This book was conceived by the Nillumbik Women's Network as a way of writing women into local history. When seeking nominations for the 2010 editon, the press release stated: Nillumbik Shire’s official histories don’t reflect the important but often unacknowledged contribution of local women to the development of the area. To redress this, the Nillumbik Women’s Network (NWN) initiated a small project, Celebrating Nillumbik women in late 2007.( For details of the Nillumbik Women’s Network refer to attachment) The NWN sought nominations of local women who had made, or continue to make, a significant contribution to the social and cultural life of our community. The brief profiles of the nominees were published in a booklet, which was launched at an International Women’s Day celebration in March 2008, and a second publication was produced in 2009. We continue to be inspired by the quality and activism of our local women. Many of the biographies tell of women’s contribution to the building of the ‘social’ infrastructure of the Shire. These stories complement the official historical accounts which primarily document men’s role in building the physical infrastructure of the Shire. One begins to develop a clearer picture of how women went about developing the services which we take for granted today, from the small kindergartens operating out of church halls to the wide ranging network of occasional and long day childcare care to the development of home based services for older frail and disabled residents of the area. They also tell of the bravery and resilience of women in their response to the devastating impact of the Black Saturday bushfires. This volume includes profiles of 23 women, 2013 Nominees in addition to those included since the project was launched in 2008. The 2008 nominations are: Wendy Alexander, Jane Ashton, Sharon Banner, Janet Boddy, Catherine Cervasio, Belinda Clarkson, Helen Coleman, Cathy Dean, Judy Duffy, Gwen Ford, Jenny Graves, Cath Giles, Meera Govil, Ona Henderson, Jill Jameson, Vicki Kaye, Mrs Kimber, Nerida Kirov, Jane Lauber, Pam Lawson, Anne Manne, Chris Marks, Elizabeth Marshall, Dawn McDonnell, Jenny Millar, Grace Mitchell, Jenni Mitchell, Michelle Molinaro, Joy Murphy, Rosie Murphy, Barbara Murray, Tracey Naughton, Josephine Norman, Pamela Pederson, Mary Robertson, Vicki Ruhr, Geraldine Sanderson, Dawn Shaw, Fiona Sievers, Myra Skipper, Selina Sutherland, Barbara Talbot, Marjorie Taylor, Julie Tipene-O’Toole, Susie Walker, Donna Zander. 2009: Jan Aitken, Rosemary Aitken – OAM, Edith Apted, Betty Anderson, Thelma Barkway, Diana Bassett-Smith, Jenneke Bateman-Korteweg, Amy Bryans, Sabi Buehler, Jenni Bundy, Audrey Cahn, Linda Cornelissen, Janice Crosswhite, Elean Dansey, Christine Durham Claire Fitzpatrick, Ailsa Fitzmaurice, Lucinda Flynn, Sheryl Garbutt MP, Fran Gronow, Ev Hales, Irene “Rennie” Harrison, Ena Jarvis, Heather Kaufmann. 1948-2007: Helen Kenney, Margot Knox – Pederson, Lois Loftus-Hills, Nina Mikhailovna Christesen AM (nee Maximov), Penny Mullinar, Gwayne Naug, Nanette Oates, Lisal O’Brien, Stella Reid, Laura Rohricht, Meg Russell, Sonia Skipper, Bronwyn South, Pauline Toner MP, Lisa Walton, Diana Warrell, Rachel Watt. The 2013 nominations are: Roslyn Addison, Sue Aldred, Lucy Anderson, Sue Arnold, Mary Avola, Anna Foletta, Morag Fraser, Danielle Green MP, Colleen Hackett, Pam Hayes, Barbara Joyce, Carol Leeson, Sandra and Bruce Poloni, Many Press, Carolyn Royse, Hannah Sky, Lorna Smith, Lynlee Tozer, Kilanthi Vassiliadis, Kerry Wailes, Gale Weiss, Irma Winton and Alexis Wright.This book is a significant in the recording of the contribution of local women to the development of the Shire of Nillumbik, especially for the time frame 2008 -- 2013. Historically women's stories generally have not been told at all, let alone their contributions acknowledged. This book profiles and documents women's stories that otherwise may not have been told.women, nillumbik women's network

This book of poetry by E. J. Brady was originally published by the Bulletin Newspaper Company (Sydney) in 1899,Later it was reprinted by Thomas C. Lothian (Melbourne) in 1909, and by the Standard Publishing Company (Melbourne) in 1913.] E. J. Brady was an Australian poet. He was born at Carcoar, New South Wales, and was educated both in the United States and Sydney. He worked as a wharf clerk, a farmer, and journalist, and edited both rural and city newspapers This book is culturally important as Edwin James Brady represented the Bulletin school of the 1890s. The Bulletin was very popular with rural bush workers and selectors and became known as ‘the bushman’s bible’. It encouraged contributions of poetry, short stories and cartoons from its readerswho included miners, shearers and timber-workers from all over Australia. Some of this content was high quality and many of Australia’s important writers had their start with The Bulletin which became know as the ‘Bulletin School’ of literature.A small 155 pp fabric covered brown book with a very faded picture of a boat sailing toward a sunset on the front cover.poetry literature brady-edwin-james the-ways-of-the-waters

This sheath knife belonging originally to German seaman Julius Gebauhr and an artifact associated with the story of the survivors of the wreck of Fiji. A three-masted iron barque Fiji had been built in Belfast, Ireland, in 1875 by Harland and Wolfe for a Liverpool based shipping company. The ship departed Hamburg on 22nd May 1891 bound for Melbourne, under the command of Captain William Vickers with a crew of 25. The ship’s manifest shows that she was loaded with a varied cargo consisting of cases of dynamite, pig iron, steel goods, various spirits, sailcloth, tobacco, coiled fencing wire, concrete, 400 German pianos and other musical instruments. On September 5th, one hundred days out from Hamburg in a squally and boisterous south-west wind, the Cape Otway light was sighted on a bearing differing from Captain Vickers' calculation of his position. At about 2:30 am, Sunday 6th September 1891 land was reported 4-5 miles off the port bow. The captain tried to put the ship on the other tack, but she would not respond. He then tried to turn her the other way but just as the manoeuvre was being completed Fiji struck rock only 274 meters from shore. The place is known as Wreck Bay, Moonlight Head. Efforts were made to lower boats but all capsized or became swamped two of the younger crewmen volunteered to swim for the shore, taking a line. One, a Russian named Daniel Carkland, drowned after the line broke. The other, 17-year-old able seaman Julius Gebauhr, a German, reached shore safely on his second attempt without a line, which he had cut loose with his sheath-knife when it becomes tangled in kelp. He rested on the beach a while then climbed the cliffs in search of help. At about 10 am on Sunday a party of land selectors including F. J. Stanmore, Leslie Dickson found Gebauer. They were on their travels back from Princetown towards Moonlight Head. Gebauer was lying in the scrub in a poor state, bleeding and dressed only in a singlet, socks, belt and his sheath-knife. His rescues gave him food and brandy and some clothing and gain information about the wreck. Some of the men took him to Rivernook, a nearby guest house owned by John Evans, where he was cared for. Stanmore and Dickson rode off to try and summon help. Messages for rescuing the rest of the crew were sent both to Port Campbell for the rocket rescue crew and to Warrnambool for the lifeboat. The S.S. Casino sailed from Portland towards the scene. After travelling the 25 miles to the scene, half of the Port Campbell rocket crew and equipment arrived and was set up on the beach below the cliffs. By this time the crew of Fiji had been clinging to the jib-boom for almost 15 hours. Mr Tregear from the Rocket Crew fired the line the light line broke and the rocket was carried away. A second line was successfully fired across the ship and made fast. The anxious sailors then attempted to come ashore along the line but, as many as five at a time, however, some were washed off. Only 14 of the 24 men who had remained on the ship made it to shore. Many onlookers on the beach took it in turns to go into the surf and drag half-drowned seamen to safety. The wreck of Fiji has smashed apart within 20 minutes of the last man being brought ashore, and it settled in about 6 m of water. Of the 26 men on Fiji, 11 in total lost their lives. The remains of 7 bodies were washed onto the beach. They were buried on the clifftop above the wreck. Captain Vickers was severely reprimanded for his mishandling of the ship and his Masters Certificate was suspended for 12 months. At the time there was a great deal of public criticism at the slow and disorganised rescue attempt to save those on board. The important canvas ‘breech buoy’ or ‘bucket chair’ and the heavy line from the Rocket Rescue was in the half of the rocket outfit that didn’t make it in time for the rescue: they had been delayed at the Gellibrand River ferry. Communications to Warrnambool were down so the call for help didn’t get through on time and the two or three boats that had been notified of the wreck failed to reach it in time. Captain Vickers presented Bill Robe who had dragged the captain out of the surf with his silver cased pocket watch, the only possession that he had left, as a token for having saved his life and the lives of some of the crew. Years later Bill passed the watch to his brother in law Gilbert Hulands as payment of a debt. Since that time it has been passed down the family to Gilbert Hulands’ grandson, John Hulands. Seaman Julius Gebauhr later gave his knife, in its hand crafted leather sheath, to F. J. Stanmore for caring for him when he came ashore. The knife handle has a personal inscription on it. A marble headstone on the 200 m high cliffs overlooking Wreck Beach, west of Moonlight Head, paying tribute to the men who lost their lives when Fiji ran aground. The scene of the wreck is marked by the anchor from the Fiji, erected by Warrnambool skin divers in 1967. Amongst the artefacts salvaged from the Fiji are china miniature animals, limbs from small china dolls, rubber balls, a glass bottle, sample of rope from the distress rocket and a candlestick holder. These items are now part of the Fiji collection at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum, along with this sheath knife and Captain Vickers’ pocket watch. Flagstaff Hill’s collection from the wreck of the Fiji and Julius Gebauhr knife is of historical significance at a State level because of its association with the vessel, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S 259). The Fiji is archaeologically significant as the wreck of a typical 19th-century international sailing ship with cargo. It is educationally and recreationally significant as one of Victoria's most spectacular historic shipwreck dive sites with structural features and remains of the cargo still evident. Also the story of the heroic attempt by many to save the crew of the Fiji. The knife also represents an aspect of shipping history and fits in well with Victoria's framework of historical themes of living with natural processes as items such as these contribute to a better understanding of Victoria’s cultural history.Knife, metal with black wooden handle. Handle is riveted to knife in 3 places, with shaft of knife between the 2 parts of the handle. The handle also has a carved ring around the end, possibly for attaching a wrist strap. Knife blade is pointed in the centre of the tip and is rusty. The knife has a rectangular metal plaque on handle with inscription. The hand crafted dark brown, soft leather sheath is shaped to fit the knife and joined at the back with cross stitching. The sheath also has a leather belt strap that has come away from the sheath at one end.Metal plaque “FROM JULIUS GEBAUHR/”FIJI” /TO F.J.S.” (F J Standmore recipient)1891, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwrecked artefact, flagstaff hill maritime village, shipwreck coast, warrnambool, knife, fiji, pocket watch, moonlight head, gebauhr, stansmore, wreck bay, sheath knife

This draft plan, a line etching, is of the wooden clipper ship "Schomberg" . It can be assumed from the heading "Ship Building." and the phrase "Built by Messrs. A Hall & Co. of Aberdeen" that the drawing is an example of plans for building a ship, and that the Schomberg ship has chosen to demonstrate this. The plan may have possibly been in a book, as it is made from two well-joined pieces of paper. The original plans would have been drawn up, discussed, reviewed and drawn in more detail before the building of the ship in Aberdeen, Scotland, in 1855. Information on the draft Is as follows: “Principal dimensions: Length between the perpendiculars: 262 feet 6 inches Length of keel 245 feet Breadth extreme: 45 feet Breadth of frame: 42 feet Depth of hold: 29 feet 9 inches Burthen in tons, Builders Old Measurement: 2600 Tons” The publisher firm A & C Black, was founded by Adam and Charles Black in Edinburgh in 1807. Over the years the company has published editions of Encyclopedia Britannica and Whose Who, and reference books, guides and technical books. The printer G Aikman (1788-1865) or his son G Aikman (1830-1905), were both named George. George senior was an early-19th century Scottish printer and publisher. After his death his son became the sole proprietor of the firm until he sold it in 1876. The draft plan uses the vessel Schomberg as its example ship building plan for demonstration purposes. It is significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck, the Schomberg. It is an example of a shipo building plan. The Schomberg collection is primarily significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the Schomberg. The Schomberg collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international passenger ship. The shipwreck collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the shipwreck and the ship, which was designed to be fastest and most luxurious of its day. The Schomberg collection meets the following criteria for assessment: Criterion A: Importance to the course, or pattern, of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion B: Possession of uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion C: Potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Victoria’s cultural history.Plan; line engraving; draft of the wooden clipper ship 'Schomberg', built in 1855. The drawing on cream paper is made from two well- joined pages. The drawing gives the principal dimensions and labels for the Body Plan, Middle Section, Sheer Plan and Half Breadth Plan. Inscriptions are on the drawing and its rough cardboard storage folder. Publisher: A & C Black. Edinburgh. Printer: G. Aikman sc. EdinborughOn drawing: "SHIP BUILDING" "Draught of the Wooden CLIPPER SHIP SCHOMBERG", Buiilt by Messrs A Halt & Co. of Aberdeen" "Vol XX" "Plate III" "Principal Dimensions""BODY PLAN" "MIDDLE SECTION" "SHEER PLAN" "HALF BREDTH PLAN" "Published by A & C Black, Edinburgh" "G Aikman sc. Edinr" On storage folder: "Receipt Number 381A: "Line engraving draught of wooden ship "Schomberg" "warrnambool, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, schomberg, schomberg plan, vessel schomberg, ship building, g. aikman ship plan draftsman, a.& c. black publisher aberdoon, a. hall & co. maker aberdeen, peterborough, clipper ship, captain forbes, black ball line, ship's plan, ship's drawing, line drawing, vessel plan, draft plan, line engraving, vol xx plate iii, a & c black, ship building example drawing, g aikman, 19th century

A “Bill of Fare” is a menu or list of food offered for a meal. This Bill of Fare from the sailing ship Schomberg is handwritten in pen in hard-to-read script on the printed pages specifically for the Schomberg ship, of the Black Ball Line of Australian Packets. (‘Packets’ were vessels that had a regular trade run of cargo, passengers and mail; the sailing ship Schomberg was designed for long voyages between England and Australia.) These menus posed a puzzle as they have the handwritten dates of, May 10 and 12, 1856, by which time the Schomberg had sunk (she sunk on December 26, 1855). The donor of these pages of Bill of Fare is a stamp collector from Melbourne. He came across the menus in a package that he bought in 1980 at a stamp auction in Tasmania. He decided to give the menus to Flagstaff Hill this year during his annual family holiday in Warrnambool. A 1981 newspaper article about this donation included an interview with Flagstaff Hill’s curator Mr Peter Ronald, who said that the stationery of these menus is genuine. He went on to say that there would have been much stationery printed for use on the Schomberg although she sank on her maiden voyage. These menus could have been written at a dated late because the surplus Schomberg stationery could have been used for menus on other ships. We will probably never be sure of the answer but none-the-less the pages are still connected to the Schomberg. Below is what we believe the menu consists of although some of the writing is indecipherable - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - (first menu) Roast Mutton Boiled Mutton? Ox Tail Mulligatawny? Or possibly Ox Tail Vegetables? Mutton Pies? ------------------------------- Vegetables Potatoes ---------------------------------- Dessert Fruit Puddings? Saturday May 10, 1856 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - AND - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - (second menu) Boiled Mutton Roast Mutton? Roast Geese? Ox Tail?? Calves Head Broth? ------------------------------- Vegetables Potatoes ------------------------------- Dessert Tarts? Rice Pudding? ?...Maids?? Monday May 12, 1856 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Background of “SCHOMBERG” When SCHOMBERG was launched in July, 1855, she was considered the “Noblest ship that ever floated on water.” SCHOMBERG’s owners, the Black Ball Line (one of three companies by that name), commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. She was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen, UK at a cost of £43,103. She was constructed with 3 skins: one planked fore and aft, and two diagonally planked, fastened together with screw threaded trunnels (wooden rails). Her first class accommodation was luxurious: velvet pile carpets; large mirrors; rosewood; birds-eye maple; mahogany; soft furnishings of gold satin damask; an oak-lined library; and a piano. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. SCHOMBERG’s 34 year old master, Captain James ‘Bully’ Forbes, had promised Melbourne in 60 days at the launch, "with or without the help of God." James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships MARCO POLO and LIGHTNING. In 1852 in the MARCO POLO he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. There were 53 deaths on the voyage but the great news was of the record passage by the master. In 1954 Captain Forbes took the clipper LIGHTNING to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his own records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, the SCHOMBERG’s maiden voyage, he was going to break records. SCHOMBERG departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6 October 1855 flying the sign “Sixty Days to Melbourne”. She departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway as well as a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, and 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. SCHOMBERG also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo was insured for $300,000, a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing SCHOMBERG’s journey considerably. Land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, and Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the Third Mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off. Due in large part to Forbes regarding a card game as more important than his ship, SCHOMBERG eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26 December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes’s map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to SCHOMBERG and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted the steamer SS QUEEN at dawn and signalled it. The master of the SS QUEEN approached the stranded vessel and all of SCHOMBERG’s passengers and crew were able to disembark safely. The SCHOMBERG was lost and with her, Forbes’ reputation. The Black Ball Line’s Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers’ baggage from the SCHOMBERG. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot! Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo, but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 salvage efforts were abandoned after two men drowned when they tried to reach SCHOMBERG. Parts of the SCHOMBERG were washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand in 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck. The wreck of the SCHOMBERG lies in 825 metres of water. Although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated, the shape of the ship can still be seen due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen surrounding the wreck, by divers. Flagstaff Hill holds many items salvaged from the SCHOMBERG including a ciborium (in which a diamond ring was concealed in concretion), communion set, ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets and photograph from the SCHOMBERG. These Bills of Fare are significant due to their connection to Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the Schomberg, which is significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck S612. The collection is primarily significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the Schomberg. The Schomberg collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international passenger ship. The shipwreck collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the shipwreck and the ship, which was designed to be fastest and most luxurious of its day. The Schomberg collection meets the following criteria for assessment: Criterion A: Importance to the course, or pattern, of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion B: Possession of uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion C: Potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Victoria’s cultural history. Menu, or Bill of Fare, on cream coloured stationery from the sailing vessel “Schomberg”. Two rectangular pieces of paper, each bears the printed words “Black Ball Line of Australian Packets, Bill of Fare, Ship, Schomberg”, a printed symbol of the Black Ball line (a black ball on a red flag) and a decorative border. Both pages are handwritten, in similar but different sized writing, with a Bill of Fare and a date, Page (1) dated May 10th 1856 and (2) dated May 12th ’56, (Both dates are AFTER the Schomberg sank in December 26th 1855.) Both pages have three fold lines spaced across their width. To be used for the return voyage.Printed on the pages ““BLACK BALL LINE OF AUSTRALIAN PACKETS.” “Bill of Fare, / SHIP / “SCHOMBERG”.” Handwritten list of food, and on one page “Saturday May 10 1856” and on the other page “Monday May 12” warrnambool, peterborough, shipwrecked coast, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime village, maritime museum, great ocean road, flagstaff hill, sailing ship schomberg, shipwreck schomberg, black ball line of australian packets, bill of fare schomberg, menu schomberg 1856, food mid-1800’s, food on ships mid-1800’s, menu, may 10, 1856, may 12, 1856

John Gall Mainlands father John Mainland Snr. was born in 1835 in the town of Lerwick in the Shetland Isles off the coast of Scotland. At the age of fifteen, he migrated to the South Island of New Zealand where he trained as a carpenter/builder after settling in Oamaru where he soon became a prominent citizen. He was for many years the Chairman of the Hospital Board and Captain of the fire brigade (which he founded). Mary Gall, Johns wife had also migrated with her family from Glasgow Scotland in 1837 at the age of thirteen to New Zealand where she had met and married John Mainland and in 1866 John Gall Mainland the second eldest of their six children was born. After John Gall Mainland Jnr. had trained as a jeweller and watchmaker he also developed itchy feet and left New Zealand for Australia in the late 1880s eventually settling in Walhalla Victoria where he became chief of the fire brigade for ten years before moving to Warrnambool. Gertrude Emily born 1872 met and married John G Mainland after he had increased his skills to become an optician. In Jan 1892 opened a business in Liebig St Warrnambool the sign outside his premises read, (J Mainland Watchmaker Jeweler and Optician). While he was establishing his business and profession John had set about contributing to the cultural and business life of the Warrnambool community. One of his many community commitments was with the scouting movement where he became a King Scout and an original charter member of the Warrnambool Rotary Club.The clock was made by an early Warrnambool business identity who had also made an important contribution to the local community over the years through his involvement with Rotary as a founding member the fire brigade. Having an item that was made by John Mainland during the early development of Warrnambool and in such good condition is in itself significant, it's provenance is well established and it is another piece of local history that further tells a story of Warrnambool's cultural life and early development in the 1890s. Wall Clock, circular in a wooden case Roman numerals on a twelve hour dialName of maker to dial face "J Mainland & Co Warrnambool"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, warrnambool clock maker, john mainland, john gall mainland, mary gall, clock maker, optician, jeweller

The artefact is the lower portion of a rectangular shanked ‘planking nail’ with a straight-edged ‘flat point’. The distinctive ‘point’ of a planking/skirting nail was designed to be driven into timber across the grain in order to prevent the wood from splitting. This relic is from the shipwreck of the SCHOMBERG, which ran aground near Peterborough in 1855. It was retrieved in 1875 from a large section of the ship’s bow which had been carried by ocean currents to the western coast of New Zealand’s South Island. The nail is still fixed in a fragment of the original timber that it secured in the SCHOMBERG. The top portion, or ‘head’ of the nail, has corroded away but the pronounced rectangular shank and its flat point indicate its likely purpose and position on the vessel. Most fastenings used in sailing ship construction were either wooden treenails or copper bolts, which were relatively resistant to seawater corrosion. In addition, the preferred hull-frame timber of British Oak has a high content of gallic acid which rapidly corrodes unprotected iron work. The ferrous composition of this planking nail suggests it came from an internal and upper portion of the ship’s bow (protected from exposure to the sea or oak). According to an 1855 edition of the Aberdeen Journal, the five outer layers, or ‘skins’, of the SCHOMBERG’s pine hull were “combined by means of patent screw treenails”. However the “beams of her two upper decks” were of “malleable iron”, and “part of the forecastle” was “fitted for the accommodation of the crew”. It is therefore possible that iron nails of this description were used by the ship’s builders to secure floor and wall planks in enclosed areas of the crew’s quarters. (The same reasoning would apply to officer and passenger accommodation amidships and at the stern of the vessel, but it was the bow that floated to New.Zealand.) The SCHOMBERG was a 2,000 ton clipper ship, specifically designed for the Australian immigration trade (back-loading wool for Britain’s mills), and constructed in Hall’s shipyard in Aberdeen, Scotland. She was owned by the Black Ball Line and launched in 1855. Alexander Hall & Son were renowned builders of sleek and fast 1,000 ton clippers for the China trade (opium in, tea out) and were keen to show they could also outclass the big North American ships built by Donald Mackay. Consequently the SCHOMBERG was ‘overbuilt’. Her hull featured five ‘skins’ of Scotch Larch and Pitch Pine overlaying each other in a diagonal pattern against a stout frame of British Oak. Oak has been favoured by builders of wooden ships for centuries. Its close, dense grain made it harder to work, but also gave it great strength and durability. In addition, the lateral spread of its branches supplied a natural curvature for the ribs of a vessel’s hull, as well as providing the small corner or curved pieces (‘knees’ and ‘elbows’) that fit them together. At the launch the SCHOMBERG’s 34 year old master, Captain ‘Bully’ Forbes, had promised Melbourne in 60 days, "with or without the help of God." James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; MARCO POLO and LIGHTNING. In 1852 in the MARCO POLO he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. There were 53 deaths on the voyage but the great news was of the record passage by the master. In 1954 Captain Forbes took the clipper LIGHTNING to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his own records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, the SCHOMBERG’s maiden voyage, he was going to break records. SCHOMBERG departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6 October 1855 flying the sign “Sixty Days to Melbourne”. She departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. It also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo was insured for $300,000, a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing SCHOMBERG’s journey considerably. Land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, and Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the Third Mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off, Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26 December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes’s map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to SCHOMBERG and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted SS QUEEN at dawn and signalled the steamer. The master of the SS QUEEN approached the stranded vessel and all of SCHOMBERG’s passengers and crew were able to disembark safely. The SCHOMBERG was lost and with her, Forbes’ reputation. The Black Ball Line’s Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers’ baggage from the SCHOMBERG. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot! Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo, but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach SCHOMBERG, salvage efforts were abandoned. Parts of the SCHOMBERG were washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand in 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck. The wreck now lies in 825 metres of water. Although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated the shape of the ship can still be seen due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. Flagstaff Hill holds many items salvaged from the SCHOMBERG including a ciborium (in which a diamond ring was concealed), communion set, ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets and photograph from the SCHOMBERG. One of the SCHOMBERG bells is in the Warrnambool Library. This nail is a registered artefact from the wreck of the SCHOMBERG, Artefact Reg No S/35 and is significant because of its association with the SCHOMBERG. The SCHOMBERG collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level, listed on the Victorian Heritage Register VHR S612. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the SCHOMBERG is significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck. The collection is primarily significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the SCHOMBERG. The SCHOMBERG collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international passenger ship. The shipwreck collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the shipwreck and the ship, which was designed to be fastest and most luxurious of its day. The SCHOMBERG collection meets the following criteria for assessment: Criterion A: Importance to the course, or pattern, of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion B: Possession of uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion C: Potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Victoria’s cultural history. The object is the bottom end of a slightly curved iron planking nail with remnant of timber still attached, recovered from the wreck of the SCHOMBERG (1855). The shank of the nail is rectangular and it narrows to a flat (chisel like) ‘point’. The ‘head’ is missing although there is a quantity of dark red corrosion within the top of the surrounding wood, suggesting where it might have been. The artefact is from the wreck of the SCHOMBERG (1855) and was retrieved from part of the ship’s bow which was carried by sea currents to the South Island of New Zealand. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, schomberg, planking nail, rectangular ship’s nail, cast iron nail

This padlock has been salvaged from the wrecked sailing ship SCHOMBERG. It is not known whether the padlock was a part of the ship’s equipment or if it was among personal effects or cargo. At some point in time the padlock has been mounted and sealed in resin, perhaps for both display and preservation purposes. ABOUT THE SCHOMBERG When SCHOMBERG was launched in 1855, she was considered the “Noblest ship that ever floated on water.” SCHOMBERG’s owners, the Black Ball Line, commissioned the ship for their fleet of passenger liners. She was built by Alexander Hall of Aberdeen. Overall she had accommodation for 1000 passengers. SCHOMBERG’s 34 year old master, Captain ‘Bully’ Forbes, (James Nicol Forbes) was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; MARCO POLO and LIGHTNING. On this, the SCHOMBERG’s maiden voyage, he was going to break records. SCHOMBERG departed Liverpool 6 October 1855 flying the sign “Sixty Days to Melbourne”. She carried 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking, 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo was insured for $300,000, a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing SCHOMBERG’s journey considerably. Land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, and Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the Third Mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off, Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26 December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes’s map. The crew from the scouting party advised Forbes to wait until morning before trying to take the passengers to safety in the lifeboats because the rough seas could easily overturn the small vessels. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted SS QUEEN at dawn and signalled the steamer. The master of the SS QUEEN approached the stranded vessel and all of SCHOMBERG’s passengers and crew were able to disembark safely. The SCHOMBERG was lost and with her, Forbes’ reputation. The Black Ball Line’s Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers’ baggage from the SCHOMBERG. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot! Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo, but did not attempt to salvage the cargo that was still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864, after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach SCHOMBERG, salvage efforts were abandoned. Parts of the SCHOMBERG were washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand in 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck. The wreck now lies in 825 metres of water and the shape of the ship can still be seen due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. Flagstaff Hill holds many items salvaged from the SCHOMBERG including a ciborium (in which a diamond ring was concealed), communion set, ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets, menu and photograph from the SCHOMBERG. This brass padlock is registered as an artefact in the SCHOMBERG collection. The SCHOMBERG collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level, listed on the Victorian Hertage Register VHR S612. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the SCHOMBERG is significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck. The collection is primarily significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the SCHOMBERG. The SCHOMBERG collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international passenger ship. The shipwreck collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the shipwreck and the ship, which was designed to be fastest and most luxurious of its day. The SCHOMBERG collection meets the following criteria for assessment: Criterion A: Importance to the course, or pattern, of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion B: Possession of uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion C: Potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Victoria’s cultural Brass Padlock lying in a wooden block and encased in resin. The wood encasing the padlock has seven man-made holes in it, perhaps used to hand as a display. There was a paper label with an inscription on the top and bottom of the wood immediately surrounding the padlock. the brass has tarnished. Recovered from the wreck of the Schomberg in 1974.Marked on block - "Recovered 1974 'Schomberg'"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, padlock, schomberg shipwreck, brass padlock circa 1855, object salvaged from shipwreck, captain bully forbes, 19th century security hardware, sjouvenir, security, brass padlock

The object is a mass of small shipwreck debris that has been concreted together by sediment and marine growth. It was retrieved from the wreck-site of the SCHOMBERG, which ran aground near the mouth of the Curdies River near Peterborough in 1855. The conglomerate of preserved wood impressions, rusted metal pieces, a small square of copper alloy, and black glass-like stones, presents too disjointed a collection to provide information on their purpose or function on the ship. The natural and gradual process of limestone accretion is a significant feature of the wreck-site, which was rediscovered by fishermen and skindivers in 1973. In his book “Exploring Shipwrecks of Western Victoria”, experienced diver and former director at Flagstaff Hill, Peter Ronald writes that the SCHOMBERG’s “triple layered wooden hull has disintegrated almost without trace…The turbulent shallow waters have promoted particularly heavy marine growth which tend to disguise the wreckage…the most prominent feature being a corroded mass of railway iron…Close inspection reveals small artefacts firmly embedded in the marine concretion which…is quite literally as hard as iron”. The huge oblong mass of concretion that now distinguishes the site covers the remains of this heavy cargo. A contemporary account of the SCHOMBERG’s fate (told by two of her passengers to the Melbourne Argus) alleges the ship “was overloaded, drawing over 25 feet when she left, and the cargo was chiefly iron and plant for the Geelong Railway”. The SCHOMBERG was a 2,000 ton clipper ship, specifically designed for the Australian immigration trade (back-loading wool for Britain’s mills), and constructed in Hall’s shipyard in Aberdeen, Scotland. She was owned by the Black Ball Line and launched in 1855. Alexander Hall & Son were renowned builders of sleek and fast 1,000 ton clippers for the China trade (opium in, tea out) and were keen to show they could also outclass the big North American ships built by Donald Mackay. Consequently the SCHOMBERG was ‘overbuilt’. Her hull featured five ‘skins’ of Scotch Larch and Pitch Pine overlaying each other in a diagonal pattern against a stout frame of British Oak. Oak has been favoured by builders of wooden ships for centuries. Its close, dense grain made it harder to work, but also gave it great strength and durability. In addition, the lateral spread of its branches supplied a natural curvature for the ribs of a vessel’s hull, as well as providing the small corner or curved pieces (‘knees’ and ‘elbows’) that fit them together. The shape and texture of this wood sample suggests a dense hardwood like Oak. The timber has been cut off at one end since its recovery from the sea, exposing a smooth and almost shiny surface. Seasoned English Oak has a similar light brown colour and tight grained finish. At the launch the SCHOMBERG’s 34 year old master, Captain ‘Bully’ Forbes, had promised Melbourne in 60 days, "with or without the help of God." James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; MARCO POLO and LIGHTNING. In 1852 in the MARCO POLO he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. There were 53 deaths on the voyage but the great news was of the record passage by the master. In 1954 Captain Forbes took the clipper LIGHTNING to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his own records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, the SCHOMBERG’s maiden voyage, he was going to break records. SCHOMBERG departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6 October 1855 flying the sign “Sixty Days to Melbourne”. She departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. It also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo was insured for $300,000, a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing SCHOMBERG’s journey considerably. Land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, and Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the Third Mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off, Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26 December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes’s map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to SCHOMBERG and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted SS QUEEN at dawn and signalled the steamer. The master of the SS QUEEN approached the stranded vessel and all of SCHOMBERG’s passengers and crew were able to disembark safely. The SCHOMBERG was lost and with her, Forbes’ reputation. The Black Ball Line’s Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers’ baggage from the SCHOMBERG. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot! Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo, but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach SCHOMBERG, salvage efforts were abandoned. Parts of the SCHOMBERG were washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand in 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck. The wreck now lies in 825 metres of water. Although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated the shape of the ship can still be seen due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. Flagstaff Hill holds many items salvaged from the SCHOMBERG including a ciborium (in which a diamond ring was concealed), communion set, ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets and photograph from the SCHOMBERG. One of the SCHOMBERG bells is in the Warrnambool Library. This object is listed on the Shipwreck Artefact Register, No S/49, and is significant because of its association with the ship SCHOMBERG. The SCHOMBERG collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level, listed on the Victorian Heritage Register VHR S612. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the SCHOMBERG is significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck. The collection is primarily significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the SCHOMBERG. The SCHOMBERG collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international passenger ship. The shipwreck collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the shipwreck and the ship, which was designed to be fastest and most luxurious of its day. The SCHOMBERG collection meets the following criteria for assessment: Criterion A: Importance to the course, or pattern, of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion B: Possession of uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion C: Potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Victoria’s cultural history. The object is an aggregate of limestone sediment that formed at the wreck-site of the SCHOMBERG (1855). It is an irregularly shaped conglomerate of sand, shell-grit and marine worm casings from the ocean floor, but also incorporates an assortment of manufactured metal pieces and pipe fittings (corroded with red rust), a small rectangular piece of copper sheet, some ‘petrified’ wood remains (hardened and a soft brown colour), and pieces of black shiny stone (roughly cube shaped and possibly glass or porcelain remnants). There is an impression left in the stone of a joist or plank end but the original timber that the sediment formed around has since been dispersed by the sea.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, schomberg, shipwreck timber, alexander hall and son, shipwreck debris, black ball line, 1855 shipwreck, aberdeen clipper ship, captain forbes, peterborough shipwreck, ss queen

The artefact is a piece of ship’s timber from the wreck-site of the SCHOMBERG, a vessel which collided with the Peterborough reef on her maiden voyage in December 1855. This small wooden remnant of the disaster has been concreted on one side by the accrual of marine sediment while submerged. The build-up of sediment over the remains of the vessel is typical of the site as a whole. This artefact illustrates the reclaiming power of the ocean and the gradual disappearance of timber constructed vessels that have come to grief along this coastline (for example, the THISTLE in 1837, and the CHILDREN in 1838). The SCHOMBERG was a 2,000 ton clipper ship, specifically designed for the Australian immigration trade (back-loading wool for Britain’s mills), and constructed in Hall’s shipyard in Aberdeen, Scotland. She was owned by the Black Ball Line and launched in 1855. Alexander Hall & Son were renowned builders of sleek and fast 1,000 ton clippers for the China trade (opium in, tea out) and were keen to show they could also outclass the big North American ships built by Donald Mackay. Consequently the SCHOMBERG was ‘overbuilt’. Her hull featured five ‘skins’ of Scotch Larch and Pitch Pine overlaying each other in a diagonal pattern against a stout frame of British Oak. Oak has been favoured by builders of wooden ships for centuries. Its close, dense grain made it harder to work, but also gave it great strength and durability. In addition, the lateral spread of its branches supplied a natural curvature for the ribs of a vessel’s hull, as well as providing the small corner or curved pieces (‘knees’ and ‘elbows’) that fit them together. The shape and texture of this wood sample suggests a dense hardwood like Oak. The timber has been cut off at one end since its recovery from the sea, exposing a smooth and almost shiny surface. Seasoned English Oak has a similar light brown colour and tight grained finish. At the launch the SCHOMBERG’s 34 year old master, Captain ‘Bully’ Forbes, had promised Melbourne in 60 days, "with or without the help of God." James Nicol Forbes was born in Aberdeen in 1821 and rose to fame with his record-breaking voyages on the famous Black Ball Line ships; MARCO POLO and LIGHTNING. In 1852 in the MARCO POLO he made the record passage from London to Melbourne in 68 days. There were 53 deaths on the voyage but the great news was of the record passage by the master. In 1954 Captain Forbes took the clipper LIGHTNING to Melbourne in 76 days and back in 63 days, this was never beaten by a sailing ship. He often drove his crew and ship to breaking point to beat his own records. He cared little for the comfort of the passengers. On this, the SCHOMBERG’s maiden voyage, he was going to break records. SCHOMBERG departed Liverpool on her maiden voyage on 6 October 1855 flying the sign “Sixty Days to Melbourne”. She departed with 430 passengers and 3000 tons cargo including iron rails and equipment intended to build the Melbourne to Geelong Railway and a bridge over the Yarra from Melbourne to Hawthorn. She also carried a cow for fresh milk, pens for fowls and pigs, 90,000 gallons of water for washing and drinking. It also carried 17,000 letters and 31,800 newspapers. The ship and cargo was insured for $300,000, a fortune for the time. The winds were poor as she sailed across the equator, slowing SCHOMBERG’s journey considerably. Land was first sighted on Christmas Day, at Cape Bridgewater near Portland, and Captain Forbes followed the coastline towards Melbourne. Forbes was said to be playing cards when called by the Third Mate Henry Keen, who reported land about 3 miles off, Due in large part to the captain's regarding a card game as more important than his ship, it eventually ran aground on a sand spit near Curdie's Inlet (about 56 km west of Cape Otway) on 26 December 1855, 78 days after leaving Liverpool. The sand spit and the currents were not marked on Forbes’s map. Overnight, the crew launched a lifeboat to find a safe place to land the ship’s passengers. The scouting party returned to SCHOMBERG and advised Forbes that it was best to wait until morning because the rough seas could easily overturn the small lifeboats. The ship’s Chief Officer spotted SS QUEEN at dawn and signalled the steamer. The master of the SS QUEEN approached the stranded vessel and all of SCHOMBERG’s passengers and crew were able to disembark safely. The SCHOMBERG was lost and with her, Forbes’ reputation. The Black Ball Line’s Melbourne agent sent a steamer to retrieve the passengers’ baggage from the SCHOMBERG. Other steamers helped unload her cargo until the weather changed and prevented the salvage teams from accessing the ship. Later one plunderer found a case of Wellington boots, but alas, all were for the left foot! Local merchants Manifold & Bostock bought the wreck and cargo, but did not attempt to salvage the cargo still on board the ship. They eventually sold it on to a Melbourne businessman and two seafarers. In 1864 after two of the men drowned when they tried to reach SCHOMBERG, salvage efforts were abandoned. Parts of the SCHOMBERG were washed ashore on the south island of New Zealand in 1870, nearly 15 years after the wreck. The wreck now lies in 825 metres of water. Although the woodwork is mostly disintegrated the shape of the ship can still be seen due to the remaining railway irons, girders and the ship’s frame. A variety of goods and materials can be seen scattered about nearby. Flagstaff Hill holds many items salvaged from the SCHOMBERG including a ciborium (in which a diamond ring was concealed), communion set, ship fittings and equipment, personal effects, a lithograph, tickets and photograph from the SCHOMBERG. One of the SCHOMBERG bells is in the Warrnambool Library. The SCHOMBERG collection as a whole is of historical and archaeological significance at a State level, listed on the Victorian Heritage Register VHR S612. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from the SCHOMBERG is significant for its association with the Victorian Heritage Registered shipwreck. The collection is primarily significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the SCHOMBERG. The SCHOMBERG collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of an international passenger ship. The shipwreck collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the shipwreck and the ship, which was designed to be fastest and most luxurious of its day. The SCHOMBERG collection meets the following criteria for assessment: Criterion A: Importance to the course, or pattern, of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion B: Possession of uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of Victoria’s cultural history. Criterion C: Potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Victoria’s cultural history. A piece of wood, concreted in sediment, from the wreck of the SCHOMBERG (1855). The limestone accretion includes sand, shell grit and marine worm casings. The exposed surface of the wood is broken and worn smooth along the grain. One end of the timber has been cut or sawn off across the grain, presenting a smooth and shiny surface.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, wood segment, schomberg, shipwreck timber, alexander hall and son, limestone concretion, oak-framed hull

62 pages : illustratednon-fictionIn 1839 a runaway horse crashed into a tree stump that stood in the middle of Bourke Street; and in 1840 there were holes in Collins Street so deep that a child was nearly drowned in one. Early Melbourne Sketchbook recaptures the exciting early days of the city, days when rainy weather rendered Elizabeth Street impassable without a punt, and when Melbourne's first city councillor was elected on the promise of free beer to his constituents. Brian Carroll has sought out an interesting collection of contemporary illustrations to take us back to the beginning of Melbourne, from the original discovery of Port Phillip in 1802. David Collins' abortive settlement at Sullivan's Bay was abandoned in 1803, and it was not until 1835 that John Batman settled on his now famous 'place for a village'. Here are fascinating stories of the men who founded and shaped Victoria's capital city: Batman, Fawkner, Bourke, La Trobe. In addition, there is a wealth of information about Melbourne's buildings and landmarks - places such as St Francis', the Post Office, the Town Hall, Princes Bridge, and Young and Jackson's. Early Melbourne Sketchbook describes vividly the historical development and cultural growth of the city that was to become Australia's financial capital and its second largest city. (Inside cover)melbourne, historic buildings

Index, bibliography, ill, maps, p.335.non-fictionn 1900, Germany was one of modernity's great success stories: The most progressive and dynamic nation in Europe, it was the only country whose rapid economic growth and innovation rivaled that of the United States. Its political culture was far less authoritarian than Russia's and less anti-Semitic than France's. Representative institutions thrived, and competing political parties and elections were a central part of life. How, then, could it be that in little more than a generation this stable modern country would fall into the hands of Adolf Hitler and the violent, racist, extremist political movement he led, a movement that would lead Germany and then all of Europe into utter moral, physical, and cultural ruin?" "There is no story in twentieth-century history more important to understand, and Richard Evans has written the definitive account for our time. A masterful synthesis of a vast body of scholarly work integrated with important new research and interpretations, Evans's history restores drama and contingency to the rise to power of Hitler and the Nazis, even as he shows how ready Germany was by the early 1930s for such a takeover to occur. Its citizens were angry and embittered by military defeat and economic ruin, and its young democracy undermined by a civil service, an army, and a law enforcement system deeply alienated from the new order. The electorate was beset by growing extremism and panic about communism; and the small but successful Jewish community was subject to wide-spread suspicion and resentment. In the end, though nothing about what happened was preordained, Germany proved to be fertile ground for Nazism's ideology of hatred.germany - politics and government 1933-1939, germany - nazi party

"The fist references the Black Lives Matter movement and also represents the strength of Indigenous peoples all over the world and symbolises solidarity and justice for everyone affected by systematic racism. Bunjil (wedge-tailed eagle) is flying high on the building. He is the creator spirit for Wurundjeri people who looks over us and protects us. Bunjil represents healing and power to our people. The blue circles and lines represent revival and waterways; in particular, they depict the Birrarung (Yarra River), which is very significant for the Wurundjeri people. Our people are known as the Manna Gum people. The leaves in the artwork highlight Wurundjeri people and their Country. These leaves also represent the cleansing of negative spirits. The Manna Gum leaf is also an important symbolic offering in our traditional Welcome to Country ceremony. Leaves are offered to visitors as they are granted safe passage through our land. They are made welcome to everything from the tops of the trees to the roots of the earth. We ask that they take care of the land, plants and animals and to respect the protocols and rules of the Traditional Owners whilst on our Country."In 2020 Council declared its support for the global Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. In consultation with Yarra City Council's Yana Ngargna advisory group a motion was prepared and passed unanimously by all Councillors. A number of actions were generated from this decision; one of which was for Council to commission a large-scale mural that aligned with the movement. Emerging artist Ky-ya Nicholson-Ward, a proud Wurundjeri, Dja Dja Wurrung, Nguarai Illam-Wurrung, German and Irish woman, created the mural installed on a building in Peel Street Park, Collingwood. Selected by Council's Yana Ngargna, Black Lives Matter Working Group the artwork identifies the cultural importance of the local area to the Wurundjeri Woi Wurrung people as the Traditional Owners. With a strong focus on Aboriginal identity the mural outlines the local context of the Black Lives Matter movement, which is connected to racism, policing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and associated deaths in custody. The artwork acknowledges the ongoing challenges faced by Aboriginal community members and their struggle to survive white systems, policies and institutions. Ky-ya's mural tells the story of Aboriginal resilience, strength and self-determination; and will support the process of healing. It is a celebration of the local Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community; the significant Aboriginal history of Fitzroy, Collingwood and surrounds; and community's continuing cultural connection to the area. Importantly, this artwork provides a platform to educate a broader audience about the local context of the Black Lives Matter movement and Aboriginal deaths in custody. The mural will activate this site, enliven the area, promote inclusion, incite conversation and contribute to the creative capital of this locale. A welcoming environment for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities.Aboriginal Lives Matter Ky-ya Nicholson WardOn a black background a hand fist (strength, solidarity and justice) is placed at the centre of the building; Bunjil (wedge-tailed eagle) is depicted flying high on the building; blue circles and lines represent revival and waterways (Birrarung-Yarra River) and the leaves in the artwork highlight Wurundjeri people (cleansing of spirit and welcome to Country)The artist name 'Ky-ya Nicholson Ward' painted in white, low right of the wall facing into Peel Street Park. black lives matter (blm) movement, wurundjeri woi wurrung, bunjil, identity, birrarung, country

Report of curriculum of school and its intended participation in Healesville Sanctuary's programs. Story on lack of support by State and Federal governments for cultural programs at Worawa College in Healesville. This article represents a continued connection between Aborigal communities and Healesville Sanctuary.Newspaper article

Ten unique hand painted poles (wooden telegraph poles) reflect the surroundings of Lake Wendouree and tell First Nations' peoples stories. Tom Clark created the Koori Totem Poles prior to the establishment of the North Garden Indigenous Sculpture Park. The work is a set of 10 poles decorated and carved with ‘Koorie’ motifs and references and was commissioned originally for Ballarat’s Begonia Festival. These poles were shifted from the Ballarat Botanical Gardens main area in 2015 to their present site guarding the northern entrance to North Gardens.The artworks are of aesthetic and cultural significance to the people of BallaratTen hand painted wooden telegraph polestotem poles

Mawul Rom Project: Openness, obligation and reconciliation Morgan Brigg (Universtiy of Queensland) and Anke Tonnaer (University of Aarhus, Denmark) Aboriginal Australian initiatives to restore balanced relationships with White Australians have recently become part of reconciliation efforts. This paper provides a contextualised report on one such initiative, the Mawul Rom crosscultural mediation project. Viewing Mawul Rom as a diplomatic venture in the lineage of adjustment and earlier Rom rituals raises questions about receptiveness, individual responsibility and the role of Indigenous ceremony in reconciliation efforts. Yolngu ceremonial leaders successfully draw participants into relationship and personally commit them to the tasks of cross-cultural advocacy and reconciliation. But Mawul Rom must also negotiate a paradox because emphasis on the cultural difference of ceremony risks increasing the very social distance that the ritual attempts to confront. Managing this tension will be a key challenge if Mawul Rom is to become an effective diplomatic mechanism for cross-cultural conflict resolution and reconciliation. Living in two camps: the strategies Goldfields Aboriginal people use to manage in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time Howard Sercombe (Strathclyde University, Glasgow) The economic sustainability of Aboriginal households has been a matter of public concern across a range of contexts. This research, conducted in the Eastern Goldfields of Western Australia, shows how economically successful Aboriginal persons manage ?dual economic engagement?, or involvement in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time. The two economies sometimes reinforce each other but are more often in conflict, and management of conflicting obligations requires high degrees of skill and innovation. As well as creating financially sustainable households, the participants contributed significantly to the health of their extended families and communities. The research also shows that many Aboriginal people, no matter what their material and personal resources, are conscious of how fragile and unpredictable their economic lives can be, and that involvement in the customary economy is a kind of mutual insurance to guarantee survival if times get tough. Indigenous population data for evaluation and performance measurement: A cautionary note Gaminiratne Wijesekere (Dept. of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, Canberra) I outline the status of population census counts for Indigenous peoples, identifying information on Indigenous births and deaths, and internal migration estimates. I comment on the ?experimental? Indigenous population projections and question the rationale for having two sets of projections. Program managers and evaluators need to be mindful of limitations of the data when using these projections for monitoring, evaluating and measuring Indigenous programs. Reaching out to a younger generation using a 3D computer game for storytelling: Vincent Serico?s legacy Theodor G Wyeld (Flinders University, Adeliade) and Brett Leavy (CyberDreaming Australia) Sadly, Vincent Serico (1949?2008), artist, activist and humanist, recently passed away. Born in southern Queensland in Wakka Wakka/Kabi Kabi Country (Carnarvon Gorge region) in 1949, Vincent was a member of the Stolen Generations. He was separated from his family by White administration at four years of age. He grew up on the Cherbourg Aboriginal Reserve in the 1950s, when the policies of segregation and assimilation were at their peak. Only returning to his Country in his early forties, Vincent started painting his stories and the stories that had been passed on to him about the region. These paintings manifest Vincent?s sanctity for tradition, storytelling, language, spirit and beliefs. A team of researchers was honoured and fortunate to have worked closely with Vincent to develop a 3D simulation of his Country using a 3D computer game toolkit. Embedded in this simulation of his Country, in the locations that their stories speak to, are some of Vincent?s important contemporary art works. They are accompanied by a narration of Vincent?s oral history about the places, people and events depicted. Vincent was deeply concerned about members of the younger generation around him ?losing their way? in modern times. In a similar vein, Brett Leavy (Kooma) sees the 3D game engine as an opportunity to engage the younger generation in its own cultural heritage in an activity that capitalises on a common pastime. Vincent was an enthusiastic advocate of this approach. Working in consultation with Vincent and the research team, CyberDreaming developed a simulation of Vincent?s Country for young Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal persons from the Carnarvon Gorge region to explore Vincent?s life stories of the region. The use of Vincent?s contemporary paintings as storyboards provides a traditional medium for the local people to interactively re-engage with traditional values. Called Serico?s World, it represents a legacy to his life?s works, joys and regrets. Here we discuss the background to this project and Vincent?s contribution. A singular beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land RG Gunn (La Trobe University) and RL Whear (Jawoyn Association) Samples from a beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land were analysed for radiocarbon and dated to be about 150 years old. An underlying beeswax figure was found to be approximately 1100 years old. The Dreaming Being Namarrkon is well known throughout Arnhem Land, although his sphere of activity is concentrated around the northern half of the Arnhem Land plateau. Namarrkon is well represented in rock-paintings in this area and continues to be well represented in contemporary canvas-paintings by artists from the broader plateau region. We conclude that representations of Namarrkon in both painted and beeswax forms appear to be parallel manifestations of the late Holocene regionalisation of Arnhem Land. ?Missing the point? or ?what to believe ? the theory or the data?: Rationales for the production of Kimberley points Kim Akerman (Moonah) In a recent article, Rodney Harrison presented an interesting view on the role glass Kimberley points played in the lives of the Aborigines who made and used them. Harrison employed ethnographic and historical data to argue that glass Kimberley points were not part of the normal suite of post-contact artefacts used primarily for hunting and fighting or Indigenous exchange purposes, but primarily were created to service a non-Indigenous market for aesthetically pleasing artefacts. Harrison asserted that this market determined the form that these points took. A critical analysis of the data does not substantiate either of these claims. Here I do not deal with Harrison?s theoretical material or arguments; I focus on the ethnographic and historical material that he has either omitted or failed to appreciate in developing his thesis and which, in turn, renders it invalid. The intensity of raw material utilisation as an indication of occupational history in surface stone artefact assemblages from the Strathbogie Ranges, central Victoria Justin Ian Shiner (La Trobe University, Bundoora) Stone artefact assemblages are a major source of information on past human?landscape relationships throughout much of Australia. These relationships are not well understood in the Strathbogie Ranges of central Victoria, where few detailed analyses of stone artefact assemblages have been undertaken. The purpose of this paper is to redress this situation through the analysis of two surface stone artefact assemblages recorded in early 2000 during a wider investigation of the region?s potential for postgraduate archaeological fieldwork. Analysis of raw material utilisation is used to assess the characteristics of the occupational histories of two locations with similar landscape settings. The analysis indicates variability in the intensity of raw material use between the assemblages, which suggests subtle differences in the occupational history of each location. The results of this work provide a direction for future stone artefact studies within this poorly understood region.document reproductions, maps, b&w photographs, colour photographskimberley, mawul rom project, 3d computer game, storytelling, vincent serico, beeswax, namarrkon, artefact assemblages, strathbogie ranges, groote eylandt, budd billy ii

We don?t leave our identities at the city limits: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people living in urban localities Bronwyn Fredericks Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who live in cities and towns are often thought of as ?less Indigenous? than those who live ?in the bush?, as though they are ?fake? Aboriginal people ? while ?real? Aboriginal people live ?on communities? and ?real? Torres Strait Islander people live ?on islands?. Yet more than 70 percent of Australia?s Indigenous peoples live in urban locations (ABS 2007), and urban living is just as much part of a reality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as living in remote discrete communities. This paper examines the contradictions and struggles that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people experience when living in urban environments. It looks at the symbols of place and space on display in the Australian cities of Melbourne and Brisbane to demonstrate how prevailing social, political and economic values are displayed. Symbols of place and space are never neutral, and this paper argues that they can either marginalise and oppress urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, or demonstrate that they are included and engaged. Juggling with pronouns: Racist discourse in spoken interaction on the radio Di Roy While the discourse of deficit with regard to Australian Indigenous health and wellbeing has been well documented in print media and through images on film and on television, radio talk concerning this discourse remains underresearched. This paper interrogates the power of an interactive news interview, aired on the Radio National Breakfast program on ABC Radio in 2011, to maintain and reproduce the discourse of deficit, despite the best intentions of the interview participants. Using a conversation-analytical approach, and membership categorisation analysis in particular, this paper interrogates the spoken interaction between a well-known radio interviewer and a respected medical researcher into Indigenous eye health. It demonstrates the recreation of a discourse emanating from longstanding hegemonies between mainstream and Indigenous Australians. Analysis of firstperson pronoun use shows the ongoing negotiation of social category boundaries and construction of moral identities through ascriptions to category members, upon which the intelligibility of the interview for the listening audience depended. The findings from analysis support claims in a considerable body of whiteness studies literature, the main themes of which include the pervasiveness of a racist discourse in Australian media and society, the power of invisible assumptions, and the importance of naming and exposing them. Changes in Pitjantjatjara mourning and burial practices Bill Edwards, University of South Australia This paper is based on observations over a period of more than five decades of changes in Pitjantjatjara burial practices from traditional practices to the introduction of Christian services and cemeteries. Missions have been criticised for enforcing such changes. However, in this instance, the changes were implemented by the Aboriginal people themselves. Following brief outlines of Pitjantjatjara traditional life, including burial practices, and of the establishment of Ernabella Mission in 1937 and its policy of respect for Pitjantjatjara cultural practices and language, the history of these changes which commenced in 1973 are recorded. Previously, deceased bodies were interred according to traditional rites. However, as these practices were increasingly at odds with some of the features of contemporary social, economic and political life, two men who had lost close family members initiated church funeral services and established a cemetery. These practices soon spread to most Pitjantjatjara communities in a manner which illustrates the model of change outlined by Everett Rogers (1962) in Diffusion of Innovations. Reference is made to four more recent funerals to show how these events have been elaborated and have become major social occasions. The world from Malarrak: Depictions of South-east Asian and European subjects in rock art from the Wellington Range, Australia Sally K May, Paul SC Ta�on, Alistair Paterson, Meg Travers This paper investigates contact histories in northern Australia through an analysis of recent rock paintings. Around Australia Aboriginal artists have produced a unique record of their experiences of contact since the earliest encounters with South-east Asian and, later, European visitors and settlers. This rock art archive provides irreplaceable contemporary accounts of Aboriginal attitudes towards, and engagement with, foreigners on their shores. Since 2008 our team has been working to document contact period rock art in north-western and western Arnhem Land. This paper focuses on findings from a site complex known as Malarrak. It includes the most thorough analysis of contact rock art yet undertaken in this area and questions previous interpretations of subject matter and the relationship of particular paintings to historic events. Contact period rock art from Malarrak presents us with an illustrated history of international relationships in this isolated part of the world. It not only reflects the material changes brought about by outside cultural groups but also highlights the active role Aboriginal communities took in responding to these circumstances. Addressing the Arrernte: FJ Gillen?s 1896 Engwura speech Jason Gibson, Australian National University This paper analyses a speech delivered by Francis James Gillen during the opening stages of what is now regarded as one of the most significant ethnographic recording events in Australian history. Gillen?s ?speech? at the 1896 Engwura festival provides a unique insight into the complex personal relationships that early anthropologists had with Aboriginal people. This recently unearthed text, recorded by Walter Baldwin Spencer in his field notebook, demonstrates how Gillen and Spencer sought to establish the parameters of their anthropological enquiry in ways that involved both Arrernte agency and kinship while at the same time invoking the hierarchies of colonial anthropology in Australia. By examining the content of the speech, as it was written down by Spencer, we are also able to reassesses the importance of Gillen to the ethnographic ambitions of the Spencer/Gillen collaboration. The incorporation of fundamental Arrernte concepts and the use of Arrernte words to convey the purpose of their 1896 fieldwork suggest a degree of Arrernte involvement and consent not revealed before. The paper concludes with a discussion of the outcomes of the Engwura festival and the subsequent publication of The Native Tribes of Central Australia within the context of a broader set of relationships that helped to define the emergent field of Australian anthropology at the close of the nineteenth century. One size doesn?t fit all: Experiences of family members of Indigenous gamblers Louise Holdsworth, Helen Breen, Nerilee Hing and Ashley Gordon Centre for Gambling Education and Research, Southern Cross University This study explores help-seeking and help-provision by family members of Indigenous people experiencing gambling problems, a topic that previously has been ignored. Data are analysed from face-to-face interviews with 11 family members of Indigenous Australians who gamble regularly. The results confirm that substantial barriers are faced by Indigenous Australians in accessing formal help services and programs, whether for themselves or a loved one. Informal help from family and friends appears more common. In this study, this informal help includes emotional care, practical support and various forms of ?tough love?. However, these measures are mostly in vain. Participants emphasise that ?one size doesn?t fit all? when it comes to avenues of gambling help for Indigenous peoples. Efforts are needed to identify how Indigenous families and extended families can best provide social and practical support to assist their loved ones to acknowledge and address gambling problems. Western Australia?s Aboriginal heritage regime: Critiques of culture, ethnography, procedure and political economy Nicholas Herriman, La Trobe University Western Australia?s Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972 (WA) and the de facto arrangements that have arisen from it constitute a large part of the Aboriginal ?heritage regime? in that state. Although designed ostensibly to protect Aboriginal heritage, the heritage regime has been subjected to various scholarly critiques. Indeed, there is a widespread perception of a need to reform the Act. But on what basis could this proceed? Here I offer an analysis of these critiques, grouped according to their focus on political economy, procedure, ethnography and culture. I outline problems surrounding the first three criticisms and then discuss two versions of the cultural critique. I argue that an extreme version of this criticism is weak and inconsistent with the other three critiques. I conclude that there is room for optimism by pointing to ways in which the heritage regime could provide more beneficial outcomes for Aboriginal people. Read With Me Everyday: Community engagement and English literacy outcomes at Erambie Mission (research report) Lawrence Bamblett Since 2009 Lawrie Bamblett has been working with his community at Erambie Mission on a literacy project called Read With Me. The programs - three have been carried out over the past four years - encourage parents to actively engage with their children?s learning through reading workshops, social media, and the writing and publication of their own stories. Lawrie attributes much of the project?s extraordinary success to the intrinsic character of the Erambie community, not least of which is their communal approach to living and sense of shared responsibility. The forgotten Yuendumu Men?s Museum murals: Shedding new light on the progenitors of the Western Desert Art Movement (research report) Bethune Carmichael and Apolline Kohen In the history of the Western Desert Art Movement, the Papunya School murals are widely acclaimed as the movement?s progenitors. However, in another community, Yuendumu, some 150 kilometres from Papunya, a seminal museum project took place prior to the completion of the Papunya School murals and the production of the first Papunya boards. The Warlpiri men at Yuendumu undertook a ground-breaking project between 1969 and 1971 to build a men?s museum that would not only house ceremonial and traditional artefacts but would also be adorned with murals depicting the Dreamings of each of the Warlpiri groups that had recently settled at Yuendumu. While the murals at Papunya are lost, those at Yuendumu have, against all odds, survived. Having been all but forgotten, this unprecedented cultural and artistic endeavour is only now being fully appreciated. Through the story of the genesis and construction of the Yuendumu Men?s Museum and its extensive murals, this paper demonstrates that the Yuendumu murals significantly contributed to the early development of the Western Desert Art Movement. It is time to acknowledge the role of Warlpiri artists in the history of the movement.b&w photographs, colour photographsracism, media, radio, pitjantjatjara, malarrak, wellington range, rock art, arrernte, fj gillen, engwura, indigenous gambling, ethnography, literacy, erambie mission, yuendumu mens museum, western desert art movement

Aimed at primary aged children, contains stories, activities and information to assist in education the young person.games, colour illustrationswurundjeri, woi wurrung, stories, activities for children, educational resources, possum skin cloaks, primary school education

The book tells the story of the Indigenous Aanaar Saami language (around 350 speakers) and cultural revitalisation in Finland. It offers a new language revitalisation method that can be used with Indigenous and minority languages, especially in cases where the native language has been lost among people of a working age. The book gives practical examples as well as a theoretical frame of reference for how to plan, organise and implement an intensive language programme for adults who already have a professional training. It is the first time that a process of revitalisation of a very small language has been systematically described from the beginning; it is a small-scale success story. The book finishes with self-reflection and cautious recommendations for Indigenous peoples and minorities who want to revive or revitalise their languages.Maps, colour photographsnative language studies, bilingual education, casle project, saami, language revival