In WW1 the Australian Light Horse served from the Suez Canal right around through Palestine - Syria.1. Memorial Card. Black cardboard with gold printing. It is a religious article with images and prayers. In the top centre is an oval shaped hole with a B & W portrait of an Aust soldier. Slouch hat with side up. 2. Set of 31 B & W photos depicting scenes of light horse activity. Beaches - Middle East buildings - locals - repairing train lines - daily life - campsites - ships off shore etc.Thomas McGinty, Beloved son of Catherine Power. "Who gave his life for the Empire. At Gallipoli, Turkey, August 13 - 1915. Aged 33 years.ww1, middle east, light horse

This book tells of the mounting sea power of the Allies told by men of the RAN who with their ships have added the weight of their blows to the common effort. It tells stories of which the Royal Australian Navy may be proud.This volume is a further unfolding of the story of WWII which because of its nature as a world wide conflict, is so largely the story of sea power and its influence on the final outcome HMAS MK III - The RAN's Third Book. Green hardcover with black text and Navy insignia on front cover, text on spine. Inside front and back cover green sepia drawing of a fleet of Navy ships. Graphs, drawings, photographs, maps, poems.Tribute - Grey she is and stately Young alive and shapely Lissome, yes, and graceful, With perfect lines of elegance and dignity Her noble, lovely head She nods and shakes, With confidence to face Whatever may come. She nurses me And nourishes; Shields me, gives me courage. Alone I have been with her, when afraid. And in a crowd of friends, both hers and mine. Through conflict tense, with element or foe; through danger from above and from below. Through anguish keen Of loss, of death, of pain. Through gaiety, through joy victorious and safe She is my life, my only love, My ship.wwii, royal australian navy, sea power, germans, europe, japanese, communications, rear admiral v.a.c. crutchley, v.c., d.s.c, destroyers, corvettes, frigates, escort duties, motor launches, aircraft carriers, battleships, battle cruisers, cruises, armed merchant cruisers, sloops, submarine sweepers, mediterranean, warspite, valiant, pacific, american forces, dneiper bend, solomon islands, makin, tarawa, h.m.a australia, h.m.a shropshire, h.m.a arunta, h.m.a warramunga, h.m.a.s westralia, arctic, h.m. jamaica, h.m.saumarez, u.s. marines, h.m.a.s benalla, h.m.a.s shepparton, royal australian navy reserves

A sailing block is single or multiple pulleys with one or more sheaves that are enclosed in an assembly between cheeks or chocks. In use, a block is fixed to the end of a line, to a spar, or a surface. A rope line is reeved through the sheaves, and maybe through one or more matching blocks at the far end, to make up what's known as a tackle. The purchase of a tackle refers to its mechanical advantage. In general, the more sheaves in the blocks that make up a tackle, the higher its mechanical advantage. The matter is slightly complicated by the fact that every tackle has a working end where the final run of rope leaves the last sheave. More mechanical advantage can be obtained if this end is attached to the moving load rather than the fixed end of the tackle. Various types of blocks are used in sailing. Some blocks are used to increase mechanical advantage and others are used simply to change the direction of a line. A ratchet block turns freely when a line is pulled in one direction but does not turn the other direction, although the line may slip past the sheave. This kind of block makes a loaded line easier to hold by hand, and is sometimes used on smaller boats for lines like main and jib sheets that are frequently adjusted. A single, large, sail-powered warship in the mid-19th century required more than 1,400 blocks of various kinds and sizes. An item from an old sailing vessel from the late 19th to early 20th century, unfortunately, the item cannot be identified as to what vessel it belonged to. It does however give an insight into a piece of sailing equipment that's design is still in use today on pleasure sailing craft. Wooden closed spelter double rope block with two pully's between sheaves, block has metal frame around outside of the sheaves and 4 metal pins, 2 each side of the frame at top and 2 at bottom, joining the sheaves together. The shaft between the sheaves is also wooden. Remnants of orange and black paint on outside of block. Shafts are chipped, wood has borer holes. (NOTE: Block was rediscovered after relocating objects to new storage area)Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, sailing ship, pulley, block, sheave, ship equipment, rope block, sail rigging

A vista of the top end of Greensborough in the late 1940's.Shows the development of Greensborough looking from the Melbourne approach side. Features the early power lines and post and wire fences along Grimshaw Street also dirt edges of the road, early street lighting and no footpaths.A black and white photograph of the approach to Greensborough in the late 1940's.Written in pen on back of photo: "Looking down Grimshaw St from the cutting near William St and Adeline Sts."greensborough, grimshaw street, post war era

This photograph is a "snap shot" in time circa 1950s detailing the rural environmental change and the progressive effects of the Kiewa Valley Hydro Scheme on the basic rural setting of the valley (note the sparsity of rural infrastructure). This photograph shows the beginning of the accommodation and administration buildings for use by the construction workers and auxiliary administration employees of the Victorian State Electricity Commission. It also provides a view of the landscape before extensive development of Pondage and other non rural buildings.This photograph details a dramatic period in time which saw an enormous change to the exclusively rural area of the Kiewa Valley region in the mid 1900s (see sparse rural buildings/houses). This change presented both physical and mental challenges to the existing quiet rural inhabitants of the valley. The State of Victoria had to make adjustments to the changing demands imposed by population and industrial expansions. The development of cleaner energy supplies to a growing population has its downside ,which ever way the intrusion into the "natural" landscape is made. The construction of the large Pondage at the centre of the photograph is a good example.This black and white photograph of a panoramic view of the Kiewa Valley (Mount Beauty SEC construction workers village) shows the newly completed transmission line towers delivering electrical power(66KVA) from the Clover Power Station. The photo is on 200gms paper and not on special photographic paper.mount beauty 1940 to 1950s, development of sec kiewa hydro scheme, sec victoria

This insulator disk for the high voltage carrying electrical cables was manufactured in 1964 and used by the SEC Vic (Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme) from that date until late 1900's. It was used to connect high voltage cables to their "towers" going from various Hydro Generators to and from power "stations". During this time period, high quality "cable" insulators were manufactured in Japan. In an earlier time they would have been sourced from Europe or England. After the 1950's the sourcing of electrical hardware was being influenced by the lower costs obtainable from Japan. Later on other Asian sources also became available.The need for a mountainous and a large area of operational requirements, such as the SEC Vic Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme, to distribute the electricity produced in the Victorian Alps to the major users required power transmission lines to "carry" high above the sometimes inaccessible land mass electricity generated at the power stations to the various sub stations along the valleys and ranges to flatter populated regions. The significance of this insulation "high voltage" disk to the Kiewa Valley region relates to the impact of modern technology (at that time) upon a mainly rural environment. These power lines are a stark visual "show" of the impact that the "Scheme" has on the mostly rural landscape of the Kiewa Valley and what a boost of "modern" equipment into the area has taken place. The "Hydro Scheme" had facilitated the transition of a semi rural area to an advanced rural region within a shorter time frame, than would have taken under "normal" evolutionary time. The speed of information of all "new technology" had a relatively slow assimilation rate before the SEC Kiewa Hydro Scheme came to those living in the then quieter rural communities. This high voltage (330 KV) insulation disk is made from non conductive porcelain stoneware. It is highly polished brown in colour and has a clip fastening for the high voltage cable to be attached to. This disk was hit by lightning and the burn marks are quite noticeable. The top metal connector has a "mushroom" extension jutting below the semi cone like insulation disk. Also four circular ridges or grooves (old 78 rpm disc recording style).Cable bell on top of insulation disk "4K " next to it the international symbol for electricity (triangle containing one horizontal line under one V line and one vertical flame like line.) On the opposite side "2" and to the right "64"sec vic kiewa hydro scheme, alternate energy supplies, alpine (above ground) high voltage electricity cables, volt cable, 330000 volt cable

The State Electricity Commission of Victoria constructed the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme on the Bogong High Plains. The scheme consisted of storage dams and pondages, aqueducts, tunnels, pipelines, transmission lines and three power stations.. Rocky Valley dam was the biggest storage and the last to be completed.Rocky Valley dam was the largest storage within the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme. Begun in 1954 and completed in 1960. It was linked to McKay Creek Power StationColoured photo attached to cream cardboard. The background shows hills and the foreground a sign "Rocky Valley Dam ..." The middle shows the dam with water and its bank. There is snow on the ground.rocky valley dam, kiewa hydro electric scheme, secv

Southern Hydro owned the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme in 2006. Southern Hydro owned the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme in 2006.Laminated A3 sheets The two Southern Hydro Bogong Power Development are black and white. 1. Tunnel and Civil Works / Power Station / Cross Section Sheet 4 of 6 Dated: June 2006 (Also see KVHS 1438) 2. Bogong Power / Development Waterway. Waterway Plan & Longsection / with Boreholes & Seismic Lines (Also see KVHS 1438) 3. Title: Hydro-Electricity in blue at the top and half-way down a blue and brown diagram titled 'Hydro-Electric Power Station'. At the bottom the title 'What is a watt?' southern hydro 2006, bogong power development

As part of the Kiewa Hydro Scheme the race lines were created to catch the water and direct it into the Rocky Valley Storage Dam.Part of the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme on the Bogong High Plains.6 black and white photos:- 2 with concrete framework, 2 concrete completed and 2 High Plaines race line.Alec McCullough Collectionkiewa hydro electric scheme, raceline, water power, bogong high plains

The Eltham Horse Trail: Research and Warrandyte to Kinglake: Survey of proposed route, December 1992: (4) Connecting trail to ElthamColour photographeltham horse trail (1992 survey), afton street, eltham, research (vic.), transmission lines

It is assumed that a member of the Ballarat School of Mines attended the commencement of work at the Snowy Mountains hydro-electric centre.Burgundy cover with gold printing. Black print, photos and diagrams on white paper (31 pages). Bound by 3 staples. The contents include the story of the Snowy. Images include W.J. McKell, J.B. (Ben) Chifley, J. McGirr, Nelson Lemmon, Hume Weir, Jindabyne valley (now flooded), Jindabyne township (now flooded), illustration of water Power, survey team at Adaminaby, Snowy Mountains Relief Plan, Horseman crossing the Eucumbene River, Mildura, Burrinjuck Dam under construction, transmission lines, W. Hudson.snowy mountains hydro-electricty scheme, snowy mountains hydro-electric authority

A sailing block is single or multiple pulleys with one or more sheaves that are enclosed in an assembly between cheeks or chocks. In use, a block is fixed to the end of a line, to a spar, or a surface. A rope line is reeved through the sheaves, and maybe through one or more matching blocks at the far end, to make up what's known as a tackle. The purchase of a tackle refers to its mechanical advantage. In general, the more sheaves in the blocks that make up a tackle, the higher its mechanical advantage. The matter is slightly complicated by the fact that every tackle has a working end where the final run of rope leaves the last sheave. More mechanical advantage can be obtained if this end is attached to the moving load rather than the fixed end of the tackle. Various types of blocks are used in sailing. Some blocks are used to increase mechanical advantage and others are used simply to change the direction of a line. A ratchet block turns freely when a line is pulled in one direction but does not turn in the other direction, although the line may slip past the sheave. This kind of block makes a loaded line easier to hold by hand and is sometimes used on smaller boats for lines like main and jib sheets that are frequently adjusted. A single, large, sail-powered warship in the mid-19th century required more than 1,400 blocks of various kinds and sizes.A historic item from an old sailing vessel from the late 19th to early 20th century, unfortunately. It represents part of the rigging required to set the sails on a wind-powered vessel.A two sheave wood sailing block with metal hook and becket. One sheave missing. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, block, sailing block, two-sheave block, 2 sheave wood block, marine technology, sailing equipment, rigging, rigging block

Brown soft covered book. Contents include: Winning Brown Coal at Yallourn Dredge Operation for Overburden Removal Boiler Plant at the Yallourn Power Station Electrical Equipment at the Yallourn Power Station Steam Plant at the Yallourn Power Station Yallourn-Melbourne High Tension Line Yarraville Terminal Station Transmission distribution High Transmission Towers for River Crossing Sugarloaf-Rubicon Hydroelectric Development Briquette factory Subsidiary Activities at Yallourn Future Developments thompson's engineering & pipe co. ltd, briquettes, electricity, power generation, yallourn, yallourn briguetting works, transmission lines, high tension switchgear, insulators, australian porcelain company, substation, brown coal, high tension line, sugarloaf-rubicon, plans, suspension tower, transposition tower, yarraville terminal station, condenser, newport power station, gippsland, hydroelectric

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

This mortice marking gauge has an adjustable sliding arm. The gauge is used for scribing two lines on a flat surface such as timber for measuring and cutting. It is a hand-powered tool that would have been used by a tradesperson such as a cabinet maker, woodworker or carpenter. The hand tool shows signs of much use. The ‘W. Maples & Sons, Hibernia’s catalogue of 1867 had a very similar tool, called a Mortice Gauge, column 2, page 15. W. MARPLES & SONS- William Marples Snr. had a business on the Sheffield Moor in 1773/74. In 1821 his son William Jnr. At 12 years old began in his father’s joinery business. 1833 the firm was known as a tool manufacturer. In 1838 Marples called his business Hibernian Works and moved to 67-69 Spring Lane, Sheffield. When he moved to Westfield Terrace in 1856, he called his business Hibernia Works (no ‘n’ on the end). The business remained at this address for 116 years. In about 1859 the firm began using the Lyre (Irish harp) mark. In 1860 or so the two brothers, Edwin and William Marples, became partners and the firm became William Marples and Sons. The firm introduced the single shamrock symbol in 1860-61. The boys’ brother Albert joins the firm in 1863. In 1875 the company registered both the name ‘Hibernia’ and the trade mark symbol of a Triple Shamrock and the use of these trademarks continued for many decades, into the 1940 and the firm, with many changes, was still in business in the early 21st century. About Shamrock and Hibernia, both are related to Ireland and W. Marples named his products the Shamrock brand.The marking gauge is an example of a hand powered woodworking tool used over the past few centuries. Its maker was well known for his good quality tools and his business grew because of his reputation.Mortice marking gauge: wooden staff with block and green, adjustable sliding arm within the staff. The end of the staff has a facility for holding the scribe marker. The block has a hole into which a peg or wedge would be inserted to hold the sliding arm in place. Inscription with maker's name and almost indecipherable mark is stamped onto one side of the block. Made by W Marples & Sons, Sheffield.Stamped into block “W. MARPLES & SONS / HIBERNIA WORKS” above Logo of ‘Trefoil’ image [three, three-leafed clovers on the same stem]flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, shipwreck coast, hand tool, woodwork, marking gauge, measuring tool, mortice gauge, mortice marking gauge, william marples, w marples & sons, hibernia, shamrock, trifoil, tripple shamrock, carpenter's tool, cabinet maker, woodworking tool, drawing, planning, tool, wooden scribe, vintage, carpenter, marking tool, antique, marking out, joiner

The coal from this open-cut mine is used to generate electricity for the State of Victoria. in 1934 two thousand miles of high tension transmission lines conveyed energy from a system of inter-linked power stations to the whole Melbourne metropolitan area, as well as to nearly 170 rural centres. Black and white image of the western end of the Yallourn open-cut in 1934. the bucket dredge on surface is reaching down 90 feet, on which level there is another similar dredge going down another 90 feet to the bottom of the 180 foot seam.yallourn, electricty, power, coal, open-cut, dredge

Index, p.317.non-fictionThis brilliant exposition established British naval historian Julian Corbett (1854-1922) as one of the great maritime strategists. Corbett placed naval warfare within the larger framework of human conflict, proposing that the key to maritime dominance lies in effective use of sea lines for communications and in denying that use to the enemy. His concept - which regarded naval strategy not as an end in itself but as a means to an end, with that end defined by national strategy - makes this a work of enduring value.naval strategy, sea power

Between 1948, when Australia assumed strategic responsibility for British Commonwealth sea lines of communication to and from Southeast Asia and 1971, when the Five Power Defence Arrangements came into effect, ships and men of the Royal Australian Navy served with almost unnoticed distinction in defending the newly emerging nations of Malaya, Malaysia and Singapore.australia. royal australian navy - history - 20th century, australia - military relations - southeast asia

This type of trolly is known to date from prior to 1910 and were in use before petrol engines were used to transport workmen along the railway lines. The exhibit was located at Colac in 1961, after being used on the Colac to Beech Forest and Crowes narrow gauge railway. This type of trolly was built in two versions; one for the Victorian Railways broad gauge lines, and one for the narrow gauge lines.Historic - Victorian Railways narrow gauge - track work vehicle. This vehicle was used in the days before petrol engines were used to drive vehicles transporting workmen along the railway line.C2N Type Trolly - Victorian Railways Gauge 2'6" Trolly Has a flat piece of wood that you would stand on with four metal wheels, one under each corner.c2n, trolley, victorian railways, hand power, narrow gauge, puffing billy, trolly

It was constructed on a former Victorian Railways NKS type underframe and powered by a single cylinder, 500 cc B.S.A. side valve motorcycle engine to drive axle by roller chains through an 'Ariel Square Four' gearbox and has traveled on all four 2'6" narrow gauge lines that operated in the state of Victoria.Historic - Narrow Gauge Railway - Track Patrol Vehicle used by Puffing Billy Preservation Society and made from parts of a Victorian Railways track patrol vehicleMotorised small rectangular trolly made of wood and wrought iron ME1 P.B.P.S Track Construction Departmentme 1, trolley, victorian railway, 2'6" gauge, puffing billy, trolly

During the attack on Polygon Wood Belgium on 20th September 1917 Pte Sandow displayed conspicuous gallantry - He was an operator on Amplification and Power Buzzer Station in a chain of communication and in the enemy barrage he patrolled and repaired lines and earths utterly regardless of personal danger. While in the performance of his duty his leg was shot away. He however completed his task. It was largely due to this man's effort that good communication was maintained. Private Sandow died of wounds on 22 September 1917 and was buried at Lijssenthoek Military Cemetery. Cream coloured citation with Australian Coat of Arms above black type contained in black border.Military Medal 1120 Private Roy Llewellyn Sandow 5th Australian Infantry Battalion attached 1st Australian Divisional Signal Company 1st Australian Divisionroy llewellyn sandow, polygon wood, belgium, 1917, ww1, 5th australian infantry battalion

Original Military Medal issued to Private Roy Llewellyn Sandow, born at Georgetown South Australia who enlisted in Melbourne on the 19th September 1914 and served with the 5th Battalion AIF. He was awarded the Military Medal for Bravery at Polygon Wood, Belgium on 20th September 1917 and died of his wounds on 22nd September 1917. His citation reads:- During the attack on Polygon Wood Belgium on 20th September 1917 Pte Sandow displayed conspicuous gallantry - He was an operator on Amplification and Power Buzzer Station in a chain of communication and in the enemy barrage he patrolled and repaired lines and earths utterly regardless of personal danger. While in the performance of his duty his leg was shot away. He however completed his task. It was largely due to this man's effort that good communication was maintained. Private Sandow died of wounds on 22 September 1917 and was buried at Lijssenthoek Military Cemetery. Round silver metal disc medals with blue red and white striped ribbon 1120 Pte. R L. Sandow 5 / AUST INF, military medal, private roy l sandow, 5th battalion, ww1, polygon wood

Yields information about the views of various letter writers, views of the Courier, union views, rehabilitation costs Geelong, public meetings and meetings with SEC.Set of three Foolscap sheet of plain paper, with rounded corners, with newspaper cuttings, concerning the mooted closure of the Ballarat Tram system 20 Feb and 22 Feb 1962. All from The Courier, unless noted otherwise. 7940.1 1 - "Tram future rests with Government" - 22-2-62 - news report about the SEC being insistent on tabling the motion to close in Parliament, price of replacement trams. Attending Mr K L Murray, Mr Linaker, Mr A V Mawby of the SEC, Cr. A Pittard and Town Clerk Mr. H H Maddern. 2 - "Government "Bought itself out" - continuation from above, quoting Mr Mawby about the rehabilitation of the system in 1934 by the Government, discussions about fares, losses, time of travel from Sebastopol compared to buses. Also notes Cr Tuppen of Sebastopol. 3 - "A hot tram tip" - 22-2-62 - suggestion by Cr Cooper suggested the tram be retained around the lake for Historical reasons, Mr Murray of the SEC, sell/give to the Historical Society, Cr W E Roff replied about not wanting them and put them in a tip. 7940.2 1 - "SEC Not to sell this - 20-2-62 - photo of the power house in Ripon St, with the caption that the SEC did not propose to sell the property, but would be selling the tram depot site. 2 - "The talk was trams" - 22-2-62 - photo of Mr Mawby, Cr A D Mason, H Linaker and Mr K L Murray at the meeting with Council the previous day. 3 - "Save our Trams" - 21-2-62 - long letter - about the closing the trams and railway losses including building, new rail lines being built. 4 - "Tram fight" - letter by R Courtney Union Secretary, about the formation of a Committee to oppose closure. 7940.3 "Sound Shell Plan+ - 21-2-62 - Long editorial about the construction of a Sound Shell and council discussions and inability to make a decision.closure, letter to the editor, editorial, sec, rehabilitation, staff, buses, concession fares, museum, power station, ballarat a power station, botanical gardens

Six issues of "Tram Tracks - The Electric Traction Monthly" of the Australian Electric Traction Association. Each issue has a standard cover, of the magazine name etc, featuring "Wee Folks Productions" models but are in different colours, all have been saddled stapled with two staples, except No. 6. The Volume and date details have been over printed. Back covers inside back covers have the same advertisements but the font varies vary. The six issues contain advertisements for the Wee Folks productions, Hartleys Sports store, Hearns Hobbies, Wattle Park, Johnson's Variety Store, Barnes Tennis Centre, The Model Dockyard, Robilt Models, Meadmore Model Engineering and Austral Bronze Pty Ltd, Hearns Hobbies, Christie Scale Model Railway and Equipment, Herbert Small (Meccano), the American Subscription Agency, Manufacturers' Mutual Insurance Ltd. 2465.1 - Vol. 2 No. 1 - 16 pages, Jan 1947, with cover printed in red. Has articles on the tram / car debate, Dunedin Tramways, Overlapping fare sections, type of trucks under Sydney tramcars, Brisbane Electric Railway (Power station), The Balmain Counterweight and Trolley buses in Australia. News items include Brisbane, Newcastle, Sydney, Melbourne, SEC, Hobart, VR, Adelaide, Kalgoorlie, Broome, electric trains in Melbourne and Sydney, and AETA notes. Photos include Sydney O, OP and P, VR PERM 63 and interior photo of a MMTB W4 class tram. 2465.2 - Vol. 2, No. 2 - 16 pages, Feb. 1947, with cover printed in dark blue. Has articles on Brisbane 400 class tramcar, Adelaide to Glenelg Brighton - Le Sands tramway, Melbourne Suburban railways, Diesel Electrics on the Southern Railway (US)and Birney Safety Car. News items include Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne, VR, Fremantle and AETA notes. 2465.3 - Vol. 2, No. 3 - 12 pages, Mar. 1947, with cover printed in brown. Has articles on why NSW trams lose money, Duncan and Frazer, new trams in Johannesburg, Melbourne Suburban railways, and Sydney New Railway (Eastern Suburbs). News items Sydney, Melbourne, SEC, VR and Adelaide and AETA notes. 2465.4 - Vol. 2, No. 4 - 16 pages, Apr. 1947, with cover printed in green. Has articles on Duncan and Fraser (continued), In search of Ancient Warriors (old trams), Brisbane Electric Railway and some unusual fares arrangements. News items include Brisbane, Newcastle, Melbourne, Sydney, SEC, Launceston, Kalgoorlie, overseas, and AETA notes. Editorial looks at claims that the SW6 cars are the finest in the world, back numbers (notes that Tram Tracks started with a mimeographed club news sheet and now have circulation of nearly 200), costs of production etc. Has photographs of the interior of a SW6 850, a plan for Melbourne underground railway, the VR power operations room at Flinders St., Hobart trolley bus and a cartoon about Sydney traffic. 2465.5 - Vol. 2, No. 5 - 16 pages, May 1947, with cover printed in red. Has articles on Australian Light railways, Sydney's relief lines and the start of an article on NSWGT 600/1200V tramcars. Has news items on Brisbane, Sydney, MMTB, VR, Geelong, Ballarat, Launceston, Hobart and AETA notes. Editorial notes the first anniversary of the magazine and has a number of letters regarding this, content and the tram/car debate. 2465.6 - Vol. 2, No. 6 - 20 pages, June 1947, with cover printed in blue. Has articles on Cremorne bridge replacement (with photos), Neutral bay line and Tramcar transmission gears. News items include photos of MMTB track replacements, crowded trams, Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne, and a photo of a Sydney tram passing under the new bridge work for Circular Quay station. 2465.7 - Vol. 2, No. 12 - pages 1-12, cover has an advert for Hartley Sporting Goods. Has cartoon on fares on Sydney trams by Peterson, not regarding retirement of Mr. H. Bell of MMTB, Melbourne Latrobe St and bus construction, Sydney tram cartoons from Emile Mercier, electric trains and other tramway news. (Item added 24-3-18 - from consolidation of Melbourne Tram Museum and BTM collections) trams, tramways, electric traction, aeta, models, australian tramways, duncan fraser, cartoons