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Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Hong Kong Street Flyer by an unknown artist, 2019, 06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, A thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Seven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai, 2019, 21/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Crowds Gather on June 16 on the Streets of Causeway Bay, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour, Jarrod Watt, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Federation University Historical Collection
Photograph - Colour Photograph, Street Protests in Hong Kong against proposed extradition laws, 2019, 17/06/2019
Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty -
Lara RSL Sub Branch
Book, HMAS MK III - The RAN's Third Book, 1951
This book tells of the mounting sea power of the Allies told by men of the RAN who with their ships have added the weight of their blows to the common effort. It tells stories of which the Royal Australian Navy may be proud.This volume is a further unfolding of the story of WWII which because of its nature as a world wide conflict, is so largely the story of sea power and its influence on the final outcome HMAS MK III - The RAN's Third Book. Green hardcover with black text and Navy insignia on front cover, text on spine. Inside front and back cover green sepia drawing of a fleet of Navy ships. Graphs, drawings, photographs, maps, poems.Tribute - Grey she is and stately Young alive and shapely Lissome, yes, and graceful, With perfect lines of elegance and dignity Her noble, lovely head She nods and shakes, With confidence to face Whatever may come. She nurses me And nourishes; Shields me, gives me courage. Alone I have been with her, when afraid. And in a crowd of friends, both hers and mine. Through conflict tense, with element or foe; through danger from above and from below. Through anguish keen Of loss, of death, of pain. Through gaiety, through joy victorious and safe She is my life, my only love, My ship.wwii, royal australian navy, sea power, germans, europe, japanese, communications, rear admiral v.a.c. crutchley, v.c., d.s.c, destroyers, corvettes, frigates, escort duties, motor launches, aircraft carriers, battleships, battle cruisers, cruises, armed merchant cruisers, sloops, submarine sweepers, mediterranean, warspite, valiant, pacific, american forces, dneiper bend, solomon islands, makin, tarawa, h.m.a australia, h.m.a shropshire, h.m.a arunta, h.m.a warramunga, h.m.a.s westralia, arctic, h.m. jamaica, h.m.saumarez, u.s. marines, h.m.a.s benalla, h.m.a.s shepparton, royal australian navy reserves -
Kiewa Valley Historical Society
Photograph Transmission lines Mount Beauty, 66 KVA Transmission lines from Clover Power Station, Circa 1950
... 66 KVA Transmission lines from Clover Power Station... Transmission lines Mount Beauty 66 KVA Transmission lines from Clover ...This photograph is a "snap shot" in time circa 1950s detailing the rural environmental change and the progressive effects of the Kiewa Valley Hydro Scheme on the basic rural setting of the valley (note the sparsity of rural infrastructure). This photograph shows the beginning of the accommodation and administration buildings for use by the construction workers and auxiliary administration employees of the Victorian State Electricity Commission. It also provides a view of the landscape before extensive development of Pondage and other non rural buildings.This photograph details a dramatic period in time which saw an enormous change to the exclusively rural area of the Kiewa Valley region in the mid 1900s (see sparse rural buildings/houses). This change presented both physical and mental challenges to the existing quiet rural inhabitants of the valley. The State of Victoria had to make adjustments to the changing demands imposed by population and industrial expansions. The development of cleaner energy supplies to a growing population has its downside ,which ever way the intrusion into the "natural" landscape is made. The construction of the large Pondage at the centre of the photograph is a good example.This black and white photograph of a panoramic view of the Kiewa Valley (Mount Beauty SEC construction workers village) shows the newly completed transmission line towers delivering electrical power(66KVA) from the Clover Power Station. The photo is on 200gms paper and not on special photographic paper.mount beauty 1940 to 1950s, development of sec kiewa hydro scheme, sec victoria -
Kiewa Valley Historical Society
Insulator Disk High Voltage, 1964
... . These power lines are a stark visual "show" of the impact ...This insulator disk for the high voltage carrying electrical cables was manufactured in 1964 and used by the SEC Vic (Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme) from that date until late 1900's. It was used to connect high voltage cables to their "towers" going from various Hydro Generators to and from power "stations". During this time period, high quality "cable" insulators were manufactured in Japan. In an earlier time they would have been sourced from Europe or England. After the 1950's the sourcing of electrical hardware was being influenced by the lower costs obtainable from Japan. Later on other Asian sources also became available.The need for a mountainous and a large area of operational requirements, such as the SEC Vic Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme, to distribute the electricity produced in the Victorian Alps to the major users required power transmission lines to "carry" high above the sometimes inaccessible land mass electricity generated at the power stations to the various sub stations along the valleys and ranges to flatter populated regions. The significance of this insulation "high voltage" disk to the Kiewa Valley region relates to the impact of modern technology (at that time) upon a mainly rural environment. These power lines are a stark visual "show" of the impact that the "Scheme" has on the mostly rural landscape of the Kiewa Valley and what a boost of "modern" equipment into the area has taken place. The "Hydro Scheme" had facilitated the transition of a semi rural area to an advanced rural region within a shorter time frame, than would have taken under "normal" evolutionary time. The speed of information of all "new technology" had a relatively slow assimilation rate before the SEC Kiewa Hydro Scheme came to those living in the then quieter rural communities. This high voltage (330 KV) insulation disk is made from non conductive porcelain stoneware. It is highly polished brown in colour and has a clip fastening for the high voltage cable to be attached to. This disk was hit by lightning and the burn marks are quite noticeable. The top metal connector has a "mushroom" extension jutting below the semi cone like insulation disk. Also four circular ridges or grooves (old 78 rpm disc recording style).Cable bell on top of insulation disk "4K " next to it the international symbol for electricity (triangle containing one horizontal line under one V line and one vertical flame like line.) On the opposite side "2" and to the right "64"sec vic kiewa hydro scheme, alternate energy supplies, alpine (above ground) high voltage electricity cables, volt cable, 330000 volt cable -
Kiewa Valley Historical Society
Papers - Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme, State Electricity Commission of Victoria / Kiewa Hydro Electric Project / Progress of the Undertaking, November 1953
The SECV constructed the KHES from 1939 to 1961 on the Bogong High Plains. It included work on Power Stations, Dams, Tunnels, Race-lines and transmission lines as well as camps, towns, roads, telecommunications and infra structure. These papers give an understanding of where the project was up to in late 1953. These papers give information on the KHES on the aspects of work, its progress and technical detail.3 foolscap pages, stapled in the top left hand corner. Each page has sub headings re the progress of the works being undertaken on the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme.state electricity commission of victoria; kiewa hydro electric scheme; power stations; dams; tunnels; bogong high plains -
Kiewa Valley Historical Society
Booklet - Southern Hydro, Southern Hydro
Southern Hydro Ltd. was established in the late 1990s as a result of the disaggregation of the former State Electricity Commission of Victoria. It operates 10 power stations mainly in the north-east of VictoriaSouthern Hydro continued to encourage tourism as did the former State Electricity Commission of Victoria. This brochure is very similar to one previously published by the SECV "Victoria's Hydro Power" except only including those that it operates. Within the KHES the power stations were McKay Creek, Clover and West Kiewa. The change of ownership of hydro power from a government body to private enterprise in the late 1990s is of significant interest to the historian and consumer.Colored photo water spraying onto rocks with black strip across the bottom and logo (4 gold lines forming an "S", a blue triangle with grey cylinder beneath) of Southern Hydro within the strip. Back cover has a similar photo with 4 small photos of men inserted in the black column. This 23 page book gives a history of Southern Hydro and its 10 hydro-electric power stations that it operates. The book lists these and gives a description of each.Top right hand corner of page 5 has a piece of tape stuck over the print with "Page 11 to photo copy & enlarge" secv; khes; mckay creek power station; clover power station; west kiewa power station; mount beauty; rocky valley dam; -
Kiewa Valley Historical Society
Photo - Rocky Valley Dam
... , tunnels, pipelines, transmission lines and three power stations..., pipelines, transmission lines and three power stations.. Rocky ...The State Electricity Commission of Victoria constructed the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme on the Bogong High Plains. The scheme consisted of storage dams and pondages, aqueducts, tunnels, pipelines, transmission lines and three power stations.. Rocky Valley dam was the biggest storage and the last to be completed.Rocky Valley dam was the largest storage within the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme. Begun in 1954 and completed in 1960. It was linked to McKay Creek Power StationColoured photo attached to cream cardboard. The background shows hills and the foreground a sign "Rocky Valley Dam ..." The middle shows the dam with water and its bank. There is snow on the ground.rocky valley dam, kiewa hydro electric scheme, secv -
Kiewa Valley Historical Society
Plans - 2 Southern Hydro - Bogong Power Development and 1 Poster - Hydro-Electricity
Southern Hydro owned the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme in 2006. Southern Hydro owned the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme in 2006.Laminated A3 sheets The two Southern Hydro Bogong Power Development are black and white. 1. Tunnel and Civil Works / Power Station / Cross Section Sheet 4 of 6 Dated: June 2006 (Also see KVHS 1438) 2. Bogong Power / Development Waterway. Waterway Plan & Longsection / with Boreholes & Seismic Lines (Also see KVHS 1438) 3. Title: Hydro-Electricity in blue at the top and half-way down a blue and brown diagram titled 'Hydro-Electric Power Station'. At the bottom the title 'What is a watt?' southern hydro 2006, bogong power development -
Kew Historical Society Inc
Journal, Kewriosity : May 1992
... plans [Schizophrenia; Reading mobility] / p7. Trees v Power ...Strategic bicycle plan / p1. World No Tobacco Day / p1. Chief Executive's Column [New approach to rates and charges] / Malcolm Hutchinson p2. Mayor's Comment [New Accounting Standard for Local Government; A living history of Kew] / Cr Daryl Oldaker. Diary Dates for May/June [1992] / p4. In Brief [Volunteers - Kew Cottages & Uniting Church Lodge; Maternal and Child Care Centre Denmark Street; North Kew Tennis Club; Kew Band; Kew Senior Citizens' Club; Schizophrenia Fellowship; Kew Bowling Club; Recycling; Life Education Centre; Baptist Church] / p5. St George's Hospital Redevelopment Plan / p6. Kindergarten enrolments / p6. What is a Neighbourhood House? / p6. Planning for optimum community health, municipal public health plans [Schizophrenia; Reading mobility] / p7. Trees v Power Lines / p8. Weed control / p8. 90th Birthday Trinity Grammar / New swimming pool for Carey Grammar / p8.Kewriosity was a local newsletter combining Kew Council and community news. It was published between November 1983 and June 1994, replacing an earlier Kewriosity [broad] Sheet (1979-84). In producing Kewriosity, Council aimed to provide a range of interesting and informative articles covering its deliberations and decision making, together with items of general interest and importance to the Kew community and information not generally available through daily media outlets.non-fictionStrategic bicycle plan / p1. World No Tobacco Day / p1. Chief Executive's Column [New approach to rates and charges] / Malcolm Hutchinson p2. Mayor's Comment [New Accounting Standard for Local Government; A living history of Kew] / Cr Daryl Oldaker. Diary Dates for May/June [1992] / p4. In Brief [Volunteers - Kew Cottages & Uniting Church Lodge; Maternal and Child Care Centre Denmark Street; North Kew Tennis Club; Kew Band; Kew Senior Citizens' Club; Schizophrenia Fellowship; Kew Bowling Club; Recycling; Life Education Centre; Baptist Church] / p5. St George's Hospital Redevelopment Plan / p6. Kindergarten enrolments / p6. What is a Neighbourhood House? / p6. Planning for optimum community health, municipal public health plans [Schizophrenia; Reading mobility] / p7. Trees v Power Lines / p8. Weed control / p8. 90th Birthday Trinity Grammar / New swimming pool for Carey Grammar / p8.publications -- city of kew (vic.), kewriosity, council newsletters, community newsletters -
Wangaratta RSL Sub Branch
Citation, Military Medal
During the attack on Polygon Wood Belgium on 20th September 1917 Pte Sandow displayed conspicuous gallantry - He was an operator on Amplification and Power Buzzer Station in a chain of communication and in the enemy barrage he patrolled and repaired lines and earths utterly regardless of personal danger. While in the performance of his duty his leg was shot away. He however completed his task. It was largely due to this man's effort that good communication was maintained. Private Sandow died of wounds on 22 September 1917 and was buried at Lijssenthoek Military Cemetery. Cream coloured citation with Australian Coat of Arms above black type contained in black border.Military Medal 1120 Private Roy Llewellyn Sandow 5th Australian Infantry Battalion attached 1st Australian Divisional Signal Company 1st Australian Divisionroy llewellyn sandow, polygon wood, belgium, 1917, ww1, 5th australian infantry battalion -
Port Fairy Historical Society Museum and Archives
Photograph
... "The Sally Ann". A snapshot of time showing the hotel the power lines ...Iconic Hotel in Port Fairy Built as the first of a proposed chain of hotels by John Walwyn Taylor in 1855 on the corner of Bank and Sackville Streets. 2 stories with a balcony wrapping around 2 sides of the building. The site was formerly occupied by the wooden hotel "The Sally Ann". A snapshot of time showing the hotel the power lines, and the style of cars from that era.Black and white photograph of the Star of the West Hotel on a brown bordered mountWritten in Pen at top and underlined - STAR OF THE WEST HOTEL Lower right - ball point pen museum numbers 62.04B.011D On Back- Pencil - 3-17 - S2-7-57 - j o h 2-7-57john walwyn taylor, the sally ann, bank street, sackville street, hotel, star of the west -
Puffing Billy Railway
C2N Type Trolly - Former Victorian Railways Gauge 2'6", circa 1910
This type of trolly is known to date from prior to 1910 and were in use before petrol engines were used to transport workmen along the railway lines. The exhibit was located at Colac in 1961, after being used on the Colac to Beech Forest and Crowes narrow gauge railway. This type of trolly was built in two versions; one for the Victorian Railways broad gauge lines, and one for the narrow gauge lines.Historic - Victorian Railways narrow gauge - track work vehicle. This vehicle was used in the days before petrol engines were used to drive vehicles transporting workmen along the railway line.C2N Type Trolly - Victorian Railways Gauge 2'6" Trolly Has a flat piece of wood that you would stand on with four metal wheels, one under each corner.c2n, trolley, victorian railways, hand power, narrow gauge, puffing billy, trolly -
Puffing Billy Railway
ME1, Victorian Railways 2'6" Gauge Trolly, 1958
It was constructed on a former Victorian Railways NKS type underframe and powered by a single cylinder, 500 cc B.S.A. side valve motorcycle engine to drive axle by roller chains through an 'Ariel Square Four' gearbox and has traveled on all four 2'6" narrow gauge lines that operated in the state of Victoria.Historic - Narrow Gauge Railway - Track Patrol Vehicle used by Puffing Billy Preservation Society and made from parts of a Victorian Railways track patrol vehicleMotorised small rectangular trolly made of wood and wrought iron ME1 P.B.P.S Track Construction Departmentme 1, trolley, victorian railway, 2'6" gauge, puffing billy, trolly -
Wangaratta RSL Sub Branch
Military Medal, Private Roy SANDOW MM
Original Military Medal issued to Private Roy Llewellyn Sandow, born at Georgetown South Australia who enlisted in Melbourne on the 19th September 1914 and served with the 5th Battalion AIF. He was awarded the Military Medal for Bravery at Polygon Wood, Belgium on 20th September 1917 and died of his wounds on 22nd September 1917. His citation reads:- During the attack on Polygon Wood Belgium on 20th September 1917 Pte Sandow displayed conspicuous gallantry - He was an operator on Amplification and Power Buzzer Station in a chain of communication and in the enemy barrage he patrolled and repaired lines and earths utterly regardless of personal danger. While in the performance of his duty his leg was shot away. He however completed his task. It was largely due to this man's effort that good communication was maintained. Private Sandow died of wounds on 22 September 1917 and was buried at Lijssenthoek Military Cemetery. Round silver metal disc medals with blue red and white striped ribbon 1120 Pte. R L. Sandow 5 / AUST INF, military medal, private roy l sandow, 5th battalion, ww1, polygon wood -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Equipment - Dentist Drill, Late 19th century
The design of this and other similar treadle powered dental engine (or dentist drill) was in common use by dentists from the 1870’s into the 1920's. When electricity became accessible to most communities the electrically powered dental engines began to take over from the treadle power. Over the ages teeth were extracted using picks and scissors and other gouging instruments. Bow drills, hand drills and even a "bur thimble" drill were later used to prepare cavities for filling. Some drills were made bendable by attaching flexible shanks between the metal bur and the handle, giving access to the teeth at the back of the mouth. Other mechanical devices were introduced along the way, such as clockwork drills, but they were hard to handle and inefficient. Over the centuries “dentistry has been performed by priests, monks and other healers. This was followed by barbers; the barber’s chair may well have been the precursor to the dental chair. “(SA Medical Heritage Society Inc.) In 1871 James Morrison patented the first commercially manufactured 'foot treadle dental engine', the first practica dental engine although others had been introduced as early as 1790 (by John Greenwood). Handmade steel burs or drills were introduced for dental handpieces, taking advantage of the significant increase in the speed of the drill. In 1891 the first machine-made steel burs were in use. The treadle drill reduced the time to prepare a cavity from hours to less than ten minutes. In 1876 the Samuel S. White Catalogue of Dentist Instruments listed a 12 ½ inch wheel diameter dental engine, with 14 bright steel parts, for sale at US $55 In today’s market, this is the equivalent to US $1200 approx. The specifications of that dental engine are very similar to the this one in our Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s collection. It is interesting to note that workings of a similar treadle dentist drill were used and modified to power a treadle spinning wheel of one of the volunteer spinners at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village. The foot treadle dental engine was a milestone in dental history. “Historic importance of treadle powered machines; they made use of human power in an optimal way” (Lowtech Magazine “Short history of early pedal powered machines”) The invention of a machine to speed up the process of excavation of a tooth lead to the invention of new burs and drills for the handpieces, improving speed and the surgical process of dentistry. They were the fore-runner of today’s electrically powered dental engines. This treadle-powered dentist drill, or dentist engine, is made of iron and steel and provides power for a mechanical dental handpiece that would be fitted with a dental tool. On the foot is painted lettering naming it "The Brentfield" and there is a fine line of light coloured paint creating a border around the name. The paint under the lettering is peeling off. The drill has a Y-shaped, three footed cast iron base, one foot being longer than the other two. A vertical frame is joined into the centre of the base, holding an axle that has a driving-wheel (or flywheel) and connecting to a crank. A slender, shoulder height post, made from adjustable telescoping pipes, joins into the top of this frame. On the post just above the frame is a short metal, horizontal bar (to hold the hand-piece when it is not in use). A narrow tubular arm is attached to the top of the stand at a right angle and can move up, down and around. There is a pulley each side of the joint of the arm and a short way along the arm is fitted a short metal pipe. A little further along the arm a frayed-ended cord hangs down from a hole. At the end of the arm is another pulley and a joint from which hangs a long, thin metal pipe with two pulleys and a fitting on the end. A treadle, or foot pedal, is joined to the long foot of the base, and joined at the toe to the crank that turns the driving-wheel. The metal driving-wheel has a wide rim. Touching the inside of the rim are four tubular rings that bulge towards the outside of the driving-wheel, away from the pole, and all meet at the hub of the axle. The axle fits between the inside of the driving-wheel and the frame then passes through the frame and is attached on the other side. The driving-wheel has a groove around which a belt would sit. The belt would also fit around a pulley on the arm, at the top of the post. The pulley is joined to a rod inside the arm and this spins the drill's hand-piece and dental tool holder. The foot pedal has a cross-hatch pattern on the heel and the ball of the foot has tread lines across it. The end of the toe and the instep areas have cut-out pattern in them. "The ____/ Brentfield / __ DE IN L___" (Made in London) painted on the long foot of the base. Marked on the drill connection is “Richter De Trey, Germany”flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, dentist, teeth, dental drill, dental engine, treadle drill, foot powered drill, treadle engine, orthodontics, dental surgery, james morrison, the brentfield, richter de trey, german dental fitting, london dental drill -
Flagstaff Hill Maritime Museum and Village
Tool - Marking Gauge, 1875 to mid-20th century
This mortice marking gauge has an adjustable sliding arm. The gauge is used for scribing two lines on a flat surface such as timber for measuring and cutting. It is a hand-powered tool that would have been used by a tradesperson such as a cabinet maker, woodworker or carpenter. The hand tool shows signs of much use. The ‘W. Maples & Sons, Hibernia’s catalogue of 1867 had a very similar tool, called a Mortice Gauge, column 2, page 15. W. MARPLES & SONS- William Marples Snr. had a business on the Sheffield Moor in 1773/74. In 1821 his son William Jnr. At 12 years old began in his father’s joinery business. 1833 the firm was known as a tool manufacturer. In 1838 Marples called his business Hibernian Works and moved to 67-69 Spring Lane, Sheffield. When he moved to Westfield Terrace in 1856, he called his business Hibernia Works (no ‘n’ on the end). The business remained at this address for 116 years. In about 1859 the firm began using the Lyre (Irish harp) mark. In 1860 or so the two brothers, Edwin and William Marples, became partners and the firm became William Marples and Sons. The firm introduced the single shamrock symbol in 1860-61. The boys’ brother Albert joins the firm in 1863. In 1875 the company registered both the name ‘Hibernia’ and the trade mark symbol of a Triple Shamrock and the use of these trademarks continued for many decades, into the 1940 and the firm, with many changes, was still in business in the early 21st century. About Shamrock and Hibernia, both are related to Ireland and W. Marples named his products the Shamrock brand.The marking gauge is an example of a hand powered woodworking tool used over the past few centuries. Its maker was well known for his good quality tools and his business grew because of his reputation.Mortice marking gauge: wooden staff with block and green, adjustable sliding arm within the staff. The end of the staff has a facility for holding the scribe marker. The block has a hole into which a peg or wedge would be inserted to hold the sliding arm in place. Inscription with maker's name and almost indecipherable mark is stamped onto one side of the block. Made by W Marples & Sons, Sheffield.Stamped into block “W. MARPLES & SONS / HIBERNIA WORKS” above Logo of ‘Trefoil’ image [three, three-leafed clovers on the same stem]flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, shipwreck coast, hand tool, woodwork, marking gauge, measuring tool, mortice gauge, mortice marking gauge, william marples, w marples & sons, hibernia, shamrock, trifoil, tripple shamrock, carpenter's tool, cabinet maker, woodworking tool, drawing, planning, tool, wooden scribe, vintage, carpenter, marking tool, antique, marking out, joiner -
Warrnambool and District Historical Society Inc.
Ledger, Swintons Ledger, 1960s
This ledger was used in the Warrnambool business of Swintons Pty Ltd. It contains the records of financial statements for the years 1969 to 1978 – rates and taxes accounts, trial balances and accounts for light and power, wages etc. William and Ann Swinton migrated to Australia in 1854 and for a decade William Swinton worked as a builder and carpenter in the Warrnambool area, erecting many buildings including the Wangoom Presbyterian Church. In 1865 he opened a store in Timor Street Warrnambool, selling groceries, china and glass ware and hardware. By 1888 the business was known as William Swinton and Sons. Branch stores were opened in Cudgee, Nullawarre, Wangoom, South Warrnambool and West Warrnambool. After William Swinton died his son Robert became the first managing director of Swintons Pty Ltd. In 1934 the business split with George Swinton and Sons selling furnishings, clothing and glassware and Swintons Pty Ltd selling seeds, produce and hardware. Today the Swinton family still operates a furniture and bedding store in Timor Street. This ledger is of considerable interest as it contains much important information on the financial operations of Swintons Pty Ltd in the 1960s and 70s. This information will be very useful to researchers. The current Swinton business in Timor Street is the oldest family business in Warrnambool and, with the name Swinton associated with Timor Street businesses for 152 years, it is among the oldest family businesses in Australia. This is a hard cover book with a green cover and a green mottled patterning inside the cover. The pages are held in the cover by two metal studs. There are white and yellow pages which have A to Z tabs on the side. The pages have printed blue lines. The entries are handwritten in blue ink with some pencil entries.swinton family, warrnambool, history of warrnambool -
Kiewa Valley Historical Society
Photos - x6 Raceline repairs on the High Plains
As part of the Kiewa Hydro Scheme the race lines were created to catch the water and direct it into the Rocky Valley Storage Dam.Part of the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme on the Bogong High Plains.6 black and white photos:- 2 with concrete framework, 2 concrete completed and 2 High Plaines race line.Alec McCullough Collectionkiewa hydro electric scheme, raceline, water power, bogong high plains -
Bendigo Military Museum
Photograph - CARD & PHOTOGRAPHS, AUST LIGHT HORSE WW1, The Australian Memorial Card Co
In WW1 the Australian Light Horse served from the Suez Canal right around through Palestine - Syria.1. Memorial Card. Black cardboard with gold printing. It is a religious article with images and prayers. In the top centre is an oval shaped hole with a B & W portrait of an Aust soldier. Slouch hat with side up. 2. Set of 31 B & W photos depicting scenes of light horse activity. Beaches - Middle East buildings - locals - repairing train lines - daily life - campsites - ships off shore etc.Thomas McGinty, Beloved son of Catherine Power. "Who gave his life for the Empire. At Gallipoli, Turkey, August 13 - 1915. Aged 33 years.ww1, middle east, light horse -
Queenscliffe Maritime Museum
Equipment - Rescue Equipment
The line throwing apparatus has been in use for several centuries, in a wide variety of forms. It initially started off as manually launched lines that had shorter ranges and were not very accurate. They faced problems on wind-powered boats and ships since they were dependent on wind speed, wind direction, and the operator accuracy.Modern-day line throwing apparatus are powered using rockets, pneumatic systems, or slingshot mechanisms. They fall under two main categories of propulsion- pyrotechnic, and pneumatic. Pyrotechnic systems make use of an ignition that is used to launch the line, whereas pneumatic systems make use of built-up pressure. Pyrotechnic systems are volatile and can be extremely dangerous due to accidental ignition. In response to growing concerns about the safety of pyrotechnic systems, pneumatic based launchers were invented and widely implemented in the late 20th century.Yellow line throwing device consisting of a canaster containing rolled rope and a firing mechanismPains-Wessex Speedline International. Pt No 5151-01/02speed line, line throwing, marine rescue, pyrotechnics -
Eltham District Historical Society Inc
Photograph, Power line easement between Eltham and Research viewed from Afton Street, Research, 19 December 1992, 19/12/1992
The Eltham Horse Trail: Research and Warrandyte to Kinglake: Survey of proposed route, December 1992: (4) Connecting trail to ElthamColour photographeltham horse trail (1992 survey), afton street, eltham, research (vic.), transmission lines -
Victorian Interpretive Projects Inc.
Image, Yallourn, 1934
The coal from this open-cut mine is used to generate electricity for the State of Victoria. in 1934 two thousand miles of high tension transmission lines conveyed energy from a system of inter-linked power stations to the whole Melbourne metropolitan area, as well as to nearly 170 rural centres. Black and white image of the western end of the Yallourn open-cut in 1934. the bucket dredge on surface is reaching down 90 feet, on which level there is another similar dredge going down another 90 feet to the bottom of the 180 foot seam.yallourn, electricty, power, coal, open-cut, dredge -
Myrtleford and District Historical Society
Postcard, 'Liberty and Justice' WW 1 postcard from France, 1917 - written by Leo Pallamountagne
Leo Charles Roy Pallamountagne was born at Moyhu, Vic, Aus. and at the time of WW 1 was employed as a farm hand on the property of Mrs Ellen McCormack (nee Power) at Ovens Vale, Victoria, Australia. Ellen's husband, John McCormack, had deceased 1916. Leo was born at Moyhu, Vic. 1899. He enlisted for service abroad on 30/8/1916 and was posted to the 21st Battalion, Serial No. 6829. Leo's next of kin was nominated as Clara Pallamountagne of Benalla, Victoria. Leo's father was listed as "whereabouts unknown" at the time of Leo's enlistment. Leo was wounded in action in France, Oct 1917. Leo returned to Australia on 10th March 1919 and was discharged on 17th April the same year. Leo (or Leon) married Evelyn Mary Paxman in 1922, they had seven children. Leo died on 23rd April, 1941 at the Military Hospital, Caulfield. Address in 1931 was Pier Street, Dromana. Occupation, Civil Servant Address in 1936 was Tresco, Victoria, Occupation, OrchardistMemorabilia of Leo Pallamountagne War Service on Western Front, France, 1917. Postcard of card and light gauze cloth upon which is embroided six flags in national colours flanking a rising sun plus wording in red on a blue ribbon flourish "For Liberty and Justice 1917"Hand written in pencil Addressed to Mrs J McCormack, Ovens Vale, Victoria, Australia. "France Sept 1917 To the Company just a few lines hoping you are all well as it leaves me at present There is not news here at present but will write again, Your true Friend Leo, Pallamountagnepallamountagne. western front. postcard. -
Wodonga & District Historical Society Inc
Photograph - Fred Rochow Railways Collection - Walker Railmotor, C. 1950
The Fred Rochow Railways Collection incorporates photos related to the operation of the Wodonga Railway Station including different types of trains and railways staff C. 1930 – 1990. It was donated to the Wodonga Historical Society by Fred Rochow, a railwayman who spent many years based in Wodonga. He joined the Victorian Railways on 17th June l947 and retired in 1988. For some time, he was a member of the Australian Federated Union of Locomotive Enginemen and served a term as a member of the Trades Hall Council. He had an extensive knowledge of the struggles that took place to achieve better conditions for railway workers. Fred worked for many years as a fireman and then worked his way up the ranks to driver, experiencing many changes from the days of steam locomotives through to diesel trains, locomotives and even the modern XPT train. He worked throughout Victoria at different stages of his career, with his final working years focused on the northeast of Victoria and the Albury to Melbourne line. After his retirement, Fred continued to share his love of steam miniature trains with the community.This collection has local and statewide significance as it captures images of trains, locomotives and personnel who operated the railway services in Wodonga and throughout Northeast Victoria. The railways played a critical role in opening up Victoria and connecting Australia for trade, business, social communication and transport.Walker rail motors were a type of diesel railcar operated by the Victorian Railways. After World War 11, the Victorian Railways undertook a major rebuilding program known as Operation Phoenix. One of the first tasks was the upgrading of passenger services on country branch lines. An initial order of twelve 102 HP railcars, six 153 HP railcars with trailers, and twelve 280 HP railcars was placed with Walker Brothers, England. The power units were manufactured in England, but the units were assembled in Victoria. The first rail motors were delivered in 1948, with additions to the fleet running through to 1955. According to a Victoria Railways Memorandum issued on 24 May 1949, regarding the allocation of the new 102 HP Walker Diesel Motor Rail Vehicles, No 10 was to be allocated to the Wodonga to Tallangatta line as soon as it was available. No 10 entered service on 22 November 1949. The passenger rail motors had room for 18 First class and 22 Second class seated passengers. The last passenger service from Wodonga to Tallangatta ran on 30 September 1961 with a 102hp Walker Rail Motor.railways wodonga, fred rochow, walker rail motor vehicles, wodonga to tallangatta rail service