William Murray and Edward). 1888 – Thomas passed away and his sons inherited the business. In 1896 William Murray became the sole proprietor after his brother Edward’s death. 1900 – The firm expanded, establishing Acme Bolt Company to manufacture nuts and bolts. 1912 – McPhersons Pty Ltd established a machinery warehouse and showroom in 554-556 Collins St Melbourne. McPherson’s went on to establish branches in Sydney (1911), Adelaide (1921) and Perth (1930) 1917 - McPherson’s supplied ‘dog spikes’ for the transcontinental railway, running from Eastern to Western Australia. 1918 – A tool works set up in Kensington, Melbourne, manufacturing Macson lathes and made machine tools that previously had to be imported. 1924 – The Bolt Works was transferred to a new building in Melbourne. McPhersons began making pumps. 1929 – McPherson retired. His son (Sir) William Edward McPherson (known as ‘WE’), was born in Hawthorne, Melbourne, in 1898. After his education he began work in his father’s Melbourne hardware and machinery business He took over as governing director when his father retired. 1929-1932 – McPherson’s supplied thousands of tons of rivets from its Richmond (Melbourne) Bolt Works for the construction of the Sydney Harbour Bridge. 1936 – McPherson’s Pty Ltd is advertising Ajax Pumps in newspapers 1934 – McPhersons purchased the property adjoining the warehouse in Collins Street, and during 1935-1936 built a new office and showrooms on the site of 546-445 Collins St. 1939 - McPherson’s acquired the Tool Equipment Co. Pty. Ltd and Associated Machine Tools Australia Pty Ltd was formed to separate McPherson’s machine-tool manufacturing and merchandising interests. 1939 – Ajax Pump Works, a foundry and pump manufacturing plant, was established in Tottenham, Melbourne, and the Ajax Bolt and Rivet Co Pty Ltd began manufacturing in New Zealand. 1944 - McPherson’s became a public company, McPherson’s Ltd. 1948 - The Ajax Pump Foundry opened at Kyneton, Victoria and in the post war years it grew to became a large manufacturer. 1980’s – Ajax Pumps brochure lists the address as 6 Buckhurst St, South Melbourne, Vic 3205 with the Telephone number 03 669 3588 1988 - Ajax Pumps acquired the Forrers Company, which was established in 1921. Manufacturing in Ipswich, Queensland, specialising in submersible sewage pumps. 1991 – KSB Ajax was formed, bringing together the companies KSB and Ajax Pumps 1993 – Manufacturing was moved to state-of-the-art premises in Tottenham, Victoria 2001 - The Forrers facility was moved to Tottenham. 2007 - Company name KSB Ajax Pumps was changed to KSB Australia Pty Ltd. 2009 - KSB Australia opened a branch in Townsville, Queensland. 2011 - KSB Australia moved to its dedicated Water and Waste Water Competence Centre in Bundamba, Queensland. DISPLAY OF THIS AJAX PUMP This pump was installed at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village as part of a working display in the village by the Friends of Flagstaff Hill, in acknowledgement of the dedicated involvement of one of its long serving members, Bob Crossman. The display was officially opened 31st March 2018 and incorporates a restored Furphy Tank and Water Pipe Stand. The pump is used to draw water from the lake, through the water stand pipe and into the reconditioned Furphy Tank. This Ajax pump made by McPherson’s Pty Ltd is significant for its association with McPherson’s, a prominent manufacturer of hardware in Victoria. McPherson’s is famous for supplying ‘dog-spikes’ for the transcontinental railway (eastern to western Australia, 1917) and rivets for the Sydney Harbour Bridge (1929-1932). The Ajax pump is also of significance because of its association with McPherson’s Governing Director (Sir) William McPherson, former premier and treasurer in Victoria 1928-1929. The former McPherson’s Pty Ltd building in Collins Street Melbourne is now on the Victorian Heritage Register VHR H0942 This pump is representative of mechanical pumps popular in the early to mid-1900’s and still used today. Hand operated pressure pump, double acting. Cast metal case, painted red, with steel hose attachments and long metal lever. Pump is bolted to wooden plank. Model of pump is AJAX, Type L2, Series A pump. Embossed on lower section of pump "L2 - 10", "L2 - -1", "AJAX" “(?) –2-1” Embossed on lower handle “3-7” “L – 4” Embossed on attached plate “FOR SPARE PARTS / TYPE L2 / SERIES A / PUMP ASSEMBLED BY T R” Manufactured by McPherson’s Pty Ltd of Melbourne circa 1930’s - 1940’s.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, ajax pump works tottenham melbourne, ajax pump factory kyneton, william edward mcpherson, thomas mcpherson of melbourne, mcpherson’s pty ltd melbourne, acme bolt company, tool equipment co. pty. ltd, associated machine tools australia pty ltd, ajax bolt and rivet co. pty ltd new zealand, forrers company ipswich queensland, ksb ajax pumps, ksb australia pty ltd, macson lathes, tool manufacturer early to mid- 20th century, ajax double acting hand pump, ajax type l2 series a pump, qisjax pumps, water pump 1940’s, fuel pump 1940’s, hand operated constant flow pressure pump, reciprocating suction pump, agricultural hand pump, plumber’s hand pump, portable hand pump

The subject item is a saw blade sharpening clamp that attaches to a bench allowing the operator to sharpen the teeth on a saw with a file while keeping the saw blade in an upright position. Henry Disston (1819–1878) began his career as an American saw maker in Philadelphia. He emigrated from England in 1833 and started making saws and squares in 1840. In 1850, he founded the company that would become the largest saw maker in the world the ”Keystone Saw Works” on the Delaware River. Some five years later, Disston built a furnace possibly the first melting plant for steel in America and began producing the first crucible saw steel ever made in the United States. While his competitors were buying good steel from Britain, he was making his own, to his specification, for his own needs. Disston subsequently constructed a special rolling mill exclusively for saw blades. Over the following decade, the Disston company continued to grow, even while dedicating itself to the Union Army's war effort. In 1865, when his son Hamilton Disston rejoined the business after serving in the Civil War, Disston changed the company's name to Henry Disston & Son. Henry Disston and his sons set the standards for American saw makers, both in terms of producing high-quality saws and developing innovative manufacturing techniques. Disston also started making files in 1865. In September 1872, Henry Disston and two other men dug a part of the foundation for what was to become the largest saw manufacturing facility in the world: Disston Saw Works. This was in the Tacony section of Philadelphia. Having previously moved his expanding business from near Second and Market Streets to Front and Laurel Streets, Disston sought to establish his business away from this cramped area. It took over 25 years to move the entire facility to Tacony. This Philadelphia neighborhood seems to have been the only company town in the United States established within an existing city. At its peak of operations, Disston Saw Works employed 8,000 people and the factory covered 300 acres. The company, known as Henry Disston and Sons, Inc by the early 20th century, cast the first crucible steel in the nation from an electric furnace in 1906. The firm's Armour plate building near Princeton Avenue and Milnor Street contributed tremendously to the World War II effort. But the company's innovation and industriousness would not last forever. In 1955, with mounting cash-flow problems and waning interest on the family's part to run the firm, Henry Disston and Sons were sold to the H.K. Porter Company of Pittsburgh. Porter's Disston Division was sold in 1978 and became the Henry Disston Division of Sandvik Saw of Sweden. This division was then sold in 1984 to R.A.F. Industries of Philadelphia and became known as Disston Precision Incorporated, a maker of specialized flat steel products. In 2013, R.A.F. Industries sold Disston Precision Inc. in a private sale. Although the company has ceased making Disston handsaws, the Disston brand name still exists in this firm. A significant American company that pioneered the making of high-quality steel and saws along with other tools and accessories. The subject item is significant as it was made at a time when the company was in its hay day. Adjustable Ball & Socket Saw Sharpening vice, cast iron, with clamp to attach to a workbench. Made by Henry Disston & Co. No 1 painted greyflagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, saw clamp, henry disston & sons, saw sharpening, tool accessories, wood saws

Smiths began with a craftsman named Samuel Smith who in 1851 opened a shop in Newington Causeway, London, where he made and sold watches, clocks and precision instruments. Samuel had a son, Samuel Jnr who was apprenticed in his fathers business. Samuel Jnr eventually opened his own business at 85 Strand and later opened other premises at 9 Strand, Trafalgar Square and 68 Piccadilly. In 1899 he turned his business into a private limited company, S. Smith & Son Ltd. Samuel Jnr son, Sir Allan Gordon-Smith, joined him as Manager at 9 Strand in 1903 and laid the foundation of the vast Smiths organisation of the future, leading the company towards the supply of accessories for the then developing motor industry making car clocks and the first speedometers patented in 1904. In July 1914 a new company was formed under the name S. Smith & Sons (Motor Accessories) Ltd., to take over the motor accessory business of S. Smith and Son Ltd. and this became the main company of the group which eventually grew to become Smiths Industries Ltd. The original company S Smith and Sons Ltd., continued as jewelers and clock and watchmakers until 1930 when the company was taken over by Bravingtons retail jeweller chain. In 1931 Smiths decided to enter the domestic clock market and formed a new company, Smiths English Clocks Ltd., as the Clock and Watch division of S Smith & Sons (Motor Accessories) Ltd. This is the start of "Smiths Clocks" because this is when they began to manufacture domestic clocks in quantity. Moreover, they set out to produce these clocks at a price that the average householder could afford. S Smith & Sons (Motor Accessories) was at this time was the main company in the Smiths group of companies and their business developed both in the motor vehicle field and outside it. Smiths began to make automatic pilots for aircraft and, through the acquisition of a majority interest in Henry Hughes & Sons Ltd., entered the field of marine instruments. During the war from 1939 to 1945, Smiths' production expanded. There was a demand for motor, aircraft and marine instruments for the Services and the production of industrial instruments and it is at this time that our item was made. In 1944 many changes were made to the Smiths' organisation. The name of the principal company was changed from S Smith & Sons (Motor Accessories) to S. Smith & Sons (England) Ltd. and four new subsidiary selling companies were set up. These were Smiths Motor Accessories Ltd., Smiths Aircraft Instruments Ltd., Smiths Industrial Instruments Ltd., and Smiths English clocks Ltd. The manufacture of clocks and watches ceased in 1979 and 1983 saw Smiths withdraw from producing items for the motor industry.An item that is now regarded as a vintage, sought by horology collectors worldwide and is in excellent condition. The item is unique in that it was made specifically for ships by the Smith company a well known British clock manufacture. Its provenance is well established and it was made during the world war II era specifically for merchant and naval vessels of the time. Naval brass ships bulkhead clock. The clock face is of white enamel with black Roman numerals, an outer minutes ring and black steel hands. There is a subsidiary seconds dial with sweeping hand just above the centre and a fast/slow adjustment lever above that. There is no manufactures name on the dial. There are a beveled glass and brass hinged lid to the front of the clock. The clock is housed in a heavy brass case with screw holes around the circumference for mounting. There are no markings on the clock or mechanism flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, s smith and sons, clock, maritime clocks, clock makers, bulkhead clock

Handsaw with taper ground blade. Handle entirely enclosed and slotted to take heel of blade which is set in place with three brass rivets. Handle elaborately carved with fishtail and decorative curve. Short distance from toe is a small notch or nib. Has Buck London stamped on bladeflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, handsaw

Handsaw with taper ground blade. Handle entirely enclosed and slotted to take heel of blade which is set in place with four rivets, one being longer and depicting kangaroo trademark. Handle elaborately carved with fishtail and decorative curves short distance from toe is a small notch or nib. RobtSorby Sheffield and a kangaroo stamped on bladeflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, handsaw, robtsorby sheffield, kangaroo trademark

Cross cut saw square with large handsaw grip, and holes for an extra grip at toe and on top. Handle secured to blade with 4 screws. No set to teeth to the 58 teethflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, cross cut saw

Disston Saw Works of Philadelphia was one of the better known and highly regarded manufacturers of handsaws in the United States. During the Machine Age, the company was known as Henry Disston & Sons, Inc. a supplier of industrial saw blades. History: The story of handsaws in the United States mirrors the technical and development of steel in Sheffield, England, which was the center of handsaw production during the 18th century and through most of the 19th century. England's political and economic lock-on steel making in the colonies held American saw makers at bay until well after the Revolutionary War. American steel producers were unable to compete until the US government introduced import tariffs to level the playing field in 1861. Henry Disston: Henry Disston (1819–1878) began his career as an American saw maker in Philadelphia. He had emigrated from England in 1833 and started making saws and squares in 1840. In 1850, he founded the company that would become the largest saw maker in the world, the Keystone Saw Works. Some five years later, Disston built a furnace—perhaps the first melting plant for steel in America and began producing the first crucible saw steel ever made in the United States. While his competitors were buying good steel from Britain, he was making his own, to his specification, for his own needs. Disston subsequently constructed a special rolling mill exclusively for saw blades. Over the following decade, the Disston company continued to grow, even while dedicating itself to the Union Army's war effort. In 1865, when his son Hamilton Disston rejoined the business after serving in the Civil War, Disston changed the company's name to Henry Disston & Son. Henry Disston and his sons began to set the standards for American saw makers, both in terms of producing high-quality saws and files in 1865 through his development of innovative manufacturing techniques. In September 1872, Henry Disston and two other men dug a part of the foundation for what was to become the largest saw manufacturing facility in the world: Disston Saw Works. This was in the Tacony section of Philadelphia. Having previously moved his expanding business from near Second and Market Streets to Front and Laurel Streets. It took over 25 years to move the entire facility to Tacony. Henry Disston was renowned for having one of the first industries that exhibited environmental responsibility, as well as a paternalistic view towards his employees. For example, he had thousands of homes built in Tacony for his workmen. Funds to purchase these homes were made available through a building and loan association set up by the Disston firm. His caring influence on the community was evident in everyday life. To meet employees' cultural needs, a hall and a library were built with Henry Disston agreeing to pay a fixed sum towards its maintenance. The Tacony Music Hall was erected in 1885, also with the assistance of Disston money. Henry Disston had fallen ill by 1877 and never truly recovered; he suffered a stroke and died the next year. This came only one and a half years after seeing his products receive the highest honors at the great Philadelphia Centennial Exposition of 1876. His vision of a working-class community and the completion of the transfer of his enormous saw plant was carried out by his wife and his sons. The company, by the early 20th century, cast the first crucible steel in the nation from an electric furnace in 1906. The firm's armor-plate building near Princeton Avenue and Milnor Street contributed tremendously to the World War II effort. But the company's innovation and industriousness would not last forever. In 1955, with mounting cash-flow problems and waning interest on the family's part to run the firm, Henry Disston and Sons were sold to the H.K. Porter Company of Pittsburgh. Porter's Disston Division was sold in 1978 and became the Henry Disston Division of Sandvik Saw of Sweden. This division was then sold in 1984 to R.A.F. Industries of Philadelphia and became known as Disston Precision Incorporated, a maker of specialized flat steel products. In 2013, R.A.F. Industries sold Disston Precision Inc. in a private sale. Although the company has ceased making Disston handsaws, the Disston brand name still exists in this firm. A tool used to set and sharpen cross cut saws used to fell trees for building construction made by a well known American maker whos firm pioneered the making of saws and their related items including files.combination cross cut saw raker and gauge/jointerDisston USA in the castingflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

gray plasticnon-fictionThe history of the New Guinea Air Warning Wireless Company. This reprinted version contains a map of the dispositions of Spotting Stations August 1943, additional MID awards listed and some additions to the nominal roll. The New Guinea Air Warning Wireless Company was formed in Port Moresby in late January 1942 and was granted “Separate Independent Establishment” status in October 1943. The company’s “founding father” was Major Don Small, who had witnessed Japanese air raids on Rabaul and realised that having lacked an effective early-warning system around New Britain meant that the defenders were taken by surprise. At the time, gaps had also appeared in the coast-watching communications network because the territory administration ordered the withdrawal of civilian wireless operators when Japan entered the war. The first influx of men into the company consisted largely of volunteers from the 39th Infantry Battalion, which was stationed at Port Moresby. Initial training was rudimentary, hasty, and was sometimes even carried out on en route to a new station. The first party of company personnel, or “spotters”, left Port Moresby as early as 1 February 1942, bound for the strategically important Samarai area, at the tip of Papua. In the first month of the company’s existence 16 spotter stations were established on the coast of Papua and in the mountains around Port Moresby. At the end of 1942 there were 61 operational stations being run by 180 men. The company’s high-water mark was in late 1944, by which time over 150 stations had been set up in Papua and New Guinea behind enemy lines. On 3 February 1942 the company issued its first air warning in Papua, when spotters at Tufi saw Japanese aircraft about to attack Port Moresby for the first time. The following month the company was responsible for the first Japanese killed in action in Papua by Australian ground forces, when spotters from Gona engaged the crew of a downed Japanese bomber. And in July 1942 the station at Buna signalled Port Moresby with news of the Japanese landings in Papua, marking the beginning of the Kokoda campaign. The dangers involved in the company’s work had also been made clear by this time. In July 1942 a party of spotters attempting to set up a station at Misima Island, off Milne Bay, was intercepted by a Japanese destroyer, resulting in the company’s first operational losses. Anticipating the direction of the campaign as a whole, the company’s focus moved north and north-west over the three years of its existence. In May 1942 a network was set up in the Wau area in association with the activities of Kanga Force. As part of the Wau network, spotter Ross Kirkwood audaciously constructed an observation post overlooking the Japanese airstrip at Salamaua. Kirkwood’s position was photographed by Damian Parer on the understanding that the pictures would not be published. They nevertheless appeared in a Sydney newspaper. The day after the publication of the photographs the observation post was attacked by the Japanese and Kirkwood was lucky to escape. In June 1944 the company’s headquarters were moved to Nadzab. By that time, spotter stations existed behind Japanese lines, as far north as Hollandia, and the company began to train Americans to perform similar work in the Philippines. In early 1945 the company moved to Balcombe, Victoria, where its members were posted to other units of the Australian Corps of Signals.world war ii, special operations, new guinea, new guinea air warning wireless company

Dip pens emerged in the early 19th century, when they replaced quill pens. They were generally used prior to the development of fountain pens in the later 19th century, and are now mainly used in illustration, calligraphy, and comics. A nib pen usually consists of a metal nib with capillary channels like those of fountain pen nibs, mounted on a handle or holder, often made of wood. Other materials can be used for the holder, including bone, metal and plastic. Generally speaking, dip pens have no ink reservoir; therefore the user has to recharge the ink from an ink bowl or bottle in order to continue drawing or writing. Birmingham, England was home to many of the first dip pen manufacturers. John Mitchell pioneered mass production of steel pens in 1822; prior to that the quill pen had been the most common form of writing instrument. His brother William Mitchell later set up his own pen making business in St Paul's square. The Mitchell family is credited as being the first manufacturers to use machines to cut pen nibs, which greatly sped up the process. Germany 1842 began at the factory of Heintze & Blanckertz in Berlin By 1860 there were about 100 companies making steel nibs in Birmingham, but 12 large firms dominated the trade. Dip pens are rarely used now for regular writing, most commonly having been replaced by fountain pens, rollerball pens, or ballpoint pens. However, dip pens are still appreciated by artists, as they can make great differences between thick and thin lines, and generally write more smoothly than other types of pens. Dip pens are also preferred by calligraphers for fine writing. Richard Esterbrook was a Cornish Quaker from England who saw an opportunity in the United States to manufacture Steel Pens. In 1856 R.Esterbrook traveled to the US to set up shop as 'The Steel Pen Manufacturing Company' where Richard made these steel pens by hand using special tools and machines (mostly that Richard had to invent). In 1858 he was able to establish himself as the sole pen manufacturer in the USA and he changed the company name to 'The Esterbrook Steel Pen Mfg. Co.' The company settled down in Camden, New Jersey. Quality was a key factor in his success. His steel pens were versatile, long lasting, and came in many different styles to fit the varied writing styles of the public. Sadly, Richard Esterbrook didn't see the 'empire' his company was to become as he passed away in Atlanta on October 12th 1895 . in 1896 they started an Esterbrook branch in England to join the ranks of the other main pen manufactures in Birmingham . In 1912 the company had gotten so large that they erected a 5 story building, just to continue manufacturing pens. By 1920 the fountain pen was fast becoming more popular amongst people who were tired of 'dipping.' To meet this demand the company manufactured its first fountain pen. In 1930 the company sought less expensive means of manufacturing pens because gold and 'jewel' tips were too expensive and in this same year they began selling fountain pens in England . The Esterbrook Company began using the metal Iridium which they called 'Durachrome.' To meet the fountain pen demand the company reformed as 'The Esterbrook Hazel Pens Ltd.' In 1940 war had come to strike a blow at the Esterbrook company. On November 19th 1940 their England location was hit by an incendiary bomb destroying half of the location! To make matters worse, when putting out the fire using a human water bucket chain, someone accidentally grabbed a bucket of paraffin and set the place further ablaze. Oddly enough, the company was able to rebuild the structure during the war. However, the government had placed a stipulation that 50% of its capacity was to be used for government related purposes. In 1947 the company bought out John Mitchell and the American branch had already acquired Hazel Pen Co. The company re-formed again as 'The Esterbrook Pen Company.' This is the last company name the dip pen nibs were manufactured under. A box of Steel dipping nibs for writing pensOn Box; Photo of man / R. Esternbrook Co. / PENS / PROBATEsteel nibs, writing pens, education, schools, writing, caligraphy, artists, moorabbin, bentleigh, cheltenham, dip pens, inkwells, fountain pens, mitchell john, birmingham england, esternbrook richard, maple barbara