Made by a German Prisoner of War in Camp 13 (Murchison) and given to a member of the garrison, R. E. O'Hara. Internees / POW's made many items from largely scrap material during their time in the camps. This item holds historical and cultural significance as an example of the ingenuity of internees & how many occupied their time in camps, shaping the cultural and creative life of those in the camps. Also a possible indicator of relationship between garrison and internees. Dark brown wooden crop or swagger stick with a wooden knob on one end and a horse hair plume attached with cord to the other end. Fine cord attached to knob end with a loop for hanging. murchison, camp 13, tatura, garrison, prisoner of war, internee camps, ww2

WW2 internment camp 1, Tatura. Australian Staff Sergeant G F Evans (V14130) with two of the mascots in camp 1 - Whacko the Cockatoo and Cobber the terrier. Whacko was found by a prisoner as a fledgling, reared by one of the guards and renowned for its lurid vocabulary. Ended its days at Wallan Hotel after the War.Black and white photograph. Australian Sergeant (wearing service ribbons) with white cockatoo and terrier standing in front of Army hut, Camp 1. Photograph taken 24 June 1943.internment camps, tatura internment camps, wacka the cockatoo, cobber the terrier, staff sergeant g f evans, v14130, army camp mascots

This banner belonged to Wilhelm Eckels, a wool buyer in Sydney , NSW, when war broke out. He was interned in Camp 1, aged 22 years. Red cloth banner with hand stitched green tassels on one end. Hand painted Comedy and Tragedy symbol and writingas abovewilhelm eckels, wool buyer, rod eckels

Erected in the township of Miners Rest in 1920 in remembrance of fallen soldiers, this granite plinth cenotaph stands at the West end of an Avenue of Honour with 25 trees. The memorial is of Harcourt colonial granite, with bronze face plates, and contains the names of twenty-four soldiers of the district who sacrificed their lives at war. The monument was designed by the well-known sculptor, Mr F. W. Commons, and the work executed by returned soldiers employed at his studio on Creswick Road, Ballarat.The memorial is of historic and social significance to the people of BallaratGranite stone memorial including plaques on a bluestone base. 4 smaller granite posts and flag pole. In honour of our men of this district who gave their lives in the great war 1914-19. Duty Nobly Done. Erected by residents A.D.1920. Unveiled by Sir A. J. Peacock K.C.M.C., M.L.A. 23rd May 1920 Soldiers named; L.C. Blackman, D.G. Chisholm, J. Dowie, D. Dobson, H. Fisher, A.E. Gray, E.S. Holgate, H.S. Holgate, A. Kennedy, W.C. Kilfeder, G.A. Loader, H.R. Lonsdale, W. Miller, P. Morgan, C.A. Morrison, J. McDonald, N. McKenzie, L. Pollock, W.G. Pollock, A. Robertson, C.F. Shelton, P.J. Shelton, G.F. Smith, J.T. Swain.miners rest cenotaph, miners rest avenue of honour

Eternal Flame was created by Ballarat sculptor Peter Blizzard as a marker of the end of WWII in the Pacific. Engraved into the bluestone shaped tile across the base of the statue is details about conflict areas where Australian Troops were active. The metal structure mimics a moving flame with it's polished golden hue, a feature included in many war memorials around the world. Peter Blizzard also designed the Prisoner of War Memorial in the South Gardens, Ballarat Botanic Gardens. The metal structure mimics the moving flame of polished golden hue that is present in war memorials around the world. Eternal flame is aesthetically and historically significant to the people of BallaratMetal construction on bluestone tile baseConflict areas for Australian Troops are engraved into bluestone shaped tile across the base of the statue. eternal flame, world war ii, conflict, peter blizzard, australian sculpture

Folder containing assorted newspapers including- The Argus dated 22/2/1940 17th Australian Infantry Brigade 2nd AIF Souvenir Supplement The Argus dated 10/5/1943 Resistance Ending in Tunisia Daily Herald dated 5/6/1944 Allies in Rome The Herald dated 27/9/1947 Britain will stay in Middle East The Herald dated 15/8/1945 Peace - World Hails Jap Surrender(2 copies) The Sun dated 4/3/1943 RJEV Falls to Russian forces The Sun dated 8/5/1945 War Ends in Europe (2 copies) The Sun dated 23/10/1945 The Sun dated 9/1/1945 The Sun dated 31/1/1946 The Herald Special Edition Australian Highlights assorted newspaper clippings Large black plastic folder housing assortment of newspaper clippingsnewspaper, newspaper clippings, ww2, the argus

The Battle of Tarakan was the first stage in the Borneo campaign of 1945. It began with an amphibious landing by Australian forces on 1 May, code-named Operation Oboe One. While the battle ended with success for the Allied forces over the Japanese defenders, this victory is generally regarded as having not justified its costs. 225 Australian soldiers of the 26th Brigade, 9th Division, 2nd Australian Imperial Force were once buried here. They were killed in the Battle of Tarakan (1 May - 21 June 1945) or died due to their wounds until 15 August 1945.The 2/24th Battalion was an infantry battalion of the Australian Army, which served during World War II .A unit of all-volunteers, it was formed in July 1940 from primarily Victorian volunteers and was known as "Wangaratta's Own" because of the time the battalion spent in the town during its formative period prior to deployment overseas. It served in North Africa in 1941–1942 as part of the 26th Brigade, which was assigned to the 7th Division, before being reassigned to the 9th Division. In early 1943, the battalion returned to Australia and later took part in campaigns against the Japanese in New Guinea in 1943–1944 and Borneo in 1945, before being disbanded in 1946. The 2/24th suffered the highest number of casualties of any 2nd AIF infantry battalion. The Unit was granted the Freedom of the City by the Rural City of Wangaratta in 1996 and one of the first, if not the first, to receive this type of honour. Reproduced black and white photograph of a monument/cenotaph and lawn grave sites with white crosses.Handwritten on rear - Tarakan Cemetery2/24th battalion, wangaratta, tarakan

September 30,1945 - The official dedication service and unveiling of the Cenotaph at Tarakan War Cemetery The Battle of Tarakan was the first stage in the Borneo campaign of 1945. It began with an amphibious landing by Australian forces on 1 May, code-named Operation Oboe One. While the battle ended with success for the Allied forces over the Japanese defenders, this victory is generally regarded as having not justified its costs. 225 Australian soldiers of the 26th Brigade, 9th Division, 2nd Australian Imperial Force were once buried here. They were killed in the Battle of Tarakan (1 May - 21 June 1945) or died due to their wounds until 15 August 1945.The 2/24th Battalion was an infantry battalion of the Australian Army, which served during World War II .A unit of all-volunteers, it was formed in July 1940 from primarily Victorian volunteers and was known as "Wangaratta's Own" because of the time the battalion spent in the town during its formative period prior to deployment overseas. It served in North Africa in 1941–1942 as part of the 26th Brigade, which was assigned to the 7th Division, before being reassigned to the 9th Division. In early 1943, the battalion returned to Australia and later took part in campaigns against the Japanese in New Guinea in 1943–1944 and Borneo in 1945, before being disbanded in 1946. The 2/24th suffered the highest number of casualties of any 2nd AIF infantry battalion. The Unit was granted the Freedom of the City by the Rural City of Wangaratta in 1996 and one of the first, if not the first, to receive this type of honour. Reproduced black and white photograph of monument/cenotaph and catafalque party2/24th battalion, tarakan, cenotaph

Plaque present to Corporal Sperry BODSWORTH MID who served with the 2/21st Battalion and involved with the Battle of Ambon. On the night of 30-31 January 1942 this small force of 1131 Australian soldiers were stationed at Ambon, an island which formed part of the Netherland East Indies (now Indonesia). An invasion of approximately 20,000 Japanese overwhelmed Gull Force and the majority of the Australian soldiers were taken prisoner. The execution of 229 at Laha, starvation, over work, disease and the absence of medical supplies led to horrific loss. At the cessation of hostilities only 352 of the original 1131 had made it back to Australia. 779 members of Gull Force made the supreme sacrifice and now lie in foreign fields. The Battle of Ambon (30 January – 3 February 1942) occurred on the island of Ambon in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia), during World War II. Japan invaded and conquered the island in a few days, facing Dutch, American and Australian forces. The chaotic and sometimes bloody fighting was followed by a series of major Japanese war crimes. Allied casualties in the battle were relatively light. However, at intervals for a fortnight after the surrender, Japanese personnel chose more than 300 Australian and Dutch prisoners of war at random and summarily executed them, at or near Laha airfield. In part, this was revenge for the sinking of the Japanese minesweeper, as some surviving crew of the minesweeper took part.. Three-quarters of the Australians captured on Ambon died before the war's end. Of the 582 who remained on Ambon, 405 died. They died of overwork, malnutrition, disease and one of the most brutal regimes among camps in which bashings were routine. Blood Oath, a 1990 Australian feature film is based on the real-life trial of Japanese soldiers for war crimes committed against Allied prisoners of war on the island of Ambon, in the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia), such as the Laha massacre of 1942.Brown timber in the shape of a shield mounted with a metal a coat of arms depicting white seagull above black and orange diamond within pale blue oval shape.Gull Force 2/21 Battalion Ambon Laha Plaque - Cpl Sperry Bodsworth VX23435 MIDgull force, 2/21 battalion, ambon, ww2

Italian badges - ZONA CCNN known as the Blackshirts were fascist paramilitary squads in Italy during WW2.. Blackshirts were distinguished by their black uniform and loyality to Mussolini and were officially known as the Voluntary Militia for National Security.(MVSN)The Blackshirts (Italian language: camicie nere, CCNN) were fascist paramilitary armed squads in Italy during the period immediately following World War I and until the end of World War II. Blackshirts were officially known as the Voluntary Militia for National Security (MVSN) Two brass badges in the shape of a shield with a sword in the centre below and spread eagle. One has a black background the other red and black. ZONA CCNN XIII on one and XII on the otherZONA CCNN italian, fascist badges, mvsn, blackshirts, ww2

An imaginary gathering of the nine Australian Ships which at different times served the United Nations Forces fighting the North Koreans and Chinese during the Korean War of 1950-53. The item belonged to Clarence Stanley FLENTJAR R38429 who enlisted in the Royal Australian Navy. He served on HMAS Cerebus, Tobruk and Melville and a veteran of the Korean War. The Korean War was a war fought between North Korea and South Korea from 25 June 1950 to 27 July 1953. The war began on 25 June 1950 when North Korea invaded South Korea following clashes along the border and rebellions in South Korea.North Korea was supported by China and the Soviet Union while South Korea was supported by the United Nations, principally the United States. The fighting ended with an armistice on 27 July 1953.Black frame with cream mount containing a screen print on silk depicting 9 naval ships and 4 airborne aircraft at sea Australia's Navy in the Korean War 1950-53 An imaginary gathering of the nine Australian Ships which at different times served the United Nations Forces fighting the North Koreans and Chinese during the Korean War of 1950-53. The aircraft carrier HMAS Sydney, in the centre, is being screened in close order by (clockwise from top centre) the frigates Condamine, Culgoa, Shoalhaven and Murchison, and the destroyers Tobruk, Warramunga, Anzac and Bataan. Airborne overhead are Firefly and Sea Fury aircraft from HMAS Sydney. White Plaque - mounted on glass - C S FLENTJAR 38429 HMAS Tobruk D37 Korea 1951-1952ran, korean war, hmas tobruk, hmas cerebus, hmas melville

Postal item, former possession of internee at War CampCardboard cylinder with wooden ends. Has paper label "Gerd Aberle with German writing including the word "Loveday"". Possibly posted from Alexandrie, Egypt.mail cylinder, loveday, tatura, camps, containers, commercial

Published posthumously in 1972, “The Great Great Australian Dream” was Robin Boyd’s satirical review of Australian culture at the end of the 1960s. Included, for example, were chapters on the peculiarities of the Australian accent, the prevalence of blowflies, and the unrealistic dreams of a fictional post-war architect Gordon Hope.Hardcover w/ Dust JacketWritten by Boyd, with printed inscription "It compensates for half-recognized inadequacies in the sunny, wideawake life."australian satire, national characteristics, humor, walsh st library

Published posthumously in 1972, “The Great Great Australian Dream” was Robin Boyd’s satirical review of Australian culture at the end of the 1960s. Included, for example, were chapters on the peculiarities of the Australian accent, the prevalence of blowflies, and the unrealistic dreams of a fictional post-war architect Gordon Hope.Hardcover with Dust JacketRBF Acquisitionaustralian satire, national characteristics, humor, walsh st library

Published posthumously in 1972, “The Great Great Australian Dream” was Robin Boyd’s satirical review of Australian culture at the end of the 1960s. Included, for example, were chapters on the peculiarities of the Australian accent, the prevalence of blowflies, and the unrealistic dreams of a fictional post-war architect Gordon Hope.Hardcover with Dust JacketRBF Acquisitionaustralian satire, national characteristics, humor, walsh st library

Published posthumously in 1972, “The Great Great Australian Dream” was Robin Boyd’s satirical review of Australian culture at the end of the 1960s. Included, for example, were chapters on the peculiarities of the Australian accent, the prevalence of blowflies, and the unrealistic dreams of a fictional post-war architect Gordon Hope.Hardcover with Dust JacketRBF Acquisitionaustralian satire, national characteristics, humor, walsh st library

Published posthumously in 1972, “The Great Great Australian Dream” was Robin Boyd’s satirical review of Australian culture at the end of the 1960s. Included, for example, were chapters on the peculiarities of the Australian accent, the prevalence of blowflies, and the unrealistic dreams of a fictional post-war architect Gordon Hope.Hardcover with Dust JacketRBF Acquisitionaustralian satire, national characteristics, humor, walsh st library

Published posthumously in 1972, “The Great Great Australian Dream” was Robin Boyd’s satirical review of Australian culture at the end of the 1960s. Included, for example, were chapters on the peculiarities of the Australian accent, the prevalence of blowflies, and the unrealistic dreams of a fictional post-war architect Gordon Hope.Hardcover with Dust JacketRBF Acquisitionaustralian satire, national characteristics, humor, walsh st library

Darkness and a little light: ?Race? and sport in Australia Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) and Daryl Adair (University of Technology Sydney) Despite ?the wonderful and chaotic universe of clashing colors, temperaments and emotions, of brave deeds against odds seemingly insuperable?, sport is mixed with ?mean and shameful acts of pure skullduggery?, villainy, cowardice, depravity, rapaciousness and malice. Thus wrote celebrated American novelist Paul Gallico on the eve of the Second World War (Gallico 1938 [1988]:9-10). An acute enough observation about society in general, his farewell to sports writing also captures the ?clashing colors? in Australian sport. In this ?land of the fair go?, we look at the malice of racism in the arenas where, as custom might have it, one would least want or expect to find it. The history of the connection between sport, race and society - the long past, the recent past and the social present - is commonly dark and ugly but some light and decency are just becoming visible. Coming to terms: ?Race?, ethnicity, identity and Aboriginality in sport Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) Notions of genetic superiority have led to some of the world?s greatest human calamities. Just as social scientists thought that racial anthropology and biology had ended with the cataclysm of the Second World War, so some influential researchers and sports commentators have rekindled the pre-war debate about the muscular merits of ?races? in a new discipline that Nyborg (1994) calls the ?science of physicology?. The more recent realm of racial ?athletic genes?, especially within socially constructed black athletic communities, may intend no malice but this search for the keys to their success may well revive the old, discredited discourses. This critical commentary shows what can happen when some population geneticists and sports writers ignore history and when medical, biological and sporting doctrines deriving from ?race? are dislocated from any historical, geographic, cultural and social contexts. Understanding discourses about race, racism, ethnicity, otherness, identity and Aboriginality are essential if sense, or nonsense, is to be made of genetic/racial ?explanations? of sporting excellence. Between the two major wars boxing was, disproportionately, a Jewish sport; Kenyans and Ethiopians now ?own? middle- and long-distance running and Jamaicans the shorter events; South Koreans dominate women?s professional golf. This essay explores the various explanations put forward for such ?statistical domination?: genes, biochemistry, biomechanics, history, culture, social dynamics, the search for identity, alienation, need, chance, circumstances, and personal bent or aptitude. Traditional games of a timeless land: Play cultures in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities Ken Edwards (University of Southern Queensland) Sports history in Australia has focused almost entirely on modern, Eurocentric sports and has therefore largely ignored the multitude of unique pre- European games that are, or once were, played. The area of traditional games, especially those of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, is an important aspect of the cultural, social and historical experiences of Indigenous communities. These activities include customs of play that are normally not associated with European notions of competitive sport. Overall, this paper surveys research undertaken into traditional games among Indigenous Australians, as well as proposals for much needed further study in this area. Culture, ?race? and discrimination in the 1868 Aboriginal cricket tour of England David Sampson As a consequence of John Mulvaney?s important historical research, the Aboriginal cricket and performance tour of Britain in 1868 has in recent decades become established as perhaps the most famous of all public events in contact history involving Aborigines, white settlers and the British metropolis. Although recognition of its importance is welcome and significant, public commemorations of the tour have enveloped the tour in mythologies of cricket and nation. Such mythologies have obscured fundamental aspects of the tour that were inescapable racial and colonial realities of the Victorian era. This reappraisal of the tour explores the centrality of racial ideology, racial science and racial power imbalances that enabled, created and shaped the tour. By exploring beyond cricketing mythology, it restores the central importance of the spectacular performances of Aboriginal skills without which the tour would have been impossible. Such a reappraisal seeks to fully recognise the often trivialised non-cricketing expertise of all of the Aboriginal performers in 1868 for their achievement of pioneering their unique culture, skills and technologies to a mass international audience. Football, ?race? and resistance: The Darwin Football League, 1926?29 Matthew Stephen (Northern Territory Archive Service) Darwin was a diverse but deeply divided society in the early twentieth century. The Commonwealth Government introduced the Aboriginals Ordinance 1911 in the Northern Territory, instituting state surveillance, control and a racially segregated hierarchy of whites foremost, then Asians, ?Coloureds? (Aborigines and others of mixed descent) and, lastly, the so-called ?full-blood? Aborigines. Sport was important in scaffolding this stratification. Whites believed that sport was their private domain and strictly controlled non-white participation. Australian Rules football, established in Darwin from 1916, was the first sport in which ?Coloured? sportsmen challenged this domination. Football became a battleground for recognition, rights and identity for all groups. The ?Coloured? community embraced its team, Vesteys, which dominated the Northern Territory Football League (NTFL) in the 1920s. In 1926, amidst growing racial tension, the white-administered NTFL changed its constitution to exclude non-white players. In reaction, ?Coloured? and Chinese footballers formed their own competition - the Darwin Football League (DFL). The saga of that colour bar is an important chapter in Australia?s football history, yet it has faded from Darwin?s social memory and is almost unknown among historians. That picture - Nicky Winmar and the history of an image Matthew Klugman (Victoria University) and Gary Osmond (The University of Queensland) In April 1993 Australian Rules footballer Nicky Winmar responded to on-field racist abuse by lifting his jersey and pointing to his chest. The photographic image of that event is now famous as a response to racial abuse and has come to be seen as starting a movement against racism in football. The racial connotations in the image might seem a foregone conclusion: the power, appeal and dominant meaning of the photograph might appear to be self-evident. But neither the fame of the image nor its racial connotation was automatic. Through interviews with the photographers and analysis of the use of the image in the media, we explore how that picture came to be of such symbolic importance, and how it has remained something to be re-shown and emulated. Rather than analyse the image as a photograph or work of art, we uncover some of its early history and explore the debates that continue to swirl around its purpose and meaning. We also draw attention to the way the careful study of photographs might enhance the study of sport, race and racism. ?She?s not one of us?: Cathy Freeman and the place of Aboriginal people in Australian national culture Toni Bruce (University of Waikato) and Emma Wensing (Independent scholar) The Sydney 2000 Olympic Games generated a national media celebration of Aboriginal 400 metre runner Cathy Freeman. The construction of Freeman as the symbol of national reconciliation was evident in print and on television, the Internet and radio. In contrast to this celebration of Freeman, the letters to the editor sections of 11 major newspapers became sites for competing claims over what constitutes Australian identity and the place of Aboriginal people in national culture. We analyse this under-explored medium of opinion and discuss how the deep feelings evident in these letters, and the often vitriolic responses to them, illustrate some of the enduring racial tensions in Australian society. Sport, physical activity and urban Indigenous young people Alison Nelson (The University of Queensland) This paper challenges some of the commonly held assumptions and ?knowledges? about Indigenous young people and their engagement in physical activity. These include their ?natural? ability, and the use of sport as a panacea for health, education and behavioural issues. Data is presented from qualitative research undertaken with a group of 14 urban Indigenous young people with a view to ?speaking back? to these commentaries. This research draws on Critical Race Theory in order to make visible the taken-for-granted assumptions about Indigenous Australians made by the dominant white, Western culture. Multiple, shifting and complex identities were expressed in the young people?s articulation of the place and meaning of sport and physical activity in their lives. They both engaged in, and resisted, dominant Western discourses regarding representations of Indigenous people in sport. The paper gives voice to these young people in an attempt to disrupt and subvert hegemonic discourses. An unwanted corroboree: The politics of the New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout Heidi Norman (University of Technology Sydney) The annual New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout is so much more than a sporting event. Involving a high level of organisation, it is both a social and cultural coming together of diverse communities for a social and cultural experience considered ?bigger than Christmas?. As if the planning and logistics were not difficult enough, the rotating-venue Knockout has been beset, especially since the late 1980s and 1990s, by layers of opposition and open hostility based on ?race?: from country town newspapers, local town and shire councils, local business houses and, inevitably, the local police. A few towns have welcomed the event, seeing economic advantage and community good will for all. Commonly, the Aboriginal ?influx? of visitors and players - people perceived as ?strangers?, ?outsiders?, ?non-taxpayers? - provoked public fear about crime waves, violence and physical safety, requiring heavy policing. Without exception, these racist expectations were shown to be totally unfounded. Research report: Recent advances in digital audio recorder technology provide considerable advantages in terms of cost and portability for language workers.b&w photographs, colour photographs, tablessport and race, racism, cathy freeman, nicky winmar, rugby league, afl, athletics, cricket, digital audio recorders

O.F.M. was the ORDNANCE FACTORY MARIBYRNONG. Up to the end of June 1943 and at a time when the wages were about £5 ($10) to £6 ($12) per week Australia had spent £1,106,000,000 (£156 per head) on the war effort. A lot of the money was spent at home in making war necessities such as armaments, munitions, boots, clothing, and in providing special training. Significant increases in numbers occurred in the personnel employed in the fighting services, and also in the work force involved in the war effort. During the financial year 1942-1943 the war cost Australia £561,743,000 (over a billion dollars), while the Income Tax raised from individuals totalled only 16.5% of this amount. To finance the war the Australian government had previously borrowed money from the public, and from institutions such as the savings banks, friendly societies, and life assurance societies, by running three successfully subscribed Liberty Loans. The institutions had contributed considerably more money to these Liberty Loans than the public, however it can be argued that the public members of these institutions had also contributed some money indirectly. The 4th Liberty Loan which opened on 5 October 1943 and closed on 9 November 1943 was intended to raise £125,000,000, with the government aiming for 750,000 subscribers. Bonds costing £10 each could be bought on a time payment scheme. A total of £126,408,000 was raised at two different interest rates and maturity dates, however the number of subscribers had only reached 567,533. Some newspaper reports of the time indicate that the low number of subscribers was a partial failure of the loan, because spare money in the community could lead to inflation at a time when goods were in short supply. The government set target quotas on how much money should ideally be raised in a particular district, and how many subscribers should ideally take part. Often these quotas proved to be excessive. The Special Red Pennant Award as given to the No 1 FORGE O.F.M. was normally for achieving the highest per capita contribution within each particular group. What is unknown at this stage is what other entities were in the same group, or how large the group was. There were other variations of the awards such as those given to country districts, where a star was placed on the left hand corner of the pennant if the money quota was reached, while two or three stars indicated that the quota was doubled or tripled. A bar was also included on the pennant if the quota of subscribers was achieved, while two bars indicated double the quota of subscribers. The above information was sourced from Trove newspaper articles at: (1) http://nla.gov.au.nla.news-article70439716, (2) http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article141292541, (3) http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11797265, (4) http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11788072, and from (5) http://static.awm.gov.au/images/collection/pdf/RCDIG1070158--1-.PDF (see page 580).This framed award has significance in that it serves as a historic reminder that the No 1 Forge O.F.M. and the Ordnance Factory Maribyrnong once existed within the Shire of Braybrook, and later the City of Sunshine, and that it was involved in the manufacture of ordnance for World War 2. It also serves as a historic reminder that it costs a huge amount of money for a country to be involved in a major war, and that a big contribution is required from the public to raise money and to produce goods for the war effort.Permanently sealed brown stained wood frame with a glass face. Enclosed behind the glossy glass is a triangular shaped pennant made of red felt material. The red colour appears to be somewhat faded. The inscriptions and markings on the pennant are in blue, gold, and white coloured inks.The AUSTRALIAN COAT OF ARMS diagram plus the following writing: SPECIAL AWARD / 4th LIBERTY LOAN / Oct.-Nov. 1943 / No 1 FORGE O.F.M.4th liberty loan, special award, ordnance factory maribyrnong, no 1 forge o.f.m., oct - nov 1943, red pennant

Many displaced people who migrated to Australia after World War 2 brought similar tubs with them as part of their luggage. The tubs were valued by the migrants because they were used for washing clothes and other laundry items, and for bathing children and even adults. The tub in our possession was brought out to Australia in 1950 by the Pierzak family who eventually settled in North Sunshine, Victoria. The following story about the Pierzak family has been provided by the daughter Halina Wlodarczyk (nee Pierzak). The father Stanislaw Pierzak was born on the 26th of July 1916 in Zbrza, and the mother Teodozja (Teodozia) Szalas on the 5th of March 1919 in Goleciny, both villages in the Kielce district of Poland. In 1940 they were both taken by the German Army to work as slave labour on farms in Germany. Stanislaw worked in the Saxonia area and Teodozja near Dillingen. The work was hard, and when Teodozja contracted pneumonia she was told that she would not be given any food if she did not work. After the war the displaced persons, as they were called, were settled in various barracks and camps organised by the United States Army. Stanislaw and Teodozja married in Gablingen, Bavaria, Germany, and Halina was born in the camp at Gablingen in 1949. The displaced people were given the choice of several countries if they wanted to migrate from war torn Germany, and so the Pierzak family chose Australia. The Pierzak family set sail from Naples, Italy aboard the ship General M. B. Stewart and arrived in Sydney on the 17th of April 1950. The men and women had to stay in separate quarters, and many passengers were so sick that they did not think they would survive the journey. In Australia they lived in migrant camps in NSW at Bathurst, Orange, Parkes and Cowra. To pay off their fares to Australia migrants were required to work under contract for 2 years. Stanislaw Pierzak worked in Broken Hill NSW returning to visit his family every 3 to 4 months. The son John was born in the Red Cross building at the Parkes camp in 1952. In 1953 the whole family moved to Melbourne and lived in a converted garage in Victor Street, North Sunshine. In 1954 the family bought a bungalow on a block of land in Compton Parade, North Sunshine, where eventually they built a house. Stanislaw Pierzak worked at Steelweld in Ashley Street, Braybrook travelling there on his bicycle, while Teodozja Pierzak found work at Smorgon in West Footscray. Stanislaw and Teodozja Pierzak lived in North Sunshine for the rest of their lives, and Mrs Pierzak always said that Sunshine was the best place in the world.Tubs like this which belonged to displaced people were highly valued possessions and are of historic significance. They were brought out to Australia after World War 2 by many migrating displaced families. The tubs were used for washing activities in the camps in Germany, and the migrant camps in Australia, and also when people lived in bungalows in Australia before they built houses with laundries and bathrooms.Oval shaped galvanised iron tub with two rigid handles, one at each end. The top of the tub is larger than the base. The galvanising is deteriorating in some parts which show a whitish appearance. There are some small dents, and a few chips in the galvanising where surface rust has appeared.The number 70 is stamped on both sides.washing tub, galvanised tub, laundry, bath, displaced persons, immigration, general m. b. stewart, galvanized tub, pierzak, galvanised wash tub

Knobkerrie are clubs used as weapons mainly in South and East Africa. The club end can be used to throw at an animal or to club an enemy's head in. Usually these would be carved from a protruding tree branch. The name is Afrikaans and comes from 'Knop', meaning knot or ball and 'Kierie', meaning cane.Accessioned into the museum collection in 1913 and donated by a Mrs Newcome, there is not much other information on its provenance. However, the museum collection holds several artefacts from this region of South Africa and much of it was collected during the Boer Wars of 1880-1881 and 1899-1902.A wooden club type object. It has a narrow cylindrical handle with a large wooden sphere at the top. The wood is shiny and smooth with a polished effect. The handle is 31.5cm long with a 2cm diameter and the head or knob has a height of 9.5cm and a circumference of 27cm.This would have been hand carved from a protruding tree branch. Towards the end of the handle is a 13.9cm section of zig-zag patterning. Further down towards the 'knob' there looks to be carved into the wood 'Jud'.knobkerrie, boer war, zulu, south africa, ethnography, weapon