After WWII there was a decline in the market gardens in the City of Moorabbin, as the value of the land was more profitable than the crops.Example of the progress of the Municipality of MoorabbinAdvertising flyer for auction of real estate sales - plan of building blocks for saleWickham Road Estate, Highett 58 Home siteshillcrest ave, wickham road, spring road, grandview road, maroona road, highett, land sales, real estate

The key is one of a collection of seven 1860s keys once belonged to the Glenample Homestead near Princetown. They are all keyed with different bits and would have opened the external panelled doors of the Georgian building. The keys would now be around 150 years old. The keys are now part of the John Chance Collection. Locksmiths became a recognised trade by the middle of the 19th century, doing work that blacksmiths and gunsmiths would have done. They were craftsmen and trained apprentices for their trade. The local community and businesses relied on them for making a wide variety of precision objects such as locks and keys, knives, ornamental and decorative latticework, fine instruments, accurate tools and hardware items. Glenample Homestead became famous after the disastrous wreck of the sailing ship Loch Ard on June 1, 1878. The owners, Hugh Hamilton Gibson and Peter McArthur, were involved in the rescue and recovery of Eva Carmichael and Tom Pearce, the only two survivors, as well as overseeing the salvage of items from the shipwreck and the burial of those who lost their lives. Eva first met Jane Shields at Glenample and they became long-time friends. The keys are significant as an example of mid-19th century locksmith hardware, and for their connection with Glenample Homestead, and for their connection to the history of the Loch Ard shipwreck’s only two survivors. The set of keys also hold significance as they were discovered by John Chance, who was also a diver from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the 1960s-70s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have since been donated to the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection by his family, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. Glenample Homestead is of historical, social and architectural significance to the State of Victoria and is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR H0392). It is a historical example of early settlement and development of a run in the coastal land of South West Victoria, and it is constructed from locally quarried sandstone but doesn’t take away from its Georgian design. Glenample Homestead is of State significance through its unique connection with the wreck of the ship Loch Ard and the connection to its owners, Hugh and Lavinia Gibson and Peter McArthur, played a historically and socially significant role in the rescue and care of the survivors, the salvage of goods and the burial of those who lost their lives. The shipwreck of the Loch Ard itself is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register (S417). Key; steel domestic door key. Flat open bow with 'figure 8' space, round shank that flares out slightly above the collar on the bit. The rectangular bit has internal notches and grooves. There is a rounded pin on the end.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, glenample homestead, victorian heritage register vhr h0392, georgian homestead, loch ard, princetown, jane shields, eva carmichael, tom pearce, blue china tea set, antique door key, glenample photographs, john chance

The key is one of a collection of seven 1860s keys once belonged to the Glenample Homestead near Princetown. They are all keyed with different bits and would have opened the external panelled doors of the Georgian building. The keys would now be around 150 years old. The keys are now part of the John Chance Collection. Locksmiths became a recognised trade by the middle of the 19th century, doing work that blacksmiths and gunsmiths would have done. They were craftsmen and trained apprentices for their trade. The local community and businesses relied on them for making a wide variety of precision objects such as locks and keys, knives, ornamental and decorative latticework, fine instruments, accurate tools and hardware items. Glenample Homestead became famous after the disastrous wreck of the sailing ship Loch Ard on June 1, 1878. The owners, Hugh Hamilton Gibson and Peter McArthur, were involved in the rescue and recovery of Eva Carmichael and Tom Pearce, the only two survivors, as well as overseeing the salvage of items from the shipwreck and the burial of those who lost their lives. Eva first met Jane Shields at Glenample and they became long-time friends.The keys are significant as an example of mid-19th century locksmith hardware, and for their connection with Glenample Homestead, and for their connection to the history of the Loch Ard shipwreck’s only two survivors. The set of keys also hold significance as they were discovered by John Chance, who was also a diver from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the 1960s-70s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have since been donated to the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection by his family, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. Glenample Homestead is of historical, social and architectural significance to the State of Victoria and is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR H0392). It is a historical example of early settlement and development of a run in the coastal land of South West Victoria, and it is constructed from locally quarried sandstone but doesn’t take away from its Georgian design. Glenample Homestead is of State significance through its unique connection with the wreck of the ship Loch Ard and the connection to its owners, Hugh and Lavinia Gibson and Peter McArthur, played a historically and socially significant role in the rescue and care of the survivors, the salvage of goods and the burial of those who lost their lives. The shipwreck of the Loch Ard itself is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register (S417). Key; steel domestic door key. Flat open bow with 'figure 8' space, narrow collar on shank, close to the bow. Round shank flares out slightly above the collar on the bit. The rectangular bit has internal and external notches and grooves. There is a rounded pin on the end.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, glenample homestead, victorian heritage register vhr h0392, georgian homestead, loch ard, princetown, jane shields, eva carmichael, tom pearce, blue china tea set, antique door key, glenample photographs, john chance

The key is one of a collection of seven 1860s keys once belonged to the Glenample Homestead near Princetown. They are all keyed with different bits and would have opened the external panelled doors of the Georgian building. The keys would now be around 150 years old. The keys are now part of the John Chance Collection. Locksmiths became a recognised trade by the middle of the 19th century, doing work that blacksmiths and gunsmiths would have done. They were craftsmen and trained apprentices for their trade. The local community and businesses relied on them for making a wide variety of precision objects such as locks and keys, knives, ornamental and decorative latticework, fine instruments, accurate tools and hardware items. Glenample Homestead became famous after the disastrous wreck of the sailing ship Loch Ard on June 1, 1878. The owners, Hugh Hamilton Gibson and Peter McArthur, were involved in the rescue and recovery of Eva Carmichael and Tom Pearce, the only two survivors, as well as overseeing the salvage of items from the shipwreck and the burial of those who lost their lives. Eva first met Jane Shields at Glenample and they became long-time friends. The keys are significant as an example of mid-19th century locksmith hardware, and for their connection with Glenample Homestead, and for their connection to the history of the Loch Ard shipwreck’s only two survivors. The set of keys also hold significance as they were discovered by John Chance, who was also a diver from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the 1960s-70s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have since been donated to the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection by his family, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. Glenample Homestead is of historical, social and architectural significance to the State of Victoria and is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR H0392). It is a historical example of early settlement and development of a run in the coastal land of South West Victoria, and it is constructed from locally quarried sandstone but doesn’t take away from its Georgian design. Glenample Homestead is of State significance through its unique connection with the wreck of the ship Loch Ard and the connection to its owners, Hugh and Lavinia Gibson and Peter McArthur, played a historically and socially significant role in the rescue and care of the survivors, the salvage of goods and the burial of those who lost their lives. The shipwreck of the Loch Ard itself is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register (S417). Key; steel domestic door key. Flat open bow with 'figure 8' space, narrow collar on shank, close to the bow. Round shank flares out slightly above the collar on the bit. The Rectangular bit has internal and external notches and grooves. There is a rounded pin on the end.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, glenample homestead, victorian heritage register vhr h0392, georgian homestead, loch ard, princetown, jane shields, eva carmichael, tom pearce, blue china tea set, antique door key, glenample photographs, john chance

The key is one of a collection of seven 1860s keys once belonged to the Glenample Homestead near Princetown. They are all keyed with different bits and would have opened the external panelled doors of the Georgian building. The keys would now be around 150 years old. The keys are now part of the John Chance Collection. Locksmiths became a recognised trade by the middle of the 19th century, doing work that blacksmiths and gunsmiths would have done. They were craftsmen and trained apprentices for their trade. The local community and businesses relied on them for making a wide variety of precision objects such as locks and keys, knives, ornamental and decorative latticework, fine instruments, accurate tools and hardware items. Glenample Homestead became famous after the disastrous wreck of the sailing ship Loch Ard on June 1, 1878. The owners, Hugh Hamilton Gibson and Peter McArthur, were involved in the rescue and recovery of Eva Carmichael and Tom Pearce, the only two survivors, as well as overseeing the salvage of items from the shipwreck and the burial of those who lost their lives. Eva first met Jane Shields at Glenample and they became long-time friends. The keys are significant as an example of mid-19th century locksmith hardware, and for their connection with Glenample Homestead, and for their connection to the history of the Loch Ard shipwreck’s only two survivors. The set of keys also hold significance as they were discovered by John Chance, who was also a diver from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the 1960s-70s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have since been donated to the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection by his family, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. Glenample Homestead is of historical, social and architectural significance to the State of Victoria and is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR H0392). It is a historical example of early settlement and development of a run in the coastal land of South West Victoria, and it is constructed from locally quarried sandstone but doesn’t take away from its Georgian design. Glenample Homestead is of State significance through its unique connection with the wreck of the ship Loch Ard and the connection to its owners, Hugh and Lavinia Gibson and Peter McArthur, played a historically and socially significant role in the rescue and care of the survivors, the salvage of goods and the burial of those who lost their lives. The shipwreck of the Loch Ard itself is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register (S417). Key; steel domestic door key. Round, thin open bow with 'B' shaped internal space, collar on shank, close to the bow. Round shank flares out slightly above the collar on the bit. The rectangular bit has internal and external notches and grooves. There is a rounded pin on the end.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, glenample homestead, victorian heritage register vhr h0392, georgian homestead, loch ard, princetown, jane shields, eva carmichael, tom pearce, blue china tea set, antique door key, glenample photographs, john chance

The key is one of a collection of seven 1860s keys once belonged to the Glenample Homestead near Princetown. They are all keyed with different bits and would have opened the external panelled doors of the Georgian building. The keys would now be around 150 years old. The keys are now part of the John Chance Collection. Locksmiths became a recognised trade by the middle of the 19th century, doing work that blacksmiths and gunsmiths would have done. They were craftsmen and trained apprentices for their trade. The local community and businesses relied on them for making a wide variety of precision objects such as locks and keys, knives, ornamental and decorative latticework, fine instruments, accurate tools and hardware items. Glenample Homestead became famous after the disastrous wreck of the sailing ship Loch Ard on June 1, 1878. The owners, Hugh Hamilton Gibson and Peter McArthur, were involved in the rescue and recovery of Eva Carmichael and Tom Pearce, the only two survivors, as well as overseeing the salvage of items from the shipwreck and the burial of those who lost their lives. Eva first met Jane Shields at Glenample and they became long-time friends. The keys are significant as an example of mid-19th century locksmith hardware, and for their connection with Glenample Homestead, and for their connection to the history of the Loch Ard shipwreck’s only two survivors. The set of keys also hold significance as they were discovered by John Chance, who was also a diver from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the 1960s-70s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have since been donated to the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection by his family, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. Glenample Homestead is of historical, social and architectural significance to the State of Victoria and is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR H0392). It is a historical example of early settlement and development of a run in the coastal land of South West Victoria, and it is constructed from locally quarried sandstone but doesn’t take away from its Georgian design. Glenample Homestead is of State significance through its unique connection with the wreck of the ship Loch Ard and the connection to its owners, Hugh and Lavinia Gibson and Peter McArthur, played a historically and socially significant role in the rescue and care of the survivors, the salvage of goods and the burial of those who lost their lives. The shipwreck of the Loch Ard itself is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register (S417). Key; steel domestic door key. Flat open bow with 'figure 8' space. Round narrow shank flares out slightly above the collar on the bit. The rectangular bit has has external notches and grooves. There is a rounded pin on the end.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, glenample homestead, victorian heritage register vhr h0392, georgian homestead, loch ard, princetown, jane shields, eva carmichael, tom pearce, blue china tea set, antique door key, glenample photographs, john chance

The key is one of a collection of seven 1860s keys once belonged to the Glenample Homestead near Princetown. They are all keyed with different bits and would have opened the external panelled doors of the Georgian building. The keys would now be around 150 years old. The keys are now part of the John Chance Collection. Locksmiths became a recognised trade by the middle of the 19th century, doing work that blacksmiths and gunsmiths would have done. They were craftsmen and trained apprentices for their trade. The local community and businesses relied on them for making a wide variety of precision objects such as locks and keys, knives, ornamental and decorative latticework, fine instruments, accurate tools and hardware items. Glenample Homestead became famous after the disastrous wreck of the sailing ship Loch Ard on June 1, 1878. The owners, Hugh Hamilton Gibson and Peter McArthur, were involved in the rescue and recovery of Eva Carmichael and Tom Pearce, the only two survivors, as well as overseeing the salvage of items from the shipwreck and the burial of those who lost their lives. Eva first met Jane Shields at Glenample and they became long-time friends.The keys are significant as an example of mid-19th century locksmith hardware, and for their connection with Glenample Homestead, and for their connection to the history of the Loch Ard shipwreck’s only two survivors. The set of keys also hold significance as they were discovered by John Chance, who was also a diver from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the 1960s-70s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have since been donated to the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection by his family, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. Glenample Homestead is of historical, social and architectural significance to the State of Victoria and is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR H0392). It is a historical example of early settlement and development of a run in the coastal land of South West Victoria, and it is constructed from locally quarried sandstone but doesn’t take away from its Georgian design. Glenample Homestead is of State significance through its unique connection with the wreck of the ship Loch Ard and the connection to its owners, Hugh and Lavinia Gibson and Peter McArthur, played a historically and socially significant role in the rescue and care of the survivors, the salvage of goods and the burial of those who lost their lives. The shipwreck of the Loch Ard itself is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register (S417). Key; steel domestic door key. Flat open bow with 'figure 8' space, collar on shank, close to the bow. Round shank flares out slightly above the collar on the bit. The rectangular bit has external notches and grooves. There is a rounded pin on the end.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, glenample homestead, victorian heritage register vhr h0392, georgian homestead, loch ard, princetown, jane shields, eva carmichael, tom pearce, blue china tea set, antique door key, glenample photographs, john chance

This set of glossy black and white photographs is a set of images of Glenample Homestead circa late 1960s to early 1970s. They were taken by John Chance and are part of the John Chance Collection. The Colonial Georgian style Glenample Homestead was built from 1866 to 1869 from locally quarried sandstone. In is built on the top of a hill amongst trees. There are paddocks below and around the building. The building is basically a rectangular shape with a recessed room on the right side of the front. The pitched roof is covered in corrugated iron. The veranda, added in 1886, also has a corrugated iron room and is supported by square posts with decorative tops. It shelters three sides of the building. The edge of the veranda is decorated with scalloped shapes along the front and left side of the building. On the right is a brick wall incorporating a chimney. Another chimney on the left is contained within the building. The four-panelled outside doors are visible in some of the photos, as are the 12-paned glass windows, which are framed in contrasting stone. The veranda is trimmed with scalloped metal work on two sides and had some enclosed corners. There appears to be a cubical water tank on the roof line. Out-buildings include a toilet built against the house's brick wall. Another building appears to have two rooms with outside doors, perhaps for workers. There is the remains of a two-wheeled cart under a shelter. GLENAMPLE & the LOCH ARD Glenample Homestead became famous after the disastrous wreck of the sailing ship Loch Ard on June 1, 1878. The owners, Hugh Hamilton Gibson and Peter McArthur, were involved in the rescue and recovery of the only two survivors, as well as overseeing the salvage of items from the shipwreck and the burial of those who lost their lives. Glenample Homestead is on the Great Ocean Road at Princetown. Originally the land was part of Kennan’s Station lease, one of the district’s early settlements, circa 1847. James Murray bought Kerman’s land in 1856-57, combined it with nearby land, and named it Glenample Homestead. The ruins of huts Murray built on the property were still there until recently. Glenample was sold in 1866 to the partnership of Gibson and McArthur, who built a Georgian style house there using local sandstone, completing it by 1869. On 1st June 1878 the Loch Ard was wrecked at what is now called Loch Ard Gorge. Apprentice crewman Tom Pearce and eighteen year old passenger Eva Carmichael were the only survivors. Pearce had brought Eva ashore and sheltered her in a cave, reviving her with whiskey found amongst items washed up from the wreck. He climbed the cliffs and came across two riders from Glenample. No other survivors were found and sadly, Eva’s family members were amongst those who drowned. Hugh and Lavinia Gibson cared for Pearce and Eva at Glenample and extended their hospitality to Eva, who stayed on for about six weeks as she recovered from the ordeal physically and emotionally. Mrs Gibson introduced Eva to Jane Shields and the young ladies became lifelong friends. Years after Eva had returned to England, Jane’s daughter visited her. Eva handed her a blue china tea set to pass onto her mother as a gift. A descendant of Jane’s donated part of the tea set to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village while another descendant donated her inherited share of the tea set to the Warrnambool and District Historical Society. In 1886 Glenample Homestead was updated to include a veranda on three sides. In 1887 Gibson sold his share to partner Peter McArthur. McArthur’s son Ernest inherited the property in 1897. Ernest established the Glenample Cheese Factory in around 1911. It was closed due to the World War and reopened in 1929 by McArthur’s sons, Robert and Colin, when they took control. In 1945 they sold Glenample and several owners followed but it was left unoccupied and became dilapidated. It was during this time that John Chance visited the property and photographed the buildings. In the 1980s the National Parks Service acquired the Glenample Homestead and began a restoration program. Work began in 1989 by Cathedral Stone, which was established in 1989 by James Charlwood, a specialist stonemason and son of maritime author Don Charlwood. This set of photographs are significant as a record of Glenample Homestead as it was from around the late 1860s to the late 1960s. The photographs are also significant as they were taken by John Chance, a diver from the wreck of the Loch Ard in the 1960s-70s. Items that come from several wrecks along Victoria's coast have since been donated to the Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village’s museum collection by his family, illustrating this item’s level of historical value. The photographs are significant as a link between Glenample, the vessel Loch Ard, and the only survivors of the Loch Ard. Glenample Homestead is of historical, social and architectural significance to the State of Victoria and is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR H0392). It is a historical example of early settlement and development of a run in the coastal land of South West Victoria, and it is constructed from locally quarried sandstone but doesn’t take away from its Georgian design. Glenample Homestead is of State significance through its unique connection with the wreck of the ship Loch Ard and the connection to its owners, Hugh and Lavinia Gibson and Peter McArthur, played a historically and socially significant role in the rescue and care of the survivors, the salvage of goods and the burial of those who lost their lives. The shipwreck of the Loch Ard itself is of significance for Victoria and is registered on the Victorian Heritage Register (S417). The set of ten rectangular black and white photographs of the Glenample Homestead, taken in the late 1960s or early 1970s, give san overview of the Glenample property. The views include the front, back and one side of the building, three outbuildings, and the situation of the homestead on the property. The details on the photographs show the materials used and the Colonial Georgian style. The photographs are also a record of the deterioration of the property over the years it was unoccupied.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, kennans station, glenample homestead, georgian homestead, loch ard, princetown, victoria, james murray, hugh hamilton gibson, lavinia gibson, jane shields, eva carmichael, tom pearce, blue china tea set, peter mcarthur, ernest mcarthur, robert mcarthur, colin mcarthur, glenample cheese factory, cathedral stone, don charlwood, james charlwood, antique door key, glenample photographs, john chance, victorian heritage database 392

Document, Ravenswood Crown Land, Former Water Reserve, Parish of Ravenswood, Comprises 3 old granite buildings related to the Ravenswood Run. Old dam,and granite wall, potential archaeological values. Ironbark Forests & Woodlands investigation as natural features Reserve.DSR (Norn Stimson)document, ravenswood crown land

1. Rock-art of the Western Desert and Pilbara: Pigment dates provide new perspectives on the role of art in the Australian arid zone Jo McDonald (Australian National University) and Peter Veth (Australian National University) Systematic analysis of engraved and painted art from the Western Desert and Pilbara has allowed us to develop a spatial model for discernable style provinces. Clear chains of stylistic connection can be demonstrated from the Pilbara coast to the desert interior with distinct and stylistically unique rock-art bodies. Graphic systems appear to link people over short, as well as vast, distances, and some of these style networks appear to have operated for very long periods of time. What are the social dynamics that could produce unique style provinces, as well as shared graphic vocabularies, over 1000 kilometres? Here we consider language boundaries within and between style provinces, and report on the first dates for pigment rock-art from the Australian arid zone and reflect on how these dates from the recent past help address questions of stylistic variability through space and time. 2. Painting and repainting in the west Kimberley Sue O?Connor, Anthony Barham (Australian National University) and Donny Woolagoodja (Mowanjum Community, Derby) We take a fresh look at the practice of repainting, or retouching, rockart, with particular reference to the Kimberley region of Western Australia. We discuss the practice of repainting in the context of the debate arising from the 1987 Ngarinyin Cultural Continuity Project, which involved the repainting of rock-shelters in the Gibb River region of the western Kimberley. The ?repainting debate? is reviewed here in the context of contemporary art production in west Kimberley Indigenous communities, such as Mowanjum. At Mowanjum the past two decades have witnessed an artistic explosion in the form of paintings on canvas and board that incorporate Wandjina and other images inspired by those traditionally depicted on panels in rock-shelters. Wandjina also represents the key motif around which community desires to return to Country are articulated, around which Country is curated and maintained, and through which the younger generations now engage with their traditional lands and reach out to wider international communities. We suggest that painting in the new media represents a continuation or transference of traditional practice. Stories about the travels, battles and engagements of Wandjina and other Dreaming events are now retold and experienced in the communities with reference to the paintings, an activity that is central to maintaining and reinvigorating connection between identity and place. The transposition of painting activity from sites within Country to the new ?out-of-Country? settlements represents a social counterbalance to the social dislocation that arose from separation from traditional places and forced geographic moves out-of-Country to government and mission settlements in the twentieth century. 3. Port Keats painting: Revolution and continuity Graeme K Ward (AIATSIS) and Mark Crocombe (Thamarrurr Regional Council) The role of the poet and collector of ?mythologies?, Roland Robinson, in prompting the production of commercial bark-painting at Port Keats (Wadeye), appears to have been accepted uncritically - though not usually acknowledged - by collectors and curators. Here we attempt to trace the history of painting in the Daly?Fitzmaurice region to contextualise Robinson?s contribution, and to evaluate it from both the perspective of available literature and of accounts of contemporary painters and Traditional Owners in the Port Keats area. It is possible that the intervention that Robinson might have considered revolutionary was more likely a continuation of previously well established cultural practice, the commercial development of which was both an Indigenous ?adjustment? to changing socio-cultural circumstances, and a quiet statement of maintenance of identity by strong individuals adapting and attempting to continue their cultural traditions. 4. Negotiating form in Kuninjku bark-paintings Luke Taylor (AIATSIS) Here I examine social processes involved in the manipulation of painted forms of bark-paintings among Kuninjku artists living near Maningrida in Arnhem Land. Young artists are taught to paint through apprenticeships that involve exchange of skills in producing form within extended family groups. Through apprenticeship processes we can also see how personal innovations are shared among family and become more regionally located. Lately there have been moves by senior artists to establish separate out-stations and to train their wives and daughters to paint. At a stylistic level the art now creates a greater sense of family autonomy and yet the subjects link the artists back in to much broader social networks. 5. Making art and making culture in far western New South Wales Lorraine Gibson This contribution is based on my ethnographic fieldwork. It concerns the intertwining aspects of the two concepts of art and culture and shows how Aboriginal people in Wilcannia in far western New South Wales draw on these concepts to assert and create a distinctive cultural identity for themselves. Focusing largely on the work of one particular artist, I demonstrate the ways in which culture (as this is considered) is affectively experienced and articulated as something that one ?comes into contact with? through the practice of art-making. I discuss the social and cultural role that art-making, and art talk play in considering, mediating and resolving issues to do with cultural subjectivity, authority and identity. I propose that in thinking about the content of the art and in making the art, past and present matters of interest, of difficulty and of pleasure are remembered, considered, resolved and mediated. Culture (as this is considered by Wilcannia Aboriginal people) is also made anew; it comes about through the practice of artmaking and in displaying and talking about the art work. Culture as an objectified, tangible entity is moreover writ large and made visible through art in ways that are valued by artists and other community members. The intersections between Aboriginal peoples, anthropologists, museum collections and published literature, and the network of relations between, are also shown to have interesting synergies that play themselves out in the production of art and culture. 6. Black on White: Or varying shades of grey? Indigenous Australian photo-media artists and the ?making of? Aboriginality Marianne Riphagen (Radboud University, The Netherlands) In 2005 the Centre for Contemporary Photography in Melbourne presented the Indigenous photo-media exhibition Black on White. Promising to explore Indigenous perspectives on non-Aboriginality, its catalogue set forth two questions: how do Aboriginal artists see the people and culture that surrounds them? Do they see non-Aboriginal Australians as other? However, art works produced for this exhibition rejected curatorial constructions of Black and White, instead presenting viewers with more complex and ambivalent notions of Aboriginality and non-Aboriginality. This paper revisits the Black on White exhibition as an intercultural event and argues that Indigenous art practitioners, because of their participation in a process to signify what it means to be Aboriginal, have developed new forms of Aboriginality. 7. Culture production Rembarrnga way: Innovation and tradition in Lena Yarinkura?s and Bob Burruwal?s metal sculptures Christiane Keller (University of Westerna Australia) Contemporary Indigenous artists are challenged to produce art for sale and at the same time to protect their cultural heritage. Here I investigate how Rembarrnga sculptors extend already established sculptural practices and the role innovation plays within these developments, and I analyse how Rembarrnga artists imprint their cultural and social values on sculptures made in an essentially Western medium, that of metal-casting. The metal sculptures made by Lena Yarinkura and her husband Bob Burruwal, two prolific Rembarrnga artists from north-central Arnhem Land, can be seen as an extension of their earlier sculptural work. In the development of metal sculptures, the artists shifted their artistic practice in two ways: they transformed sculptural forms from an earlier ceremonial context and from earlier functional fibre objects. Using Fred Myers?s concept of culture production, I investigate Rembarrnga ways of culture-making. 8. 'How did we do anything without it?': Indigenous art and craft micro-enterprise use and perception of new media technology.maps, colour photographs, b&w photographswest kimberley, rock art, kuninjku, photo media, lena yarinkura, bob burruwal, new media technology

Mawul Rom Project: Openness, obligation and reconciliation Morgan Brigg (Universtiy of Queensland) and Anke Tonnaer (University of Aarhus, Denmark) Aboriginal Australian initiatives to restore balanced relationships with White Australians have recently become part of reconciliation efforts. This paper provides a contextualised report on one such initiative, the Mawul Rom crosscultural mediation project. Viewing Mawul Rom as a diplomatic venture in the lineage of adjustment and earlier Rom rituals raises questions about receptiveness, individual responsibility and the role of Indigenous ceremony in reconciliation efforts. Yolngu ceremonial leaders successfully draw participants into relationship and personally commit them to the tasks of cross-cultural advocacy and reconciliation. But Mawul Rom must also negotiate a paradox because emphasis on the cultural difference of ceremony risks increasing the very social distance that the ritual attempts to confront. Managing this tension will be a key challenge if Mawul Rom is to become an effective diplomatic mechanism for cross-cultural conflict resolution and reconciliation. Living in two camps: the strategies Goldfields Aboriginal people use to manage in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time Howard Sercombe (Strathclyde University, Glasgow) The economic sustainability of Aboriginal households has been a matter of public concern across a range of contexts. This research, conducted in the Eastern Goldfields of Western Australia, shows how economically successful Aboriginal persons manage ?dual economic engagement?, or involvement in the customary economy and the mainstream economy at the same time. The two economies sometimes reinforce each other but are more often in conflict, and management of conflicting obligations requires high degrees of skill and innovation. As well as creating financially sustainable households, the participants contributed significantly to the health of their extended families and communities. The research also shows that many Aboriginal people, no matter what their material and personal resources, are conscious of how fragile and unpredictable their economic lives can be, and that involvement in the customary economy is a kind of mutual insurance to guarantee survival if times get tough. Indigenous population data for evaluation and performance measurement: A cautionary note Gaminiratne Wijesekere (Dept. of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, Canberra) I outline the status of population census counts for Indigenous peoples, identifying information on Indigenous births and deaths, and internal migration estimates. I comment on the ?experimental? Indigenous population projections and question the rationale for having two sets of projections. Program managers and evaluators need to be mindful of limitations of the data when using these projections for monitoring, evaluating and measuring Indigenous programs. Reaching out to a younger generation using a 3D computer game for storytelling: Vincent Serico?s legacy Theodor G Wyeld (Flinders University, Adeliade) and Brett Leavy (CyberDreaming Australia) Sadly, Vincent Serico (1949?2008), artist, activist and humanist, recently passed away. Born in southern Queensland in Wakka Wakka/Kabi Kabi Country (Carnarvon Gorge region) in 1949, Vincent was a member of the Stolen Generations. He was separated from his family by White administration at four years of age. He grew up on the Cherbourg Aboriginal Reserve in the 1950s, when the policies of segregation and assimilation were at their peak. Only returning to his Country in his early forties, Vincent started painting his stories and the stories that had been passed on to him about the region. These paintings manifest Vincent?s sanctity for tradition, storytelling, language, spirit and beliefs. A team of researchers was honoured and fortunate to have worked closely with Vincent to develop a 3D simulation of his Country using a 3D computer game toolkit. Embedded in this simulation of his Country, in the locations that their stories speak to, are some of Vincent?s important contemporary art works. They are accompanied by a narration of Vincent?s oral history about the places, people and events depicted. Vincent was deeply concerned about members of the younger generation around him ?losing their way? in modern times. In a similar vein, Brett Leavy (Kooma) sees the 3D game engine as an opportunity to engage the younger generation in its own cultural heritage in an activity that capitalises on a common pastime. Vincent was an enthusiastic advocate of this approach. Working in consultation with Vincent and the research team, CyberDreaming developed a simulation of Vincent?s Country for young Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal persons from the Carnarvon Gorge region to explore Vincent?s life stories of the region. The use of Vincent?s contemporary paintings as storyboards provides a traditional medium for the local people to interactively re-engage with traditional values. Called Serico?s World, it represents a legacy to his life?s works, joys and regrets. Here we discuss the background to this project and Vincent?s contribution. A singular beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land RG Gunn (La Trobe University) and RL Whear (Jawoyn Association) Samples from a beeswax representation of Namarrkon, the Lightning Man, from western Arnhem Land were analysed for radiocarbon and dated to be about 150 years old. An underlying beeswax figure was found to be approximately 1100 years old. The Dreaming Being Namarrkon is well known throughout Arnhem Land, although his sphere of activity is concentrated around the northern half of the Arnhem Land plateau. Namarrkon is well represented in rock-paintings in this area and continues to be well represented in contemporary canvas-paintings by artists from the broader plateau region. We conclude that representations of Namarrkon in both painted and beeswax forms appear to be parallel manifestations of the late Holocene regionalisation of Arnhem Land. ?Missing the point? or ?what to believe ? the theory or the data?: Rationales for the production of Kimberley points Kim Akerman (Moonah) In a recent article, Rodney Harrison presented an interesting view on the role glass Kimberley points played in the lives of the Aborigines who made and used them. Harrison employed ethnographic and historical data to argue that glass Kimberley points were not part of the normal suite of post-contact artefacts used primarily for hunting and fighting or Indigenous exchange purposes, but primarily were created to service a non-Indigenous market for aesthetically pleasing artefacts. Harrison asserted that this market determined the form that these points took. A critical analysis of the data does not substantiate either of these claims. Here I do not deal with Harrison?s theoretical material or arguments; I focus on the ethnographic and historical material that he has either omitted or failed to appreciate in developing his thesis and which, in turn, renders it invalid. The intensity of raw material utilisation as an indication of occupational history in surface stone artefact assemblages from the Strathbogie Ranges, central Victoria Justin Ian Shiner (La Trobe University, Bundoora) Stone artefact assemblages are a major source of information on past human?landscape relationships throughout much of Australia. These relationships are not well understood in the Strathbogie Ranges of central Victoria, where few detailed analyses of stone artefact assemblages have been undertaken. The purpose of this paper is to redress this situation through the analysis of two surface stone artefact assemblages recorded in early 2000 during a wider investigation of the region?s potential for postgraduate archaeological fieldwork. Analysis of raw material utilisation is used to assess the characteristics of the occupational histories of two locations with similar landscape settings. The analysis indicates variability in the intensity of raw material use between the assemblages, which suggests subtle differences in the occupational history of each location. The results of this work provide a direction for future stone artefact studies within this poorly understood region.document reproductions, maps, b&w photographs, colour photographskimberley, mawul rom project, 3d computer game, storytelling, vincent serico, beeswax, namarrkon, artefact assemblages, strathbogie ranges, groote eylandt, budd billy ii

Good governance means good business What is governance? The Indigenous Governance Awards Key elements of good governance Finalists 2005: Koorie Heritage Trust, Victoria; Central Australian Aboriginal Congress, NT; Sunrise Health Service, NT; Goldfields Land and Sea Council, WA; Institute for Aboriginal Development, NT; Maari Ma Health Aboriginal Corporation NSW; North Coast Aboriginal Corporation for Community Health Qld; Tiwi Islands Local Government, NT What works: lessons from the 2005 Indigenous Governance awards Governing body: choosing the board; Size and frequency of meetings; Board change and continuity; Processes of decision-making; Making good decisions; Financial decision-making; Accountability tools Managing and implementing decisions: carrying out recommendations; Informing stakeholders Conflict resolution: conflicts among the board; Complaints from members; Staff conflicts Leadership development: developing youth; Staff development and training Cultural norms and values: Boards and elders; Community and culture Future planning.colour photographsbusiness enterprise, indigenous business

Many displaced people who migrated to Australia after World War 2 brought similar tubs with them as part of their luggage. The tubs were valued by the migrants because they were used for washing clothes and other laundry items, and for bathing children and even adults. The tub in our possession was brought out to Australia in 1950 by the Pierzak family who eventually settled in North Sunshine, Victoria. The following story about the Pierzak family has been provided by the daughter Halina Wlodarczyk (nee Pierzak). The father Stanislaw Pierzak was born on the 26th of July 1916 in Zbrza, and the mother Teodozja (Teodozia) Szalas on the 5th of March 1919 in Goleciny, both villages in the Kielce district of Poland. In 1940 they were both taken by the German Army to work as slave labour on farms in Germany. Stanislaw worked in the Saxonia area and Teodozja near Dillingen. The work was hard, and when Teodozja contracted pneumonia she was told that she would not be given any food if she did not work. After the war the displaced persons, as they were called, were settled in various barracks and camps organised by the United States Army. Stanislaw and Teodozja married in Gablingen, Bavaria, Germany, and Halina was born in the camp at Gablingen in 1949. The displaced people were given the choice of several countries if they wanted to migrate from war torn Germany, and so the Pierzak family chose Australia. The Pierzak family set sail from Naples, Italy aboard the ship General M. B. Stewart and arrived in Sydney on the 17th of April 1950. The men and women had to stay in separate quarters, and many passengers were so sick that they did not think they would survive the journey. In Australia they lived in migrant camps in NSW at Bathurst, Orange, Parkes and Cowra. To pay off their fares to Australia migrants were required to work under contract for 2 years. Stanislaw Pierzak worked in Broken Hill NSW returning to visit his family every 3 to 4 months. The son John was born in the Red Cross building at the Parkes camp in 1952. In 1953 the whole family moved to Melbourne and lived in a converted garage in Victor Street, North Sunshine. In 1954 the family bought a bungalow on a block of land in Compton Parade, North Sunshine, where eventually they built a house. Stanislaw Pierzak worked at Steelweld in Ashley Street, Braybrook travelling there on his bicycle, while Teodozja Pierzak found work at Smorgon in West Footscray. Stanislaw and Teodozja Pierzak lived in North Sunshine for the rest of their lives, and Mrs Pierzak always said that Sunshine was the best place in the world.Tubs like this which belonged to displaced people were highly valued possessions and are of historic significance. They were brought out to Australia after World War 2 by many migrating displaced families. The tubs were used for washing activities in the camps in Germany, and the migrant camps in Australia, and also when people lived in bungalows in Australia before they built houses with laundries and bathrooms.Oval shaped galvanised iron tub with two rigid handles, one at each end. The top of the tub is larger than the base. The galvanising is deteriorating in some parts which show a whitish appearance. There are some small dents, and a few chips in the galvanising where surface rust has appeared.The number 70 is stamped on both sides.washing tub, galvanised tub, laundry, bath, displaced persons, immigration, general m. b. stewart, galvanized tub, pierzak, galvanised wash tub

'Tiles from the Boomerang Studio' is a prototype of the work 'Year 2052', created while Mooney was an Artist in Resident at Laughing Waters in the Boomerang studio in 2002. Records of flora were collected in and around the Gordon Ford garden in Laughing Waters Road. The work 'Year 2052' is made up of '77' tiles and was acquired by Geelong (Regional) Art Gallery in 2003. Whilst working at the Boomerang studio, local based artist Mooney noticed that “a battle raged in the bush between non-indigenous plants and indigenous plants”. She also noticed how humans “invade” land, changing the surrounding environment and causing irreversible damage. This work is an interpretation of the fragility and value of Nillumbik’s indigenous flora and of its conflict with introduced species. The title of the work (Year 2052) and look of these ‘fossilised specimens’ asks viewers to cast themselves into the future and to look back at today. “These tiles have been found; an incomplete record of flora collected in and around the Gordon Ford garden in Laughing Waters Road. The tiles appear to have been made at the beginning of the millennium. The viewer is asked to contemplate which species are missing”. Mooney works with collected indigenous items to emphasis the beauty of their natural shapes, while at the same time introducing selected materials of contrast or sympathy. Her work creates a great sense of “stillness and peace, of simplicity and connection with the natural world as well at the vanishing Australian bush.”This work is made up of seven handbuilt earthenware oval/round clay 'tiles' - (eight pieces - with one tile intentionally broken), brown in colour and bisque and blackware fired, giving a matt black ash coating on each of the tiles' surface. Each tile has an imprint of a floral specimen indigenous to the Laughing Waters area in Eltham. Each tile has an imprint of the following specimens: tiles, earthenware, flora, indigenous, bisque, boomerang, ford, laughing waters

The hotel was an important social hub which burnt down in 1965. In order to rebuild a committee was co ordinated with the intention of re-building the hotel and running it as a co-operative. Significant as this document records the plan to rebuild the hotel, including costings. Ultimately the plan did not proceed but provides an insight into the value of the hotel perceived by the town. People involved include the vendor of the land, D.W.G. (Des) Moore; and committee members who probably included Tom Austin, Des Moore, Wokka Moore, possibly Rod Calvert. (TBC)A4 photocopy of the original committee minutes.peterborough, peterborough hotel, peterborough house, d.w.g moore, t. austin, warren moore

Newspaper article outlining RSPCA plans to sell 5 or 6 acres of its East Burwood property at market value to help fund the new veterinary clinic and hospital. The sum required to build the new hospital and clinic is $4 million. RSPCA plans to sell 5 or 6 acres of its East Burwood property at market value to help fund the new veterinary clinic and hospital. royal society for the prevention of cruelty to animals, burwood east, barber, peter, veterinary services, land sales

Cyril Everett Isaac (1884-1865) (MLC for South Eastern 1940-52) was a progressive educator, horticulturist and conservationist. A pioneer of school gardening, Isaac believed in the enlightening, spiritual values of working with the land, and founded the State Schools Horticulture Society in 1910. Following the outbreak of the Great War, Isaac recognised the potential to combine school gardening with humanitarian aid. In 1915, Isaac helped to establish the Young Gardeners’ League, whereby young garden enthusiasts could join for a penny and cultivate plots in their own backyards. These home-grown flowers and vegetables were then sold for the going market rates, and the proceeds went towards supporting the Education Department officers serving in the war and their families. This project culminated in a state-wide flower day show held at Melbourne’s Town Hall on 3 November 1916, known as Children’s Flower Day. Isaac hoped that this special day would encourage children to feel that by ‘growing the flowers they are doing something to help our brave soldiers.’ Originally aiming to raise £10,000, the inaugural Flower Day raised over £32,309 (including revenue from home produce), and was donated to the War Relief Fund. On 9 November, the Dandenong Advertiser reported: “This is a splendid record for the boys and girls of our State Schools, who are so well tutored, and ready and willing to help the British Empire against the enemy.” One month after Flower Day, Isaac enlisted in 58th Battalion of Australian Infantry Forces, and departed for Europe in May 1917. Subsequent Children’s Flower Days were held in 1917 and 1918 in Isaac’s absence, and accounted for 25 per cent of the £445,000 raised by the Education Department’s War Relief Fund. A badge created as a fundraiser for Children's Flower Day in 1918. These badges were sold in public places in order to raise funds for war relief. Round metal badge with celluloid insert that has a printed motif of flowers (wattle and forget-me-not) and three banners with red text.Printed recto: "CHILDREN'S/ FLOWER DAY/ 1918"isaac, cyril everett (1884-1865), children's flower day, world war 1, charity

The tenant lived at the mercy of the resident landlord. Home was a one-roomed house, a chimney of wicker work plastered over with mud or just a hole in the roof. The walls might consist of mud too, or sods of grass. Any windows, were rarely glazed and would be open to the elements all year round. The Pig, if any, was kept in the house, the most valuable possession. Sold for cash at local market. The main items in the house were a potato pot and water bucket. As well as mother, father and children, there could well be grandparents all living in the same cramped conditions. The family would sleep on rushes or straw lain on the floor. Most tenants were tenants 'at will ', which meant they could be evicted at the 'will' of the landlord. Some had a lease for the life of the father and the eldest son, and this meant they were relatively safe from eviction as long as they could pay their rent. There was a tradition of passing on a portion of your land from father to each of the sons, who would build a small dwelling, and in turn pass a portion onto their own sons. This cycle of subdivision meant that many families were surviving on a tiny plot of land from which to derive a crop of potatoes for the year. Women worked hard in this environment, rearing children, cooking, cleaning, tending to any animals such a pigs or chicken and when needed, helping in the potato field. Life was dictated by the annual rent due to the landlord. Other typical expenses could be the Hearth Tax (actually charged by the number of fire places in a house) Turf, Hay (for any farm animals) and tithes. A tax known as the tithes were calculated at one tenth the value of everything saleable. Tithes were a bitter issue. They were for the support of the Church of Ireland, Protestant Bishops and Ministers, and a cess tax for the construction and maintenance of Protestant Church buildings. The problem being that the vast majority of those paying the Tax were Catholic and paying to support something that was contrary to their beliefs. Potatoes were the staple diet from September through to the end of Spring of the following year. But the summer months were months of hunger and hardship as they waited for the following harvest to come in Autumn. During these months people had to resort to eating anything they could find; turnips, cabbage, even wild grass, nettles, wild berries and dandelions. Those who lived close to the sea would collect seaweed and use it spread on their land as a form of manure. The dependency of so much of the population on the Potato as their sole source of food was to prove disastrous during the Famine years. [http://www.youririshroots.com/irishhistory/tenant.php, accessed 14 December 2013]A woman spins wools, while another cards fleece in preparation for spinning. I man smokes a pipe by an open fireplace, while a cow takes shelter in the cabin for warmth. ballarat irish, cabin, spinning, wool, cow

1.CGA insurance became incorporated in NSW in 1920. Iin 1961 it became part of the Zurich Insurance Group. 2. Bendigo Mutual Permanent Land and Building Society first appears in advertising in 1865 and was incorporated in Victoria in 1876. In 1978 it merged with Bendigo and Eaglehawk Star. It eventually became Bendigo Bank.1.CGA Fire and Accident Insurance Company School Accident Policy for Steven Lummis, grade 1, Golden Square High School. 2. Loan Repayment Document with the Bendigo Mutual Permanent Land and Building Society; loan value $11,000.history, bendigo, merle lummis collection, school insurance policy

An initial meeting between the Bendigo Catholic Diocese and the Brotherhood of St Laurence took place in September 1966. Land was acquired in Upper California Gully and the first flats were occupied by August 1968. In 1989 a thirty bed hostel was opened in Wesley Street, Kangaroo Flat and this was extended to 50 beds in 1993. Constant extensions on both sites have allowed for more flats, hostel beds and emergency units.St Laurence Court (Bendigo) Inc. - A Short History B4 Newsletter consisting of 7 pages: Cover: St. Established by the Anglican Diocese of Bendigo, compiled for the 30th Anniversary Celebrations on Sunday, 9th August, 1998. Page 1 First meeting, land purchase and stages of building. Page 2-3 Present Accommodation and Board Members. Page 4 Merchardising, Volunteers and Residents. Page 5 Administration Staff. Page 6 Mission Statement and Values. Page 7 Vision Statement. history, bendigo, merle lummis collection, st laurence court bendigo, aged care, benetas residential aged care

At the beginning of the 1890s, the Kew businessman and Town Councillor, Henry Kellett, commissioned J.F.C. Farquhar to photograph scenes of Kew. These scenes included panoramas as well as pastoral scenes. The resulting set of twelve photographs was assembled in an album, Kew Where We Live, from which customers could select images for purchase.The preamble to the album describes that the photographs used the ‘argentic bromide’ process, now more commonly known as the gelatine silver process. This form of dry plate photography allowed for the negatives to be kept for weeks before processing, hence its value in landscape photography. The resulting images were considered to be finely grained and everlasting. Evidence of the success of Henry Kellett’s venture can be seen today, in that some of the photographs are held in national collections.It is believed that the Kew Historical Society’s copy of the Kellett album is unique and that the photographs in the book were the first copies taken from the original plates. It is the first and most important series of images produced about Kew. The individual images have proved essential in identifying buildings and places of heritage value in the district.Very few of the natural or built features in this panoramic photograph of Wellington Street remain. The open land between High Street South and Denmark Street, then known as O’Shannessy’s Paddock, was to become a residential subdivision at the beginning of the 20th Century. On the far side of Denmark Street, bordered by a picket fence, is the Kew Railway Station (demolished 1957). Further east, the large building with the flagpole is the Kew Recreation Hall (demolished 1960), which was the centre of civic life for almost a century. The building was used for dances, civic functions and exhibitions. A bowling green, tennis courts, and a cricket ground surrounded the Hall. The dominant building in the photograph is Xavier College, founded in 1872 by the Society of Jesus. The first classes for pupils were held in 1878. It is presumed that Farquhar used its roof for two of his bird’s eye views.Wellington Street from High Streetkew illustrated, kew where we live, photographic books, henry kellett

At the beginning of the 1890s, the Kew businessman and Town Councillor, Henry Kellett, commissioned J.F.C. Farquhar to photograph scenes of Kew. These scenes included panoramas as well as pastoral scenes. The resulting set of twelve photographs was assembled in an album, Kew Where We Live, from which customers could select images for purchase.The preamble to the album describes that the photographs used the ‘argentic bromide’ process, now more commonly known as the gelatine silver process. This form of dry plate photography allowed for the negatives to be kept for weeks before processing, hence its value in landscape photography. The resulting images were considered to be finely grained and everlasting. Evidence of the success of Henry Kellett’s venture can be seen today, in that some of the photographs are held in national collections.It is believed that the Kew Historical Society’s copy of the Kellett album is unique and that the photographs in the book were the first copies taken from the original plates. It is the first and most important series of images produced about Kew. The individual images have proved essential in identifying buildings and places of heritage value in the district.Hyde Park is now a small recreation reserve bordered by Willsmere and Kilby Roads and White Avenue. In 1982, Hyde Park was cut off from the Yarra River by the construction of the Eastern Freeway. The building of the latter was to transform the natural landscape, including the Yarra, as well as Hyde Park. The construction of the Freeway makes it difficult to view the scene with the photographer’s eye. Today’s Hyde Park is located on land purchased in 1847 by John Cowell, and in 1851 Catherine Cowell, yet the scene selected by the photographer may well have been located on farmland owned by the Wills family. Farquhar’s point-of-view emphasises both the pastoral and recreational elements of the scene: the grazing cows, three boys, and in the distance two figures, seated on the bank with a parasol. By 1891, an environmental consequence of human activity, including farming, was deforestation, leading to the erosion of the south bank of the Yarra. In contrast, the land on the Alphington side of the river in 1891 included remnant bushland.The Yarra in Hyde Parkkew illustrated, kew where we live, photographic books, henry kellett, yarra river

xii, 308 p., [25] leaves of plates (24 folded) : ill., maps (some col.), ports., plans ; 34 cm. CONTENTS Part 1 Surveys and studies Part II Communications Part III The execution of improvement schemes - a programme of urgent works Part IV Zoning Part V Public Recreation Part VI Public Utilities Part VII Housing and Land Subdivision Part VIII Civic Art and Amenities Part IX Miscellaneous Part X Legislation Part XI Conclusionnon-fictionThe 1929 report of the Metropolitan Town Planning Commission covering Melbourne and its suburbs. Includes photographs and 15 folding maps (some in rear pocket) This was a planning scheme to prevent 'misuse' of land and protect property values. It highlighted traffic congestion, the distribution of recreational open space and haphazard intermingling of land uses. The plan identified a number of problems, such as the congestion at St Kilda Junction, that were not addressed until decades later. The plan also recognised the value of Melbourne's waterways as an open space network.city planning -- victoria. -- maps, city planning -- victoria -- melbourne, city planning -- victoria, civic improvement -- victoria -- melbourne, melbourne -- (vic.), cartography