DHC-4 Caribou light transport The Royal Australian Air Force DHC-4 Caribou was a versatile tactical light transport aircraft . Its main operational role was tactical air transport in support of the Australian Army. The Caribou was last operated by No 38 Squadron from RAAF Base Townsville in December 2009. The Caribou is a twin-engined high-wing monoplane with full-span double-slotted Fowler flaps and fully-reversible propellers, which allow it to achieve its trademark steep approach with very short take-offs and landings on unprepared runways. The high wing and distinctive high placement of the tail provide easy access to a large cargo compartment, while the low-pressure tyres permit operation on unprepared runways. It was the last piston-engined aircraft in the Air Force and was our only aircraft to employ the Low Altitude Parachute Extraction System (LAPES), where up to 2000kg of sled-mounted cargo is extracted from the aircraft by a parachute from a metre above the ground. The Caribou is equipped with GPS satellite navigation and night-vision equipment, giving it the capability to operate in any weather, day or night, to either land or drop soldiers and equipment by parachute with pinpoint accuracy. The Caribou is not pressurised and is not fitted with auto-pilot or weather radar. The first Caribou arrived in Australia in April 1964 and they were deployed to Vietnam from July 1964 to February 1972 and carried over 600,000 passengers and a huge quantity of cargo while they were there. Since 1997 the Caribou participated in famine-relief operations in Papua New Guinea and Irian Jaya during Operations SIERRA, PLES DRAI and AUSINDO JAYA, as well as the tsunami-relief operation in PNG in 1999 and operations in East Timor and the Solomon Islands since 1999. Their service life was over 40 years. raaf caribou aircraft

Frederick Campbell Moller No 2233, 3rd FAB AIF. Refer Cat No 1661.3, 1663P. .1) Paybook receipt for 2233 Dvr Moller FC. Printed template with pencil writing. .2) Receipt for war bond, Form GB33. Printed template with typewritten details. .3) Travel warrant for NCOs and men, includes combined leave and travel tickets to and from London and France. Green paper.documents-receipts, permits, war bonds, leave, railway

Rupert Exon No 408, 9th L.H Regiment AIF. Refer 15P, 482.3, 486P..1 Booklet "Active Service Despatches," cover yellowish, crossed flags at top, presented to AIF members by YMCA. .2 Small pocket bible, black fabric covers, presented by the British Foreign Bible Society to Victorian members of the AIF. .3 Leave pass, paper, yellowed, black and red writing re. No. 408, R. Exon 9th L.H Regt in the "Suez Canal Zone.".2) "Private R. Exon, B troop, C Squadron, 9th L.Horse, 3rd Brigade, Feb 10.2.15"documents-pamphlets/permits, books-religion

This photograph shows how the Flying Angel club room was once used. The photograph is part of a serie likely to have been taken by Bill Doyle (Reverend C.J. Eldridge-Doyle), who was a keen photographer like many of the chaplains as he often uses the Ilford paper to print his images.Dancing was permitted by Padre Oliver in 1932 under strict rules. Black and white photograph with six people standing next to the stage in Flying Angel Club room. One man facing the camera is formally dressed and speaking to a lady who is less formally dressed. Pictures are seen hanging up in the background.On reverse: ILFORD (maker's mark stamped across the back of the photograph). 1940 (slightly faded)photography, flying-angel, club-room, black-and-white, mission-to-seafarers, dance, lhlg, asian, seamen, flinders street

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This black and white photograph from a Valentine's postcard is from a V2 Argus photograph postcard. It is on a 200g/m paper density photo side gloss. See 0480 (B) - (F) for other photos of similar postcards.In white lettering " LAKE GUY & BOGONG VILLAGE KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This scanned black and white photograph of a postcard, shows vehicles covered in thick snow at Bogong Village in 1950. See 0480(A), (C) - (F) for other similar photos of postcards available at this period."SNOWFALL AT BOGONG VILLAGE KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRICITY PROJECT"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, bogong village, secv

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment. This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap. The couple shown in this photograph would have been employed by the S.E.C. under the Kiewa Hydro-Electricity Scheme.This item is a scanned black and white photograph of a couple walking along a gravel street in Bogong Village in 1950. See 0480 (A) ,(B), (D) - (F) for other photos of similar postcards" SCENE IN BOGONG VILLAGE KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, bogong, secv

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.Although this photo details the eating facilities of the construction workers at the power station it was not only a postcard for the people employed in the Hydro Scheme is was also provided to tourists visiting the area and thus used for promotional purposes.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap. The men shown in this photograph would have been employed by the S.E.C. under the Kiewa Hydro-Electricity Scheme.This item is a scanned black and white photograph of a construction worker walking from stairs leading down from the men's mess building, in 1950. See 0480 (A) -(C), (E) - (F) for other photos of similar postcards"MEN'S MESS No.4 POWER STATION AREA, KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT" "ARGUS PHOTO V.IIkiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, secv

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment. The regulatory pondage on the northern aspect of the village had no water over-spill from the unfinished power station.This rural region in 1950 (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap. The couple shown in this photograph would have been employed by the S.E.C. under the Kiewa Hydro-Electricity Scheme.This item is a scanned black and white photograph of a panoramic view of Mount Beauty Village in 1950 (a closed village, entry by pass only). The regulatory pondage has earthen walls but no water.See 0480 (A) -(D) and (F) for other photos of similar postcards"MT. BEAUTY VILLAGE KIEWA HYDRO-ELECTRIC PROJECT"kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

This postcard was produced in the 1950's for the tourist trade in the Kiewa Valley and Alpine region. It encompasses the period when the State of Victoria was pressured by the ever increasing demand by industry and its population for electricity supplies. Hydro electricity was seen as an untapped natural resource to quench this demand. The Victorian Alps and the rivers flowing into its valleys was ideal for the construction of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. The late 1940's saw the development of this scheme and the changing of sections of alpine landscape is covered by this and other postcards/pictures (tourists, construction workers, and established rural populations). This period in time was before the established wildlife and forest/nature groups became political activist who changed legislative acts to protect the environment.This rural region (Kiewa Valley/alpine plains) was at most only significant to a smaller group of winter sports, summer hikers/horse riders and rural farmers/graziers. The numbers of tourists and the increase in the local resident population was boosted by the construction of the Hydro Electricity Scheme. This influx to the regional population resulted in a corresponding diversity in services and brought about an environment that responded to a growing level of tourists and thereby permitting this industry to grow more rapidly than it would have naturally. This postcard details an attraction to the "cleaner" method of providing electricity. This postcard was purchased in 1950 by a surveyor at Landford's Gap.This item is a scanned black and white photograph of a panoramic view of Howman Gap Hostel under snow in 1950 (a closed village, entry by pass only). This accommodation was for construction workers only. See 0480 (A) -(E) for other photos of similar postcards.On the photo, " Howman Gap Hostel under snow Kiewa Hydro-Electric Project" . On postcard address and personal information side "V.2 Valentine's Post Card "kiewa valley tourism, victorian alps, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth, bogong, secv, howman's gap hostel

This coffee pot was made for flat heating surfaces and not the open fire. The enamel coating was used as a thermal barrier to keep the contents hot. This could have been used as an all day coffee source for busy farm workers or breakfast and lunch times. When this pot was used at dinner time, it was a time period when dinner was more formal, with the whole family sitting at the dinner table. The white enamel would have been sufficient for the majority of households. When this pot was in use the dinner period was when the whole family was together and communication within the family was considered very important as a cohesive force. This was a time before television intruded into the atmosphere of relaying the day's activities to the whole family.In small rural communities within the Kiewa Valley a good cup of tea or coffee was a time for relaxation from the hard work of the day. This relaxation period was beneficial for not only the mind but also the body. This was particularly for the house bound mother with domestic chores that had, at this time in history not many "time saving" pieces of domestic equipment. A good pot of tea or coffee at "smoko" was a god sent. Although regarded by well groomed city folk that a coffee pot was for coffee only the less social etiquette standards of country folk permitted its use for tea. Versatility even within the household was of great benefit to the folk in the Kiewa Valley. This was even so for the immigrants that joined in and were warmly welcomed within this rural sector of Australia.This coffee pot is in the French style with a goose neck. It is fully coated in white enamel and has a concave bottom. It has a hinged lid and the main body has been rolled fastened to the bottom plate. The sandwiched steel body is approximately 1mm thick. The two piece neck has been welded together similarly the hinged lid and handle. Rivets are installed to the both bases of the handle. country kitchens, well heated coffee, coffee break in rural regions

This clear, light green, glass "hand blown" fruit preservation jar was used before the mass manufacturing of "screw topped" fruit preservation glass jars imported from Asia or great Britain. The "Mason's Patent" on the jar was for the screw-neck form of the jar top. The screw neck provided the jar with a vacuum seal (preservation) method of fruit jar storage. The reference on the jar of the actual date that the patent was established was in effect for 13 years with extension of a further 7 years. It was an American world wide patent which resulted in only specific manufacture to Glass Works that had paid the manufacturing levy imposed. The air bubbles in the glass suggests that this jar was "hand blown". This would then place the manufacture date before 1900. Preserves came in glass jars bought at the local grocery store or at a large city store on a shopping expedition. The shape of the jar changed as did the stopper used to seal it. Jars were recycled remaining the property of the manufacturer. History of Mason's.This fruit jar is significant to a rural area such as the Kiewa Valley and in the early 1900's when the preservation of fruit and vegetables was an intrinsic part of the typical rural farm/property family. Local shops could only supply fruit and vegetables as seasons permitted. The travelling "green grocer" was more prevalent in towns and cities but not in semi remote rural areas. Historical: Change of jars - shape, glass, stopper, embossing & use. Aesthetic: Display showing embossing & shape especially if in good condition.This vintage "Mason's Patent", screw on thread lid fruit jar was hand blown (air bubbles). It was produced for the home canning of local fruit. The jar is made from thick glass and is tinted light green. Clear glass jar with slight green tinge used for preserves. sides almost straight but jar has a slight bulge almost all the way to the top. Heavily embossed on 1 side. Horizontal print in large capital letters. At the top - manufacturer's name with emblem beneath it. The base has a slight bulge inwards with embossing.In a half ecliptical form "MASON'S" and underneath the Mason's logo.Under the logo "PATENT/ NOV 30 th / 1858". On the base "C201" (double molded).fruit and vegetable preserves, domestic fruit and vegetables bottling, off seasonal fruit and vegetable storage, jar, bottle, preserves, mason's preserves

This transformer lamp system, which has a dial to transform 240 volts to a minimum of 32 volts was used by electrical technicians to inspect internal parts of the large generators (even in small confined spaces). The reason for the reduction of the 240 volts to the 32 volts was for the safety of the inspector. The SEC Victoria Hydro Scheme's electrical generators are powered by the hydro force of "stored" water at a higher altitude. The establishment of both the NSW and Victorian Hydro schemes was achieved from the mid 1900's to the 1960's. At this the point in time the need for additional power sources to quench both an industrial and domestic demand for electricity was purely an economic and not and environmental (carbon reduction) factor. This hydro scheme was instigated by "the Government of the day" as a bold move and was the major force of the World War II refugee and "technical" workforce inclusion of skilled and unskilled migration into the Australian environment. Although this mass "invasion" of workers with families was thought of in some circles as intrusive, the expansion of population post war years and its integration into the Australian rural sector, produced the multi- lingual multi-cultural diversity of later years.This transformer lamp is very significant to the Kiewa Valley as it was introduced as a very small part of the explosion of human resources into the valley. This influx of population transformed the region from that of a basically quiet rural region to one which evolved into both industrial and larger residential community. This evolution in the valley created a change, not only in the "physical" landscape but also the socio-economic expansion which permitted other "tourist" based industries into the valley. This is also a specific electronic item which was manufactured in Melbourne and not sourced from Europe or Asia. This demonstrates the fast evolution of Australian technology to a high standard compatible to that of the rest of the world.This heavy hand held electrical transformer (transforms 240 volts to 32 Volts) an has one leather handle on the top with three small (gauze filtered) air holes. It also has two 2 pin directional cable distribution (clipsal) in/out points 10amps / 240 volts. There is one glassed in volts/ac meter and one variable switch (180 to 150 voltage in settings of 10 volt increments.There are two vents (one on each of the smaller sides). There is also one three pin electrical lead coming out from the top.On one side is a manufacturer's plaque with "ELECTRONIC A & R EQUIPMENT MELBOURNE" and underneath "TYPE 1719, PRI V. 180 250" underneath "V.A. 1250" underneath "CYC 50" underneath "SEC V. 115" underneath "SEC A. 10 . 8". The label on topside "CAUTION SET SWITCH TO 250 v BEFORE CONNECTING TO MAINS THEN, WITH EQUIPMENT OPERATING, SET METER TO RED LINE.kiewa hydro electricity scheme, victorian state electricity commission, transformers

This Timing Relay is quite a large (industrial type) apparatus. The Timer is started by having a voltage of 250 volts direct current (as supplied by batteries). A DC motor then rotates driving into a clockwork mechanism, the output of which is an arm rotating at the same speed as a minute hand on a clock. Attached to this arm is a mercury switch which tips and makes an electrical circuit operate in a sequence control system. The sequences that use these timers are when starting and stopping Hydro Generators. They check that the machine has connected to the power system grid before 20 minutes duration. Brakes must go on for a set time when shutting down a generator slowing at the right speed as measured by this apparatus. These generators are powered by the hydro force of "stored" water at a higher altitude. The establishment of both the NSW and Victorian Hydro schemes was achieved from the mid 1900's to the 1960's. At this point in time the need for additional power sources to quench both an industrial and domestic demand for electricity was purely an economic and not and environmental (carbon reduction) factor. This Timing Relay apparatus is very significant to the Kiewa Valley as its use was introduced during the Kiewa Hydro Scheme. Although only a relay apparatus, it was however part of the explosion of human resources into the valley. This influx of population transformed the region from that of a basically quiet rural region to one which evolved into both an industrial and a larger residential community. This evolution in the valley created a change, not only in the "physical" landscape but also the socio-economic expansion which permitted other "tourist" based industries into the valley. This Hydro Scheme was instigated by "the Government of the day" as a bold move and was the major force behind the acceptance of World War II refugee and "technical" workforce. Inclusion of skilled and unskilled migration into the Australian environment was of a higher priority than a selective quota system of later years.. Although this mass "invasion" of workers with families was thought of in some circles as intrusive, the expansion of population post war years and its integration into the Australian rural sector, produced the multi- lingual, multi-cultural diversity of later years.sec vic kiewa hydro scheme, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

This general purpose Multi-meter was manufactured after 1950 and used by the SEC Vic (Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme) from that date until late 1900's. It was used to measure very small voltages associated with the operation of the various Hydro Generators. The readings were able to be shown by the resistor in use in the current circuit. During this time period, high quality testing instruments were either sourced from Europe or England. This particular meter was manufactured in the Netherlands. This type of "old" analogue meter was replaced by digital meters whose electronic components are a fraction of the size of the older analogue ones.This analog General Purpose multi-meter is quite a large (for handheld mobile) apparatus which permits the easy monitoring of electrical variations within the large SEC Victoria Hydro Scheme's electrical generators. These generators are powered by the hydro force of "stored" water at a higher altitude. The establishment of both the NSW and Victorian Hydro schemes was achieved from the mid 1900's to the 1960's. At this point in time the need for additional power sources to quench both an industrial and domestic demand for electricity was purely an economic and not and environmental (carbon reduction) factor. This hydro scheme was instigated by "the Government of the day" as a bold move and was the major force of the World War II refugee and "technical" workforce inclusion of skilled and unskilled migration into the Australian environment. Although this mass "invasion" of workers with families was thought of in some circles as intrusive, the expansion of population post war years and its integration into the Australian rural sector, produced the multi- lingual multi-cultural diversity of later years.This General Purpose Multimeter is an analogue meter i.e. it has a needle arm that moves across a scale of divisions. This is a large(hand held) device due to the mechanical movement system within and the large size of its electronic components of its circuitry.There are two black bake-lite push buttons operating the wire inserts Positive/negative leads at the top. The meter (protected with a glass window) has clearly marked graduations (top - volts, bottom amperes). Below this are two bake-lite dials (left "potentiometer the right one measuring range selector). Below this is a "dial" switch to input the desired resistance measuring range "V" Front "H&B ELIMA" and to the right Elavi 15n. 0n the front side is a label "STATE ELECTRICITY COMMISSION OF VICTORIA TRANSMISSION DEPT E.C.No." On the bottom of the base is a stenciled layout of the battery "layout" including the fuse . The information notice is presented in five languages starting with German, English,French, Italian, Spanish and Dutchsec vic kiewa hydro scheme, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

This leather case holder for a general purpose Multi-meter( KVHS 0307 (A)) was manufactured after 1950 and used by the SEC Vic (Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme) from that date until late 1900's. It was used to measure very small voltages associated with the operation of the various Hydro Generators. The readings were able to be shown by the resistor in use in the current circuit. During this time period, high quality testing instruments were either sourced from Europe or England. This particular carry case was manufactured in the Netherlands. This carry case for an analog General Purpose multi-meter which is quite a large (for a handheld mobile) apparatus.The bag however permits the easy monitoring of electrical variations within the large SEC Victoria Hydro Scheme's electrical generators. These generators are powered by the hydro force of "stored" water at a higher altitude. The establishment of both the NSW and Victorian Hydro schemes was achieved from the mid 1900's to the 1960's. At this point in time the need for additional power sources to quench both an industrial and domestic demand for electricity was purely an economic and not and environmental (carbon reduction) factor. This hydro scheme was instigated by "the Government of the day" as a bold move and was the major force of the World War II refugee and "technical" workforce inclusion of skilled and unskilled migration into the Australian environment. Although this mass "invasion" of workers with families was thought of in some circles as intrusive, the expansion of population post war years and its integration into the Australian rural sector, produced the multi- lingual multi-cultural diversity of later years.This leather case is to provide protection for this mobile G.P. Multimeter, therefore it is made from thick leather. It has a carrying strap from a thick "D" chromed link. This link is fastened to the main cover by a looped leather strip with a black coloured rivet. All the fasteners are either chrome or black coloured rivets. The front, which when opened back exposes fully the inside of the case. It is clip fastened to the lower section of the front piece which also can be pushed back allowing the meter to be removed from the frontal position. There is a strip retaining strap slightly higher from the mid point. This is fasted by a black press stud. There are two "L" shaped tin protrusions allowing the meter to slide only down the case until it rests on these shelves. This provides for an empty space for minimal storage,.On the front bottom and below the clasp is a tag "STATE ELECTRICITY COMMISSION OF VICTORIA TRANSMISSION DEPT."sec vic kiewa hydro scheme, alternate energy supplies, alpine population growth

This church collection bag is quite unique in that it has three grip handles, not the usual two. Why three. It may represent the holy trinity of, the father,the son and the holy spirit. Historically this might be used to reinforce the holy trinity belief which at the time of this item's construction was under threat. The threat came from splinter Christian sects such as the Church Of Jesus Christ of the Latter-Day Saints which have a Godhead of a council of three deities and there are other christian religions of only one deity covering the father,the son and the holy spirit.This collection bag for offerings, was the main method available towards the upkeep of the church and its parish during this era. Broadcasting of religious services was not as prolific as in the late 1900s and into the 2000s. It was a time when visualisation of the support of religion(especially in rural ares) was an important social factor. The God "fearing" beliefs within society of this period, provided the strong moral fabric which permitted settlements that did not have a strong law enforcement section to prosper and develop without fear or "favour". The collection bag was, and is still, a physical endorsement of support towards the church and what it stands for. This was a time when it was a social requirement to be seen in the church building and supporting fellow parishioners. The ingrained Australian psyche of supporting anyone that needed help, was a result of this period.Church collection/donation bag. Simple construction of two round frames with three opposing handles nailed together to hold firm a small dark blue cloth pocket/bag. All fastened by nails to the handle/frame and the large pocket allows for a reasonable amount of coin or notes to be offered.religion, collection receptacles, christian offerings, church protocols

This ledger was started in 1901 when ledgers and other bookkeeping methods were hand written and with nib or fountain pen application. The various ink spots on the pages of this ledger suggests that when the office worker scribed they used the nib and the owner used the fountain pen. It was not until the mid 1950s that ball point pens were discovered and used in rural areas. The owner of this rural general store was more interested in recording transactions, be it in ink or pencil than the aesthetics of a neat and tidy document. Even though in this era, the principle of neat and tidiness was instilled in workers, this was overlooked and fell away through the economics of employing one staff member to do a variety of tasks for which they may not have had the proper training. It was in the early 1900s that the rural areas such as the Kiewa Valley "had to do" with local employees who had basic training but knew their customers very well and were very respectful of age and the mores of the trading public. The respect by shop owners and staff towards their customers was greater in small rural townships and villages within the Kiewa Valley than in the larger towns and cities. Their was no rushing to get the groceries or to spend the least amount of time within the shop. The social interactions where mixed with commercial activities at a very personalised level of one on one. This closeness gave the customer the confidence that those in the commercial transactions in the shop, where looking after them. This ledger is very significant to the Kiewa Valley as it lists the personal transactions of local businesses, farmers, graziers and miners. Larger accounts and other businesses had one or more pages set aside for their transactions. The words are in large freehand (Capitals 5 mm high) possibly to be read by those with poorer eyesight. The relative long distance to travel for reading glasses or specialised optometrist was overcome by writing in larger fonts. The time taken to register produce or other consumables was not critical during the period when this ledger was in use because the local population was not at the critical level where the demand was not as intense as later on when periods of tourist influx became more demanding. The lay back and relaxed attitude of the local population during this period (early 1900s) was not intense and impersonal as within the larger city shopping and commercial environment. The ability of the shop keepers to interact with their customers not only in the commercial sense but also in a social atmosphere permitted the long hand scribbling of purchases without causing any offence.This item is a cloth and suede leather covered ledger.The spine is suede leather with a red stamped "LEDGER" title. The cover is covered with a dark blue cloth and shows a faded unrecognisable pattern. Each page has light blue lines running horizontal and 90 mm apart. Each page has, from the second line going horizontal two fine 1 mm apart red line. Each page is divided horizontally by single vertical line (except for the two double lines in the centre of the page). The first division separates the month from the day.Next to these lines is an area for the description of the item being purchased. Within the central double lines are vertical lines separating the type of tender paid, i.e., pounds, shillings and pence. The last section of the page has various comments, as required by the scribe.Each page is approximately 160 g/ms. The ledger has 698 pages drawn up on both sides and page numbers of 5 mm in height. 'On spine " LEDGER"commerce, book keeping, shop ledger, local history

This Directory of 1889 covers the location of Melbourne based trade and professional offices by street and in Alphabetical order. It covers all of Melbourne and its suburbs. It also covers government and official, ecclesiastic, legal, municipal and miscellaneous information. The directory details a cross section of a developing city with a splattering of advertisements opening up an in depth look of all aspects of living in the late 1800s. It is interesting to see that all the advertisements do not have any telecommunication numbers listed (personal shoppers or mail orders only). This was a period of high moral standing within the community and hotels advertised rooms " suites of rooms for families and single rooms for Ladies and Gentlemen" also "electric bells throughout the house. Telephone, night porter and hot and cold baths."This directory would be used by the majority of families and businesses working and living within the Kiewa Valley and the surrounding area. Melbourne was the only place where every aspect of living requirement was catered for. Although the delivery of services and goods were not at a high rate, certain items or transactions would require a visit to "the big smoke". Business information are listed both by suburb and alphabetically. There is also a section for British and Foreign Trade. This directory covered nearly everything to do with commerce, an example pay days for principle firms. Greater evolution of trade locations started to balloon out after the mid 1950's. Increased populations and greater levels of communication and safe fast transport facilities permitted greater devolution of commercial enterprises into rural communities, such as the Kiewa Valley.This directory has no front or back cover and is held together by its cloth spine. It contains over 1300 pages, however there may be some pages missing front and back of the directory which would have contained advertisements of some unknown shops. All the sides of this directory (except the spine) have advertisements and content information stamped on. The spine cover has been placed in the directory until further conservation work is carried out. It has gold coloured printing and in the central section, a gold coloured background with the words "Sands & McDougall's Melbourne Directory 1889." The spine has three adverts on the spine.On the spine in gold colour "South * British insurance Company Fire and Marine. Risks Lowest Current Rates No. 11 Queen Street, Arthur J Masters, Manager" and half way down " *Phoenix* Fire Office of London established over 100 years Annual Income exceeds (pound sign) 1,000,000" underneath "Losses Paid Over (pound sign) 16,000,000" underneath "Reserve Fund Exceeds (pound sign) 1,000,000" underneath "9 Market Buildings William Street, Melbourne " underneath " R. Manfield Taylor, Agent" and at the bottom section" Henry Scott Auctioneer and Estate Agent 49 Bridport St., Albert Park" stamped on the bottom side across the page endings "The Wonderful Wertheim Sewing Machines Swanston Street opposite Town Hall", stamped on the top side across the page endings " The Sweet Hapsburg Pianos & Organs Swanston Street Opposite Town Hall"state government listings, names and location of early melbourne population business names, 1889 members of the victorian executive council

This extract from an advertisement in the Sydney Morning Herald newspaper of 1/12/1959 places the era in which this water bag was prolific throughout rural Australia. " ABERDEEN CANVAS GOODS for the man on the land here is Australia's most useful, convenient and hygienic water bag. Its special unbreakable plastic nozzle is fitted with a perforated filter strainer. Made from long flax canvas, its universal handle enables it to be hung on bumper bar, wire fence or on hook or nail" The availability of clean cool drinking water in remote rural locations was essential for survival under the blistering Australian summer sun. This was in a pioneer era when transport, roads and convenience stores were ,in a lot of "outback" Australia, in short supply and survival was dependent upon what could be carried by vehicle or pack horse.When the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme became a reality, the use of the water bag was one of the essential personal items of survival given to each person working in the forests and on and in the high plains environment. Even in an outside stationary work place the availability of cool clean water was a prerequisite. The canvas water bag allowed any wind or airflow to cool down the water, even on very hot days, to provide a refreshing and throat quenching supply of water. These bags could be fastened onto the front of vehicles or hanging from shady tree branches thereby permitting air flow around the bag. During the "wearing in" period the residual taste from the canvas was fairly strong, this became considerably less as time and a half moved on. This "Aberdeen" long flax canvas water bag is held together on two sides and the top by strong heavy cotton stitching. The iron fashioned carrying handle has, protruding from its top elevation ,a very strong hook (well in excess of the bags' weight requirement). At the top, of the bag, and on one side only, is a brown coloured bakelite spout (with an inbuilt filter) protruding upwards. This spout has its matching , screw on, lid complete with attachment chain (not fixed at the handle end)On the front of the bad and stenciled in bold lettering, "ABERDEEN" and directly below "Travellers" and below this "FILTER BAG". Below this are two parallel black lines enclosing an ochre coloured band(12mm wide) running around the bottom section of the bag. Below this band is stenciled the number 14 in black (25mm high) figures. The spout lid has stamped on the top surface and within the outline of Australia, "ABERDEEN FILTER WATER BAG". Above this and close to the edge of the lid is pressed "PAT. No 9149/32 and down at the bottom rim is stamped "RD. No. 9870". canvas, water bag, water container, camping equipment, survival pack

Two colour photographic prints Originally located in a small pink (with decorative flowers) album, suede spine, 18 x 18 x 6 cm, 50 pages/inserts, 100 photo capacitydemolition, eltham shire office, planning permit

Control of feral animal pests was and is a major problem in agricultural areas, and methods are widely debated. For over a century traps such as this one were in common use where wild dogs and dingoes were a problem, and indeed are still permitted in certain conditions in certain Australian states. Feral animals, including rabbits, foxes and hybridised dogs (dingo mix), have been a major problem in agricultural Australia since colonisation. This example of a dog or dingo trap would have inflicted great pain on the target animal, and focuses the viewer towards aspects of the problem not otherwise faced. This trap illustrates the historic treatment of animals, in particular native Australian animals. It also signifies the larger debate around the balance between wilderness and agriculture. Metal dingo trap. The spring-loaded jaws of the trap are held upright by metal pieces turning back onto themselves and ending in rings attached to the trap. There is a short chain attached to the trap.trap dingo-trap agriculture

The artefact is a damaged brass cow bell recovered from the 1878 shipwreck of the LOCH ARD near Port Campbell. It was raised by Flagstaff Hill divers in 1973 and is in storage at the Maritime Village. The LOCH ARD was constructed on the Clyde in 1873 for the prestigious Loch Line of colonial clipper ships, designed for the Australian run. She sailed from England on 1 March 1878 carrying 37 crew, 17 passengers and a diverse general cargo ranging from luxury items to bulk railway iron. On 1 June 1878, emerging from fog and hearing too late the sound of breakers against the tall limestone cliffs, the vessel struck the southern foot of Mutton Bird Island and sank in 23 metres of water. Of the fifty-four people on board only two survived, one young male crewman and one young female passenger. A century later, despite the pounding seas and the efforts of looters, the wreck site continued to provide ample evidence of the extraordinary range of goods being imported into the Colony of Victoria in the post-Gold Rush era. Flagstaff Hill divers in the 1970s reported finds of “Bottles of champagne, window panes, rolls of zinc, barrels of cement, iron rails, clocks, lead shot, corrugated iron, lead, marble, salad oil bottles, ink bottles, copper wire, gin bottles, rolls of carpet, floor tiles, copper rivets, gas light fittings, pocket knives, toys, crystal chandeliers, beer mugs, cutlery, candles sticks, wick scissors, cow bells, and sauce bottles.” From this array of objects on the ocean floor emerged the humble brass cow bell. Cow bells were common to colonial agriculture and transport, used wherever animals were turned out to graze overnight and had to be rounded up again next morning. Bells were fastened around the necks of household milking cows, domestic goats, bullock teams, horse teams, and camel teams, to help find them in the pre-dawn light. Station shepherds and cattle drovers also used them to warn of any disturbances to their flocks and herds overnight. The bells were a necessary item in a largely unfenced continent. So important, that Anthony Mongon began making his pot-bells at Yackandandah from 1861, August Menneke produced the “Wagga Pot” from 1867, and Samuel Jones started manufacturing his distinctively shaped “Condamine Bell” in 1868. However, these deeply resonant Australian bells were made from iron — Mongon and Jones were blacksmiths who simply beat old pitsaw blades into shape. Few genuinely brass cow bells were made here, the vast majority being imported from Britain where the industry of brass founding was already well established. (Some bells were also imported from the United States, but these too were nearly all of iron).This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. It was included in the cargo of the Loch Ard. Its significance is increased by being one of a collection of artefacts recovered by the Flagstaff Hill Divers from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the early 1970s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have also been recovered for Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection under a Government permit, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. The cow bell is also significant for being part of Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from LOCH ARD, which is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the LOCH ARD. The LOCH ARD collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. The LOCH ARD collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the LOCH ARD, which was one of the worst and best-known shipwrecks in Victoria’s history.Cow bell; a small brass bell, blunt-wedge shaped. The sides expand outwards from the smaller rectangular roof of the bell to a larger open rectangle or bell mouth. The handle, now missing, was fixed in two places at the top. A neat half-circle piece has been cut from the base on a long edge. Recovered from the wreck of the Loch Ard.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, loch line, loch ard, eva carmichael, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, brass cow bell, colonial cow bells, 1878 shipwreck, shipwreck artefact, flagstaff hill divers, cow bell

The artefact is a damaged brass cow bell recovered from the 1878 shipwreck of the LOCH ARD near Port Campbell. It was raised by Flagstaff Hill divers in 1973 and is in storage at the Maritime Village. The LOCH ARD was constructed on the Clyde in 1873 for the prestigious Loch Line of colonial clipper ships, designed for the Australian run. She sailed from England on 1 March 1878 carrying 37 crew, 17 passengers and a diverse general cargo ranging from luxury items to bulk railway iron. On 1 June 1878, emerging from fog and hearing too late the sound of breakers against the tall limestone cliffs, the vessel struck the southern foot of Mutton Bird Island and sank in 23 metres of water. Of the fifty-four people on board only two survived, one young male crewman and one young female passenger. A century later, despite the pounding seas and the efforts of looters, the wreck site continued to provide ample evidence of the extraordinary range of goods being imported into the Colony of Victoria in the post-Gold Rush era. Flagstaff Hill divers in the 1970s reported finds of “Bottles of champagne, window panes, rolls of zinc, barrels of cement, iron rails, clocks, lead shot, corrugated iron, lead, marble, salad oil bottles, ink bottles, copper wire, gin bottles, rolls of carpet, floor tiles, copper rivets, gas light fittings, pocket knives, toys, crystal chandeliers, beer mugs, cutlery, candles sticks, wick scissors, cow bells, and sauce bottles.” From this array of objects on the ocean floor emerged the humble brass cow bell. Cow bells were common to colonial agriculture and transport, used wherever animals were turned out to graze overnight and had to be rounded up again next morning. Bells were fastened around the necks of household milking cows, domestic goats, bullock teams, horse teams, and camel teams, to help find them in the pre-dawn light. Station shepherds and cattle drovers also used them to warn of any disturbances to their flocks and herds overnight. The bells were a necessary item in a largely unfenced continent. So important, that Anthony Mongon began making his pot-bells at Yackandandah from 1861, August Menneke produced the “Wagga Pot” from 1867, and Samuel Jones started manufacturing his distinctively shaped “Condamine Bell” in 1868. However, these deeply resonant Australian bells were made from iron — Mongon and Jones were blacksmiths who simply beat old pitsaw blades into shape. Few genuinely brass cow bells were made here, the vast majority being imported from Britain where the industry of brass founding was already well established. (Some bells were also imported from the United States, but these too were nearly all of iron).This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. Its significance is increased by being one of a collection of artefact recovered by the Flagstaff Hill Divers from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the early 1970s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have also been recovered for Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection under Government permit, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. The cow bell is also significant for being part of Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from LOCH ARD, which is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the LOCH ARD. The LOCH ARD collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. The LOCH ARD collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the LOCH ARD, which was one of the worst and best known shipwrecks in Victoria’s history.A small brass cow bell, in poor condition. It is blunt-wedge shaped. The sides expand outwards from the smaller rectangular roof of the bell to a larger open rectangle or bell mouth. A handwritten label is attached to the bel. Recovered from the wreck of the Loch Ard.Label text "["10/6/73, Brass Cow Bell, LOCH ARD, Found in the sandy hole in the centre of the wreck site. Cow bells were part of the cargo" - "10/6/73, LOCH ARD, small brass cow bell salvaged by FHMV divers"]. "LOCH ARD / PETER RONALD"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, loch line, loch ard, eva carmichael, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, brass cow bell, colonial cow bells, 1878 shipwreck, shipwreck artefact, flagstaff hill divers

The artefact is a brass cow bell recovered from the 1878 shipwreck of the LOCH ARD near Port Campbell. It was raised by Flagstaff Hill divers in 1973 and is in storage at the Maritime Village. The LOCH ARD was constructed on the Clyde in 1873 for the prestigious Loch Line of colonial clipper ships, designed for the Australian run. She sailed from England on 1 March 1878 carrying 37 crew, 17 passengers and a diverse general cargo ranging from luxury items to bulk railway iron. On 1 June 1878, emerging from fog and hearing too late the sound of breakers against the tall limestone cliffs, the vessel struck the southern foot of Mutton Bird Island and sank in 23 metres of water. Of the fifty-four people on board only two survived, one young male crewman, Tom Pearce, and one young female passenger, Eva Carmichael. A century later, despite the pounding seas and the efforts of looters, the wreck site continued to provide ample evidence of the extraordinary range of goods being imported into the Colony of Victoria in the post-Gold Rush era. Flagstaff Hill divers in the 1970s reported finds of “Bottles of champagne, window panes, rolls of zinc, barrels of cement, iron rails, clocks, lead shot, corrugated iron, lead, marble, salad oil bottles, ink bottles, copper wire, gin bottles, rolls of carpet, floor tiles, copper rivets, gas light fittings, pocket knives, toys, crystal chandeliers, beer mugs, cutlery, candles sticks, wick scissors, cow bells, and sauce bottles.” From this array of objects on the ocean floor emerged the humble brass cow bell. Cow bells were common to colonial agriculture and transport, used wherever animals were turned out to graze overnight and had to be rounded up again next morning. Bells were fastened around the necks of household milking cows, domestic goats, bullock teams, horse teams, and camel teams, to help find them in the pre-dawn light. Station shepherds and cattle drovers also used them to warn of any disturbances to their flocks and herds overnight. The bells were a necessary item in a largely unfenced continent. So important, that Anthony Mongon began making his pot-bells at Yackandandah from 1861, August Menneke produced the “Wagga Pot” from 1867, and Samuel Jones started manufacturing his distinctively shaped “Condamine Bell” in 1868. However, these deeply resonant Australian bells were made from iron — Mongon and Jones were blacksmiths who simply beat old pitsaw blades into shape. Few genuinely brass cow bells were made here, the vast majority being imported from Britain where the industry of brass founding was already well established. (Some bells were also imported from the United States, but these too were nearly all of iron). This bell is historically significant as typical of a cow bell used by farmers and herdsmen in Colonial Victoria. Its significance is increased by being one of a collection of artefact recovered by the Flagstaff Hill Divers from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the early 1970s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have also been recovered for Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection under Government permit, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. The cow bell is also significant for being part of Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from LOCH ARD, which is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the LOCH ARD. The LOCH ARD collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. The LOCH ARD collection is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history and its potential to interpret sub-theme 1.5 of Victoria’s Framework of Historical Themes (living with natural processes). The collection is also historically significant for its association with the LOCH ARD, which was one of the worst and best known shipwrecks in Victoria’s history. Brass cow bell, flat-top pyramid shape, rectangular head, shoulders flare out to a rectangular mouth. The hanging yoke is missing. Noneflagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, loch ard, cowbell, great ocean road, loch line, captain gibbs, eva carmichael, tom pearce, glenample station, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, cow bell, brass cow bell, shipwreck artefact, flagstaff hill divers, horse bell, bell smith, vintage bell, farmer, shepherd, drover, stock bell, brass bell

Portland Town Council