Scrimshaw is regarded as early folk art and is associated primarily with whaling that was opened up in the Pacific at the end of the eighteenth century by sailors mainly from American, English and French vessels. As a result, some of the best scrimshaw from Pacific whales can be found in collections in these countries. Even though sailors must have had plenty of spare time between periods of whaling scrimshaw on whale teeth seems a rarity before the 1830s. One reason may have been the high price paid for whale teeth ivory in this period making scrimshaw on teeth popular only after the market was saturated and the price dropped. The earliest identified engraver of whale teeth is the English whaling master Captain J. S. King who was active between 1817 and 1823. There have been six ships called the Hero in the Royal Navy and this ship was the fourth named Hero, it was a screw-propelled 91-gun and second-rate. In the rating system of the British Royal Navy, this term is used to categorise sailing warships, a second-rate was a ship of the line which by the start of the 18th century mounted 90 to 98 guns on three gun decks. Earlier 17th-century second rates had fewer guns and were originally two-deckers or had only partially armed third gun decks. The Hero was launched in 1858 and sold in 1971. On July 1860 the Prince of Wales embarked onboard HMS Hero, Albert Edward Prince of Wales, was the eldest son of Queen Victoria, and the future King Edward VII, at the time he was then nineteen years of age, and on route to Newfoundland, Canada and the United States on his first state tour. He was the first member of the British royal family to visit North America. In 1860 the Queen had intended to pay a visit to Canada however stress prevented her from travelling. The then Prime Minister Lord Palmerston suggested that “Bertie” the prince of Wales could represent the Queen and on July 10th 1860, Bertie boarded HMS Hero for a tour of Canada and the USA. On July 23rd the ship arrived at Terranova. By the second week of August, the HMS Hero had sailed up the St. Lawrence River and anchored at Quebec. The Prince was successful with Canadian society visiting Quebec and Montreal during his stay. He went on to visit the United States following an invitation by President James Buchanan. His American journey was regarded as a great success. President Buchanan wrote to Queen Victoria: "He “Bertie” has faced a very difficult task for a person his age and his behaviour in all this has been that of his age and position. He has shown himself honourable, Frank and affable and he won the respect of the sensible and wise people". The scrimshaw is believed to be a modern reproduction of a typical scrimshaw scene and engraved very crudely onto a synthetic substance. Scrimshaw art carved into non-natural material in the shape of a whale tooth. The line artwork images of a three-masted, fully rigged ship and an anchor are coloured black. Inscription is engraved into tooth.Engraved "Hero 1870"warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, scrimshaw, plastic, resin, replica, prince of wales, british navy vessel, whaling, hms hero, reproduction, carving, engraving

Four species of quoll occur in Australia: the northern, spotted-tailed, eastern and western quolls. Once, most parts of Australia were inhabited by at least one of the species.Captain Cook collected quolls along the east coast in 1770, and recorded "quoll" as their local Aboriginal name. Quolls were often seen by early settlers, who called them "native cat", "native polecat" and "spotted marten", names based on familiar European animals. Since 1770, all four species have declined dramatically in numbers. This is mainly because of habitat loss or change across Australia, and introduced predators such as foxes and cats. Quolls are carnivorous marsupials with a pointed snout, a long tail and brown to black fur distinctively spotted with white. They are lively, attractive animals, with bright eyes, a moist pink nose and many sharp teeth. Like most Australian mammals, quolls are mainly active at night. Typically, they spend the day in one of their many dens, although spotted-tailed quolls and northern quolls sometimes forage and bask in the sunshine. Their large home ranges can extend for several kilometres in each direction from a smaller core range, and the range of a male quoll often overlaps those of several females. An interesting feature of their behaviour is the use of shared latrine (toilet) sites in open spaces such as rock ledges, for marking their territory and other social functions. Male quolls travel widely during the breeding season, with mating occurring during winter. All four species have a gestation period of 21 days. Because they are marsupial mammals, their young are born tiny and undeveloped and must work their way to the pouch, where they attach themselves to a teat to feed. Only the spotted-tailed quoll has a true pouch. In the other species, the young are protected by shallow folds of skin around the teats. As the pups grow, they dangle from the mother's belly; later, she carries them on her back. Quolls reach sexual maturity at one year. They have a naturally short life span, with smaller quolls living an average of only two years, and the larger spotted-tailed quoll about four to five years. The northern quoll is particularly short-lived. This specimen is part of a collection of almost 200 animal specimens that were originally acquired as skins from various institutions across Australia, including the Australian Museum and the National Museum of Victoria, as well as individuals such amateur anthropologist Reynell Eveleigh Johns between 1860-1880. These skins were then mounted by members of the Burke Museum Committee and put-on display in the formal space of the Museum’s original exhibition hall where they continue to be on display. This display of taxidermy mounts initially served to instruct visitors to the Burke Museum of the natural world around them, today it serves as an insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century. This specimen is part of a significant and rare taxidermy mount collection in the Burke Museum. This collection is scientifically and culturally important for reminding us of how science continues to shape our understanding of the modern world. They demonstrate a capacity to hold evidence of how Australia’s fauna history existed in the past and are potentially important for future environmental research. This collection continues to be on display in the Museum and has become a key part to interpreting the collecting habits of the 19th century.Average sized quoll with brown fur with white spots on body but absence on the long tail which is furry unlike the smooth body fur. The quoll has a small had with a pointed snout lined with sharp teeth, and thin membraned ears that are slightly covered in fur. The forelegs of the quoll are slightly smaller than the hindlegs, with all four legs featuring sharp clawed paws.On mounting board: BMM5984/ On Catalogue Tag (attached to left hindleg): Native Cat./ Catalogue. Page 50./ burke museum, taxidermy, taxidermy mount, fauna, animal, animalia, reynell eveleigh johns, quoll, native cat, dasyurus

This particular geological specimen was found in Mount Franklin or Lalgambook in Djadjawurrung, located between Daylesford and Newstead, approximately ninety minutes drive from Melbourne. The mountain is an example of a breached scoria cone (a steep conical hill of loose pyroclastic fragments) which was created by a volcanic eruption about 470,000 years ago, a date which may indicate the age of this geological specimen. The volcanic eruptions of Mount Franklin were most likely witnessed by members of the Dja Dja Wurrung Aboriginal tribe, who referred to this country as the 'smoking grounds'. Mount Franklin and the surrounding area appears to have been a place of considerable religious significance to Aboriginal people, there is evidence which indicates that frequent large ceremonial gatherings took place in the area. Basalt is the most common rock on Earth’s surface, more than 90% of all volcanic rock on Earth is basalt. Basalt is an aphanitic extrusive igneous rock formed from the rapid cooling of low-viscosity lava exposed at or very near the surface of a rocky planet or moon. Specimens are black in colour and weather to dark green or brown. Basalt is rich in iron and magnesium and is mainly composed of olivine, pyroxene, and plagioclase. Olivine is the name of a group of rock-forming silicate minerals with compositions ranging between Mg2SiO4 and Fe2SiO4. Unlike other minerals, Olivine has a very high crystallisation temperature which makes it the first of the minerals to crystallise from magma. As magma cools, the crystals begin to form and settle on the bottom of the lava and form basalts that are abnormally enriched in olivine in the lower part of lava flows. According to H. M. King (on geology.com) "Olivine is thought to be an important mineral in Earth's mantle. Its presence as a mantle mineral has been inferred by a change in the behaviour of seismic waves as they cross the boundary between Earth's crust and mantle". Lava from Mount Franklin and other volcanoes in the area filled valleys and buried the gold bearing streams that became the renowned ‘deep leads’ of the gold mining era. In 1852, as part of the Victorian gold rush, gold was discovered in the immediate area, this gold was created by lava flows during the Newer Volcanic period, which were mined intensively during the nineteenth century. Around 1865 the presence of a deep lead in Mount Franklin was established. Deep lead mining was initially unsuccessful, and it was not until the late 1870s that the Franklinford Gold Mining Company mined at Mount Franklin on a significant scale. A few years later the Mount Franklin Estate Gold Mining Company also struck gold, followed by the Shakespeare and Great Western companies in the mid-1880s. By the late 1880s, however, deep lead mining had ceased in the area. Soon after gold was discovered in 1851, Victoria’s Governor La Trobe wrote to the Colonial Office in London, urging ‘the propriety of selecting and appointing as Mineral Surveyor for this Colony a gentleman possessed of the requisite qualifications and acquaintance with geological science and phenomena’. Alfred Selwyn was appointed geological surveyor in Australia in 1852 which began the Geological Survey of Victoria. In 1853-69 the Geological Survey issued under Selwyn's direction sixty-one geological maps and numerous reports; they were of such high standard that a writer in the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London bracketed the survey with that of the United States of America as the best in the world. During his years spent in Australia, Selwyn collected numerous significant geological specimens, examples of which are held in collections such as the Burke Museum.This geological specimen is an example of basalt and olivine which shows the volcanic lava activity and geographical specific nature of Mt Franklin as a significant volcanic site. According to Agriculture Victoria 'The crater is one of the deepest in the Central Highlands area. It is a major megacryst site with some of the largest known Victorian examples of megacrysts of augite and an orthoclase. The small parasitic mound of Lady Franklin on the western flanks adds to the geological interest of the site'. This specimen also highlights the locality as a significant place for both indigenous activity and Victorian gold rush era mining practices. This specimen is part of a larger collection of geological and mineral specimens collected from around Australia (and some parts of the world) and donated to the Burke Museum between 1868-1880. A large percentage of these specimens were collected in Victoria as part of the Geological Survey of Victoria that begun in 1852 (in response to the Gold Rush) to study and map the geology of Victoria. Collecting geological specimens was an important part of mapping and understanding the scientific makeup of the earth. Many of these specimens were sent to research and collecting organisations across Australia, including the Burke Museum, to educate and encourage further study.An angular, solid hand-sized piece of grey volcanic Basalt with green/brown Olivine phenocrysts along one flat edge.Olivine in basalt / - label is probably / correct. / C. Willman / 15/4/21burke museum, beechworth, indigo shire, beechworth museum, geological, geological specimen, mineralogy, basalt, igneous rock, igneous-volcanic, volcanic geology, volcanic, olivine, olivine specimen, basaltoid

Kids of all ages enjoy the Miniature Railway. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p163 On Sundays in Eltham thousands of children, mums, dads and grandparents can be seen travelling around Lower Eltham Park in tiny trains. They are among the two and half million passengers who have travelled on the Diamond Valley Railway since it officially began in 1961. The miniature railway originally operated from the 1940s at Chelsworth Park, Ivanhoe, until flooding caused it to be moved to the Eltham Lower Park in 1959. The railway is modelled on the 1920s era – the heyday of passenger rail travel – and the trains are built on a scale of two inches to the foot (1/6). Although not exact replicas, trains include models of the Spirit of Progress, Puffing Billy, The Overland, Dog Boxes, Vic Rail S class, G class and a NSW 81 Class. The three and a half kilometres of track is set amongst native plants and picnic areas. A friendly hoot or the clang of a bell occasionally punctuates the tranquillity as a train emerges from a treed bend with passengers excitedly waving to onlookers. For $3 the train takes you on a 13-minute two-kilometre ride. Passengers sit in single file in the narrow train, which clatters along tracks built to the scale of the Australian narrow gauge of three feet six inches (1.1m). These are used in Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania and Western Australia. Safety standards are stringently kept. Even before you buy a ticket notices tell you that you must wear closed shoes. You can even borrow these, and you are given a pair of socks for the ride! Blue-overalled volunteers check tickets, see you aboard, and drive the train. They are mainly retired men who can at last devote their time to what little boys dream of – playing with trains. Passengers are instructed in safe behaviour, then the station master waves a white flag and off we go. The guard sits at the back with his whistle and green flag at the ready. The winding track, fringed by native trees and bushes planted by volunteers, stands on crown land managed by Nillumbik Council. The train clatters along the track and crosses a bridge over a drain elevated by name to The Blow Fly Creek. We pass by Meadmore Junction at a speed of three kilometres an hour. Then on through a tunnel, accompanied by squeals of delight, and after a few moments of blackness, light glimmers at the end. On we go, past the original platform, along another route past busy Main Road through Pine Creek Station, over a bridge and through another tunnel with more screams of delight.Then a signal stops us before the ‘all clear’ to return to our original point of departure. The railway services its passengers – the largest number of any miniature railway in Australia – with a fleet including: six diesel locomotives, three steam locomotives, eight sets of passenger cars and one battery electric Dog Box set. Members also privately own 20 locomotives and powered carriage sets as well as four carriage sets.1 All the trains are stored on-site in workshops, sheds and a tunnel. The railway is entirely run by volunteers, so that all ticket money is used for maintenance and extensions, and some goes to local charities. Since 1991, the entire railway has been rebuilt, including an upgraded signalling system. About half of the 120 volunteer members are active with about 35 working each Sunday, and a dozen or so working every Wednesday. Members are trained to positions of station assistant, booking officer, train guard, train driver or signalman. Members construct new carriages and locomotives as well as maintaining track, signalling and rolling stock.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, diamond valley railway, eltham lower park

'Whose Ethics?':Codifying and enacting ethics in research settings Bringing ethics up to date? A review of the AIATSIS ethical guidelines Michael Davis (Independent Academic) A revision of the AIATSIS Guidelines for Ethical Research in Indigenous Studies was carried out during 2009-10. The purpose of the revision was to bring the Guidelines up to date in light of a range of critical developments that have occurred in Indigenous rights, research and knowledge management since the previous version of the Guidelines was released in 2000. In this paper I present an outline of these developments, and briefly discuss the review process. I argue that the review, and the developments that it responded to, have highlighted that ethical research needs to be thought about more as a type of behaviour and practice between engaged participants, and less as an institutionalised, document-focused and prescriptive approach. The arrogance of ethnography: Managing anthropological research knowledge Sarah Holcombe (ANU) The ethnographic method is a core feature of anthropological practice. This locally intensive research enables insight into local praxis and culturally relative practices that would otherwise not be possible. Indeed, empathetic engagement is only possible in this close and intimate encounter. However, this paper argues that this method can also provide the practitioner with a false sense of his or her own knowing and expertise and, indeed, with arrogance. And the boundaries between the anthropologist as knowledge sink - cultural translator and interpreter - and the knowledge of the local knowledge owners can become opaque. Globalisation and the knowledge ?commons?, exemplified by Google, also highlight the increasing complexities in this area of the governance and ownership of knowledge. Our stronghold of working in remote areas and/or with marginalised groups places us at the forefront of negotiating the multiple new technological knowledge spaces that are opening up in the form of Indigenous websites and knowledge centres in these areas. Anthropology is not immune from the increasing awareness of the limitations and risks of the intellectual property regime for protecting or managing Indigenous knowledge. The relevance of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in opening up a ?rights-based? discourse, especially in the area of knowledge ownership, brings these issues to the fore. For anthropology to remain relevant, we have to engage locally with these global discourses. This paper begins to traverse some of this ground. Protocols: Devices for translating moralities, controlling knowledge and defining actors in Indigenous research, and critical ethical reflection Margaret Raven (Institute for Sustainability and Technology Policy (ISTP), Murdoch University) Protocols are devices that act to assist with ethical research behaviour in Indigenous research contexts. Protocols also attempt to play a mediating role in the power and control inherent in research. While the development of bureaucratically derived protocols is on the increase, critiques and review of protocols have been undertaken in an ad hoc manner and in the absence of an overarching ethical framework or standard. Additionally, actors implicated in research networks are seldom theorised. This paper sketches out a typology of research characters and the different moral positioning that each of them plays in the research game. It argues that by understanding the ways actors enact research protocols we are better able to understand what protocols are, and how they seek to build ethical research practices. Ethics and research: Dilemmas raised in managing research collections of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander materials Grace Koch (AIATSIS) This paper examines some of the ethical dilemmas for the proper management of research collections of Indigenous cultural materials, concentrating upon the use of such material for Native Title purposes. It refers directly to a number of points in the draft of the revised AIATSIS Guidelines for Ethical Research in Indigenous Studies and draws upon both actual and hypothetical examples of issues that may arise when requests are made for Indigenous material. Specific concerns about ethical practices in collecting data and the subsequent control of access to both the data itself and to published works based upon it are raised within the context of several types of collections, including those held by AIATSIS and by Native Title Representative Bodies. Ethics or social justice? Heritage and the politics of recognition Laurajane Smith (ANU) Nancy Fraser?s model of the politics of recognition is used to examine how ethical practices are interconnected with wider struggles for recognition and social justice. This paper focuses on the concept of 'heritage' and the way it is often uncritically linked to 'identity' to illustrate how expert knowledge can become implicated in struggles for recognition. The consequences of this for ethical practice and for rethinking the role of expertise, professional discourses and disciplinary identity are discussed. The ethics of teaching from country Michael Christie (CDU), with the assistance of Yi?iya Guyula, Kathy Gotha and Dh�?gal Gurruwiwi The 'Teaching from Country' program provided the opportunity and the funding for Yol?u (north-east Arnhem Land Aboriginal) knowledge authorities to participate actively in the academic teaching of their languages and cultures from their remote homeland centres using new digital technologies. As two knowledge systems and their practices came to work together, so too did two divergent epistemologies and metaphysics, and challenges to our understandings of our ethical behaviour. This paper uses an examination of the philosophical and pedagogical work of the Yol?u Elders and their students to reflect upon ethical teaching and research in postcolonial knowledge practices. Closing the gaps in and through Indigenous health research: Guidelines, processes and practices Pat Dudgeon (UWA), Kerrie Kelly (Australian Indigenous Psychologists Association) and Roz Walker (UWA) Research in Aboriginal contexts remains a vexed issue given the ongoing inequities and injustices in Indigenous health. It is widely accepted that good research providing a sound evidence base is critical to closing the gap in Aboriginal health and wellbeing outcomes. However, key contemporary research issues still remain regarding how that research is prioritised, carried out, disseminated and translated so that Aboriginal people are the main beneficiaries of the research in every sense. It is widely acknowledged that, historically, research on Indigenous groups by non-Indigenous researchers has benefited the careers and reputations of researchers, often with little benefit and considerably more harm for Indigenous peoples in Australia and internationally. This paper argues that genuine collaborative and equal partnerships in Indigenous health research are critical to enable Aboriginal and Torres Islander people to determine the solutions to close the gap on many contemporary health issues. It suggests that greater recognition of research methodologies, such as community participatory action research, is necessary to ensure that Aboriginal people have control of, or significant input into, determining the Indigenous health research agenda at all levels. This can occur at a national level, such as through the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Road Map on Indigenous research priorities (RAWG 2002), and at a local level through the development of structural mechanisms and processes, including research ethics committees? research protocols to hold researchers accountable to the NHMRC ethical guidelines and values which recognise Indigenous culture in all aspects of research. Researching on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar: Methodologies for positive transformation Steve Hemming (Flinders University) , Daryle Rigney (Flinders University) and Shaun Berg (Berg Lawyers) Ngarrindjeri engagement with cultural and natural resource management over the past decade provides a useful case study for examining the relationship between research, colonialism and improved Indigenous wellbeing. The Ngarrindjeri nation is located in south-eastern Australia, a ?white? space framed by Aboriginalist myths of cultural extinction recycled through burgeoning heritage, Native Title, natural resource management ?industries?. Research is a central element of this network of intrusive interests and colonising practices. Government management regimes such as natural resource management draw upon the research and business sectors to form complex alliances to access funds to support their research, monitoring, policy development, management and on-ground works programs. We argue that understanding the political and ethical location of research in this contemporary management landscape is crucial to any assessment of the potential positive contribution of research to 'Bridging the Gap' or improving Indigenous wellbeing. Recognition that research conducted on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar (country/body/spirit) has impacts on Ngarrindjeri and that Ngarrindjeri have a right and responsibility to care for their lands and waters are important platforms for any just or ethical research. Ngarrindjeri have linked these rights and responsibilities to long-term community development focused on Ngarrindjeri capacity building and shifts in Ngarrindjeri power in programs designed to research and manage Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar. Research agreements that protect Ngarrindjeri interests, including cultural knowledge and intellectual property, are crucial elements in these shifts in power. A preliminary review of ethics resources, with particular focus on those available online from Indigenous organisations in WA, NT and Qld Sarah Holcombe (ANU) and Natalia Gould (La Trobe University) In light of a growing interest in Indigenous knowledge, this preliminary review maps the forms and contents of some existing resources and processes currently available and under development in the Northern Territory, Queensland and Western Australia, along with those enacted through several cross-jurisdictional initiatives. A significant majority of ethics resources have been developed in response to a growing interest in the application of Indigenous knowledge in land and natural resource management. The aim of these resources is to ?manage? (i.e. protect and maintain) Indigenous knowledge by ensuring ethical engagement with the knowledge holders. Case studies are drawn on from each jurisdiction to illustrate both the diversity and commonality in the approach to managing this intercultural engagement. Such resources include protocols, guidelines, memorandums of understanding, research agreements and strategic plans. In conducting this review we encourage greater awareness of the range of approaches in practice and under development today, while emphasising that systematic, localised processes for establishing these mechanisms is of fundamental importance to ensuring equitable collaboration. Likewise, making available a range of ethics tools and resources also enables the sharing of the local and regional initiatives in this very dynamic area of Indigenous knowledge rights.b&w photographs, colour photographsngarrindjeri, ethics, ethnography, indigenous research, social justice, indigenous health

Opened in 1891, the bridge formed part of the Maroondah Aqueduct carrying water from Watts River near Healesville to the reservoir at Preston where it joined Melbourne's metropolitan water system. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p99 Built to supply thirsty Melbourne in the late 19th century, the siphon bridge spanning the Plenty River off Leischa Court, Greensborough, was part of an engineering masterpiece. Opened in 1891, the bridge formed part of the Maroondah Aqueduct carrying water from the Watts River near Healesville to the reservoir at Preston where it joined the metropolitan distribution system. A major link in Melbourne’s water supply, it also had a huge impact on communities, which mushroomed along its route. Named after the Aboriginal word for the area around the Maroondah Reservoir, the Maroondah Aqueduct was fully operational until the 1970s. Since the 1980s the land along parts of the aqueduct have been used for walking and bicycle riding, shaded in places by Monterey Pine trees planted to stabilise the surrounding ground. From 1857 the Yan Yean Reservoir supplied Melbourne’s water but the growing city needed additional catchments.1 In 1886 work began on a weir on the Watts River to enable the aqueduct to carry most of the river water 41 miles (66km) to Melbourne. The aqueduct, built by the Board of Works, is the oldest remaining aqueduct near Melbourne and was probably the first built with concrete.2 Although the aqueduct is now only used between the Maroondah and Sugarloaf Reservoirs, it can still be traced across the Shire. It extends from the Maroondah Reservoir through Christmas Hills, Kangaroo Ground, Research, Eltham, St Helena and then previously wound west through Greensborough to Reservoir.3 Built by horse and manpower the aqueduct gravity fed 25 million gallons (113.6ML) of water a day to Melbourne along a gradient of one foot to the mile. It included 25 miles (41km) of open concrete and brick channel, six miles (10km) of tunnels, and nine miles (15km) of 14 inverted siphons of riveted wrought-iron across creeks. Bricks for the aqueduct were made from clay found near the sites and remains of several kilns can still be found between Kangaroo Ground and Christmas Hills. Building the aqueduct transformed local communities. An abattoir was established at Christmas Hills. Grog shanties and labourers’ camps sprang up and local courts dealt with cases of ‘petty pilfering and boisterous behaviour’.4 The Kangaroo Ground school population jumped to 91, crammed into a room with one teacher. Miners who built the tunnels camped just north of Churinga in Greensborough – then called Tunnel Hill Camp – and adjacent to the Evelyn Arms Hotel. The miners’ high spirits were sometimes quenched in horse troughs or by a ‘welt under the ear and kick on the behind’ as the local constable calmed them down rather than lock them up.5 But the growing city of Melbourne needed more water, so the O’Shannassy catchment, east of Warburton, was added to the system in 1914. In 1920 work began on the present concrete Maroondah Dam one mile (1.6km) from the weir on the Watts River. The aqueduct capacity was thus doubled to 50 million gallons (227ML) a day.6 Intense land development threatened to pollute the open water supply, so channel sections were replaced with large pipes. In the late 1960s a large water main was built from the tunnel outlet at Research and extended through St Helena and Greensborough, so this section of the aqueduct was taken out of use. Long sections of the unused open channels in Greensborough and Bundoora were destroyed, but the old channel in Research and Eltham North remained largely intact. In the 1970s, the Sugarloaf Reservoir was constructed, inundating 445 hectares of land in Christmas Hills. Sugarloaf was officially opened in 1980 and serves as a water storage and treatment plant supplying Melbourne. In the early 1980s pipes replaced the section from Sugarloaf Reservoir to the tunnel entrance at Kangaroo Ground. The Research-Kangaroo Ground tunnel operates as part of the pipeline system.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, maroondah aqueduct, pipe bridge, siphon bridge

In 1949 the HELLENIC PRINCE with its 3 hospitals, 2 cinemas, and air conditioned accommodation was chartered by the International Refugee Organisation to transport displaced persons from Europe to Australia. Its first trip was to Sydney where it arrived with 1000 passengers on 5 December 1949. On the third trip it left Naples on 23 March 1950, and arrived in Fremantle on 20 April 1950, and in Melbourne on 25 April 1950. The men and women were separated for the voyage with my father sleeping on a hammock in a large room with other men, while my mother, my brother, and I had bunks in a shared cabin. On board were displaced persons ex Bagnoli Camp Italy, some of whom later built their bungalows on the grassy and rocky paddocks near Sunshine Victoria, and began to establish a new life in a new country. A few of the families that arrived on the third trip and purchased land in the Dunkeld Ave - Sandford Ave area of North Sunshine (Birmingham Estate) were Janczak, Kolanowicz, Mroz, Pawlak, Rasztabiga, Skrobalak, Szydlowski, Witkowski, and Zielinski. Some friends settled elsewhere in Sunshine. The family Tabaka went to West Sunshine just over the Derby Rd Bridge, while the family Wojcik went to Ardeer. The ship first started service in 1929 for the Royal Australian Navy as the HMAS ALBATROSS. It had a standard displacement of 4,800 tons and was 443 feet 7 inches (135.2 metres) long, and its top speed during trials reached 22 knots (41 km/hr). It was built at Cockatoo Island Dockyard as Australia's first Aircraft Carrier (seaplanes), but the aircraft that it was designed for were retired just before the ship went into service. A new plane specifically designed to work with the Albatross began operations after the ship was decommissioned in 1933, and placed into reserve in Sydney Harbour. Seaplanes continued to operate from the anchored ship. (Click on the Link 'HMAS Albatross (1)' situated above the Object Registration number to view pictures of the HMAS Albatross on the Navy web site). In 1938 the ship was recommissioned and transferred to the Royal Navy as part payment for the light cruiser Hobart. The ship then did military service for the Royal Navy during World War 2. It did patrol and escort duties in the southern Atlantic, and from mid 1942 in the Indian Ocean. By early 1944 the ship was converted so that it could repair landing craft and other support vessels off Sword and Juno beaches. The ship managed to return 132 craft into service and to save 79 others from total loss. On 11 August 1944 Albatross was torpedoed with the loss of either 50 or 66 personnel, but was able to be towed back to Portsmouth. After repairs she did a short service as a minesweeper depot ship, and following that was placed into reserve on 3 August 1945. In August 1946 the ship was sold for commercial use but the plans to convert it into a luxury liner or a floating cabaret fell through. The ship was again sold on 14 November 1948 to the British-Greek Yannoulatos Group, who renamed it HELLENIC PRINCE in recognition of the birth of Prince Charles and his Greek heritage. After conversion into a passenger ship the Hellenic Prince made several trips to Australia transporting displaced persons, however apparently not all trips were pleasant for the passengers. In the on board newsletter 'Kangaroo' dated 5 January 1951, the ship's master P. C. King expressed his indignation about the behaviour of passengers and made accusations of mutiny. According to some immigrants the conditions were appalling and overcrowded with 1200 passengers. Passengers were supposedly required to work and were paid with Woodbine cigarettes. The drinking water ran out, the freezer broke down, and fresh food that was brought on board went to the crew. Sea sickness was rife because the ship was rarely level due to malfunctioning pumps. (The newsletter 'Kangaroo' can be viewed at the Museum Victoria web site by clicking the Link 'Newsletter - Kangaroo'). In 1953 during the Mau Mau uprising the Hellenic Prince was used to transport troops to Kenya, and in 1954 the ship came to an end in a scrap yard at Hong Kong. THE ABOVE INFORMATION WAS COMPILED FROM; (1) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HMAS_Albatross_(1928) (accessed 11/2/2013), (2) An article by Graeme Andrews found at http://www.afloat.com.au/afloat-magazine/2011/july-2011/The_boat_people_of_the _forties_and_fifties#.UuYY6ou4apo (accessed 27/1/14), (3) http://museumvictoria.com.au/collections/items/273166/newsletter-kangaroo-hellenic-prince-5-jan-1951 (accessed 27/1/14), (4) National Archive search starting at; www.naa.gov.au/collection/search/index.aspx (accessed 27/1/14), (5) http://www.flickr.com/photos/41311545@N05/3864781978 (accessed 29/1/14). Hellenic Prince has a significance to Sunshine Victoria because some of the displaced people from Europe, who arrived in Melbourne on Anzac Day 1950, were among the first people to settle in the grassy and rocky paddock areas of North Sunshine. These settlers established a residential suburban area out of the paddocks. In those early days there were no services and the planned roads were basically just drawings on a map. The ship is also significant because it was named in recognition of the birth of Prince Charles. In the ship's former life as the HMAS Albatross the significance is that it was built in Australia as our country's first Aircraft Carrier (seaplanes).New photograph made from a scanned copy of a circa 1950 Post Card featuring the ship on calm water.Hellenic Prince / Hong Konghellenic prince, migrant ship, displaced persons, refugees, international refugee organisation, bagnoli camp, hmas albatross, yannoulatos group

The Chinese Imperial Commissioner, Hwang How Cheng, visited Australia at the request of the Chinese Emperor for the purpose of establishing Chinese consulates in the Commonwealth. He visited Ballarat at the request of Ballarat’s Chinese community. The newspaper reported that it was hoped the Commissioner would visit the Ballarat School of Mines “where the knowledge he would get would probably be of the utmost usefulness in the development of the great resources of China.” The Commissioner was accompanied by interpreter Ah Ket (Melbourne barrister and solicitor), and met by members of Ballarat’s Chinese community, including Dr Wong Chock Son. Apparently the Chinese Commissioner wanted to visit SMB because of its international fame relating to education in mining. From the SMB Letter book (Cat. No. 436) comes the following which suggests the Commissioner was based in Adelaide) '17th November 1906 His Excellency, Hwang How Cheng Chinese Commission Adelaide May it please your Excellency By this post I have the pleasure in forwarding for your Excellency's kind acceptance (and one for Mr. When) copies of the photograph taken of your recent visit to the School of Mines. I trust they will serve a pleasing memento of what, I hope, was a pleasant visit to our Golden City. Yours Faithfully Fredk Martell Director' The visit was reported in the Ballarat Star in 14 November 1906:- The Chinese Imperial Commissioner, Hwang Hon Cheng, who recently arrived in Victoria on behalf of the Chinese Government, paid a visit to Ballarat last evening, and was entertained by his fellow countrymen at a dinner at the Bow Leong rooms, Main street. The commissioner, who came up by the express, was accompanied by his secretary and Mr Ah Ket, the well-known Chinese barrister, of Melbourne; but some disappointment was expressed by the fact that he did not wear his official robes, being attired in the more sombre European dress. Mr W. D. M’Kee presided at the dinner, on the invitation of the Bow Leong Society, and in addition to representative Chinese residents, three were also present the mayor of the city (Cr. J. J. Brokenshire), Crs. R. Pearse, G. Crocker (City), J. R. Elsworth, A. Mackenzie, J. A. M’Neil, A. Levy, G. Bunting, F. Penhalluriack (Town), Col. Williams, Mr. J. Gent, Messrs. F. J. Martell (director of the School of Mines), A. W. Hager (president of the Orphan Asylum), A. Kenny (superintendent), R. G. Fitzgerald (clerk of courts at Ballarat East), J. Trethowan, A. A. Buley, Serg Dalton, and others. Apologies were received from the mayor of the town Revs. J. West Lau, Dr Cairns, Hon. J. Y. M’Donald, L. Lederman, C. C. Shoppee and others. The gathering was a very cordial one, and the hospitality of the Chinese was greatly appreciated. After the loyal toasts, “The King” and “The Emperor of China,” had been honoured, the chairman extended a hearty welcome on behalf of the society and others to the commissioner. Mr M’Kee said he was privileged to speak in behalf of the Chinese. There was a warm feeling of friendship between them and himself, and his services were always at their command. If he were in China he would desire that a similar compliment would be extended to him. They were all pleased the Emperor of China had sent the commissioner to establish consulates in Australia with a view of the empire understanding the feelings of Australasia better than they did at present. He hoped the commissioner would have opportunity of visiting some of their industries, as they desired him to gain all the scientific and practical knowledge of those industries that he could. The toast of “The Commissioner” was proposed by Col. Williams who expressed pleasure at the visit of a gentleman of education and attainments to look into the condition of the scions of China in Australia. He hoped the commissioner would carry away a correct impression. In Australia they had nothing to conceal; they hoped to be understood. (Applause.) No intelligent man had the temerity to condescend to patronise China, one of the richest countries in the world, with a civilisation dating back thousands of years. In the matter of population alone it was equal to one-third of the world. They heard a lot about the “awakening of China.” They hoped it would be humane, just, and considerate if it had power. He hoped the commissioner would be satisfied with what he saw. The law of filial relation to the children was strictly observed in China, and he did not know whether it would not be a good thing if they had a little more of that religion here. It would be a fair thing to tell the commissioner that while he might inquire into the labour laws, the basis of these laws was not a desire to oppress but to enable every man to obtain the same conditions they expected from their own people. If he gained that impression he felt they would be fairly treated. (Applause.) Mayor Brokenshire supported the toast. They had, he said, in the Chinese a most law-abiding people. Their behaviour was an example to the British citizens. They were quiet, inoffensive men, and they toiled hard, even on Sundays. (Laughter.) Mr Ah Ket; That is what the government does with the railway employees. (Laughter.) The Commissioner replied through Mr Ah Ket, who in a graceful speech acknowledged the toast. The commissioner had, he said been delighted with what he had seen of the country – he believed it to be one of the finest in the world – and he greatly appreciated the hospitality extended to him. (Applause.) The Chairman proposed the toast of “The health of Mr Ah Ket,” and paid a tribute to his ability. It was satisfactory to see that he had risen to such a position, and it might be that in the future he would be asked to occupy a position on the bench. (Applause.) Mr Ah Ket, in response, said he had not come prepared to make a speech. He had come to Ballarat to have a quiet evening with his friends, and as soon as he arrived he had been whirled away in a motor car to a place where he found an aggregation of East and West. He was pleased to see them commingled at the festive board. That suggested the idea that East and West could meet together without friction. Misunderstandings arose only because men were superficial. If they threw off outer garments they would know each other better. He looked forward to the time when nations would understand each other. It was by an interchange of visits that such things could be accomplished, and nations would then live at peace with each other. (Applause.) Other toasts were also honored. Twelve men pose for a photograph on the stairs of a building at the Ballarat School of Mines. Back row left to right: A.D. Gilchrist (Prof. of Engineering), B. Whittington (Mathematics, Physics), Thomas S. Hart (Prof. of Geology and Mining), J.M. Sutherland (Electrical Engineering) Front row left to right: Dr Wong Chock Son (Ballarat), Fred. J. Martell, Alfred Mica Smith, Ah Ket esq (Melbourne Barrister), His Excellency Hwang How Cheng (Chinese Commissioner), Wen Esq (Secretary), Alderman Grase (mayor of Brisbane), Grase Esq (Ballarat).ballarat school of mines, alfred mica smith, fred martell, j m sutherland, a d gilchrist, b whittington, thomas hart, wong chock son, ah ket, hwang how cheng, chinese, chinese commissioner, international, new classrooms, administration building, a building

16 issues of the, "Tramway Topics" - "The Official Bulletin of The Melbourne & Metropolitan Tramways Board", issues 50, 51, 53 to 61, issued between August 1947 and October 1948. All printed on cream coloured paper. Headings of significance are listed below. Common items were; Retiring and Death Gratuities, Appointments and Promotions, long service records. 918.1 - 50 - August 1947 - 4 pages - Comment from London, Scalers in Sydney, Brisbane Services, PAYE to go, Newcastle wants to own the trams, Diesels in favour, Fares in London and Melbourne, Something like a deficit, a remarkable record (substations), Work of Testing Department, Accidents are Expensive, and Transport Operations Indicted (National City Lines - USA) 918.2 - 51 - Sept. 1947 - 4 pages - Our SW6 tram, Transport in the US, Conductresses again, How bus costs have risen, Footscray Extensions, Of Course you are good (drivers and driving), How Fares Go, 40-Hour week. 918.3 - 53 - November 1947 - 4 pages - No increase in fares, an unusually interesting tram (Glasgow), alcohol and driving do not mix, pedestrian crossing case, how wages have increased, Russia prefers trams, Sydney's "Honesty" joke, Higher Fares wanted, Tramcars as hearses, an editor on Trolley buses, buses lead - but at a cost (Leicester), the Non paying passenger (Sydney) 918.4 - 54 - December 1947 - 4 pages - Christmas 1947 (Chairman's notes on the future), New Stockholm tram, according to use and wont - Birmingham, Trams in the USA, Board re-appointed, Buses few, so coaches are hired (London), transport from Footscray, "Philadelphians must have the best" - so they are given trams!, The Merri Creek Bridge and appreciations. 918.5 - 55 - March 1948 - 4 pages - That 4/- doubts arising over the 5-day week, Buses carried pick-a-back, Sydney to lose L500,000 this year, Trolleybuses, Rapid transit with PCC trams, another compliment (rosters in Perth), the bill for it all (Melbourne tram strike), an Extraordinary award (Washington DC), Prison tram's last load (Sydney), Douglas horse trams, Lord Ashfield, Glasgow's all night buses. 918.6 -56 - April 1948 - 4 pages - The Board's ambassadors (MMTB Conductors), Brisbane's bus routes, Another deficit in sight (Liverpool UK), Poor Paris, The resilient wheel, the 5-day week rosters, a subway and its costs (Detroit), PCC's in Belgium, South London Trams. 918.7 -57 -May 1948 - 4 pages - Spread of Hours Payment - 5 day week, weak breaks, Buses multiply - losses expand (Manchester UK), Static Electricity, L750,000 deficit in Sydney, praise for conductresses, no purchase by Newcastle, a loss at Adelaide, Transport in Switzerland, Denmark's giant bus, new trams for Glasgow, Grants for sports, single deckers out of favour (UK buses), Transport by Water (London). 918.8 - 58 - June 1948 - 8 pages - Stirring up strife (Melb.) No profit - no sharing (Kansas City), Just why - prices and fares in the US, MMTB staff needs from 5 day week, Section fares in the US, trams at L5,500 each (Sheffield), The unfinished dance (Perth and Hay St.), Thanks from Bristol, Interest in Melbourne trams (letters to the Board), Adelaide's Deficit, Fares up in Sydney and Adelaide, Moscow transport, No trolleybuses thankyou in Belgium, thanks to the Traffic staff, the Late Inspector Boardman, 24,000 irregularities (passengers), Sth London trams, Melbourne's trams amazing, Winnipeg's transport Growth and Standing passengers - London. 918.9 - 59 - July 1948 - 4 pages - The Red Light - RACV and red lights on trams, A request from Argentina,, where our SW6's are, the last 5c fare (New York), Work in the Fog, Traffic headaches in the US, Brisbane's Streamlined tram, Safety glass, Now for La Trobe St. The Tramways Band (South St.), Transport Losses in Sydney. 918.10 - 60 - August 1948 - 4 pages - from Pretoria (Comments on Melbourne), Buses with sliding Doors (OPS1), PCC trams, trams of the future (Glasgow), new trams in Rome, Clearing up the Parking Problem (Sacramento), Fantastic figures - world tram car figures - anti tram, Trainer Drivers, the railway trams and disaster to Liverpool trams, Monte Video trams purchased. 918.11 - 61 - September 1948 - 4 pages - The Year's Work (Melbourne), How Absurd (transport management), items from Britain, Tramway Band News, Food from Melbourne (to Scotland floods), London's Extraordinary traffic, New trams for The Hague, who are the road hogs, the La Trobe St. extension, out clothing factory, Preston Workshops, Toil on the tracks, how the money comes in (fares distribution). 918.12 - 62 - October 1948 - 4 pages - Melbourne's tram fares, Bourke St., Sydney's Street Transport, Scientist or Baker (London), Trolleybuses out of favour, London's poor bus fleet, tram and bus fares, The band at Wattle Park, Madras tramway deal, 121 decide for 6000 (Sydney Sunday trams), Preston workshops, A Engineer's tribute, Was the Street Quiz on trams faked? (The Sun). 918.3 - No. 31 - September 1945 - Year in review - trams more reliable than buses, loss on buses to munitions and Fisherman's bend, ticket checking, Hawthorn clothing factory SW6 trams construction, news from cities in Europe, sub-stations. 918.14 - 64 - September 1949 - higher operating expenses and revenue, school children behaviour, headway recording system - communication issues, golf at Wattle Park, Mr Bell lives in Riversdale Rd. 918.15 - 67 - December 1949 - Record Payment to Consolidated Revenue, payment to MFB etc, flat fares, Latrobe St extension - delayed, fare concessions - who pays, 918.16 - 68 - January 1950 - Bourke St conversion - Risson looking for an early start, fitting of radios to MMTB vehicles, Resilient wheels 918.4 - on top edge in pencil is "Mr Russell", and 918.10 ditto.trams, tramways, mmtb, melbourne, tramways

1. The moral lexicon of the Warlpiri people of central Australia LR Hiatt This paper discusses words that match ?Good? and ?Bad?; examples of ?Good? and ?Bad? behaviour; morality and law; and egalitarianism and dominance. It also presents a comparison with Gidjingarli (Burarra). 2. Mobs and bosses: Structures of Aboriginal sociality Patrick Mullins (Mount Druitt, NSW) A commonality of Aboriginal social organisation exists across the continent in communities as different as those from the Western Desert across to Cape York, from the towns of New South Wales and Western Australia to cities like Adelaide. This is found in the colloquial expressions ?mob? and ?boss?, which are used in widely differing contexts. Mobbing is the activity where relatedness, in the sense of social alliances, is established and affirmed by virtue of a common affiliation with place, common experience and common descent, as well as by the exchange of cash and commodities. Bossing is the activity of commanding respect by virtue of one?s capacity to bestow items of value such as ritual knowledge, nurturance, care, cash and commodities. Mobbing and bossing are best understood as structures in Giddens? sense of sets of rules and resources involved in the production of social systems, in this case social alliances. Mobbing and bossing imply a concept of a person as a being in a relationship. Attention needs to be given to the way these structures interact with institutions in the wider Australian society. 3. Recognising victims without blaming them: A moral contest? About Peter Sutton?s ?The Politics of Suffering: Indigenous Policy in Australia since the 1970s? and Gillian Cowlishaw?s replies Ma�a Ponsonnet (Universit� Paris- 8-Saint-Denis) Peter Sutton?s texts on Aboriginal violence, health and their politicisation are replied to using his methodology, and acknowledging his convincing points. Sutton rightly denounces a lack of lucidity and scientific objectivity in anthropological debates. These inadequacies impede identification of what Aboriginal groups can do to improve their situations for fear that this identification would lead to blame the victims. At the other end of the ethical spectrum, those who advocate a broader use of what I will call a ?resistance interpretation? of violence fail to recognise victims as such, on the implicit grounds that seeing victims as victims would deprive them of any agency, on the one hand, and entail blame, on the other hand. I aim to define a middle road between those views: the idea that victims should be acknowledged as such without being denied their agency and without being blamed for their own condition. This middle road allows identification of the colonisers? responsibilities in the contemporary situation of Indigenous communities in Australia, and to determine who can do what. Secondly, I show that Sutton?s texts convey, through subtle but recurrent remarks, an ideology of blame rather than a mere will to identify practical solutions. As a consequence, some of his proposals do not stand on a solid and objective causal analysis. 4. 'You would have loved her for her lore?: The letters of Daisy Bates Bob Reece (Murdoch University) Daisy Bates was once an iconic figure in Australia but her popular and academic reputation became tarnished by her retrograde views. Her credibility was also put in doubt through the exposure of her fictionalised Irish background. In more recent times, however, her ethnographic data on the Aborigines of Western Australia has been an invaluable source for Native Title claims, while her views on Aboriginal extinction, cannibalism and ?castes? are being seen as typical of her time. This article briefly reviews what has been the orthodox academic opinion of her scientific achievement before summarising what is reliably known of her early history and indicating what kind of person is revealed in the 3000 or more letters that she left behind. 5. What potential might Narrative Therapy have to assist Indigenous Australians reduce substance misuse? Violet Bacon (Curtin University of Technology) Substance misuse is associated with adverse consequences for many Australians including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Extensive research has been conducted into various intervention, treatment and prevention programs to ascertain their potential in reducing substance misuse within Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities. I explore the potential of Narrative Therapy as a counselling intervention for assisting Indigenous Australians reduce the harm associated with substance misuse. 6. Bone points from the Adelaide River, Northern Territory Sally Brockwell (University of Canberra) and Kim Akerman (Moonah) Large earth mounds located next to the vast floodplains of the lower Adelaide River, one of the major tropical rivers draining the flat coastal plains of northern Australia, contain cultural material, including bone points. The floodplains of the north underwent dynamic environmental change from extensive mangrove swamps in the mid-Holocene, through a transition phase of variable estuarine and freshwater mosaic environments, to the freshwater environment that exists today. This geomorphological framework provides a background for the interpretation of the archaeology, which spans some 4000 years. 7. A different look: Comparative rock-art recording from the Torres Strait using computer enhancement techniques Liam M Brady (Monash University) In 1888 and 1898, Cambridge University?s Alfred C Haddon made the first recording of rock-art from the Torres Strait islands using photography and sketches. Systematic recording of these same paintings and sites was carried out from 2000 to 2004 by archaeologists and Indigenous Torres Strait Islander and Aboriginal communities as part of community-based rock-art recording projects. Computer enhancement techniques were used to identify differences between both sets of recordings, to reveal design elements that Haddon missed in his recordings, and to recover images recorded by Haddon that are today no longer visible to the naked eye. Using this data, preliminary observations into the antiquity of Torres Strait rock-art are noted along with recommendations for future Torres Strait region rock-art research and baseline monitoring projects. 8. Sources of bias in the Murray Black Collection: Implications for palaeopathological analysis Sarah Robertson (National Museum of Australia) The Murray Black collection of Aboriginal skeletal remains has been a mainstay of bio-anthropological research in Australia, but relatively little thought has been given to how and why this collection may differ from archaeologically obtained collections. The context in which remains were located and recovered has created bias within the sample, which was further skewed within the component of the collection sent to the Australian Institute of Anatomy, resulting in limitations for the research potential of the collection. This does not render all research on the collection unviable, but it demonstrates the importance of understanding the context of a skeletal collection when assessing its suitability for addressing specific research questions.maps, b&w photographs, colour photographs, illustrations, graphs, chartswarlpiri, sociology, daisy bates, substance abuse, narrative therapy, rock art, technology and art, murray black collection, pleistocene sites, watarrka plateau

Darkness and a little light: ?Race? and sport in Australia Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) and Daryl Adair (University of Technology Sydney) Despite ?the wonderful and chaotic universe of clashing colors, temperaments and emotions, of brave deeds against odds seemingly insuperable?, sport is mixed with ?mean and shameful acts of pure skullduggery?, villainy, cowardice, depravity, rapaciousness and malice. Thus wrote celebrated American novelist Paul Gallico on the eve of the Second World War (Gallico 1938 [1988]:9-10). An acute enough observation about society in general, his farewell to sports writing also captures the ?clashing colors? in Australian sport. In this ?land of the fair go?, we look at the malice of racism in the arenas where, as custom might have it, one would least want or expect to find it. The history of the connection between sport, race and society - the long past, the recent past and the social present - is commonly dark and ugly but some light and decency are just becoming visible. Coming to terms: ?Race?, ethnicity, identity and Aboriginality in sport Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) Notions of genetic superiority have led to some of the world?s greatest human calamities. Just as social scientists thought that racial anthropology and biology had ended with the cataclysm of the Second World War, so some influential researchers and sports commentators have rekindled the pre-war debate about the muscular merits of ?races? in a new discipline that Nyborg (1994) calls the ?science of physicology?. The more recent realm of racial ?athletic genes?, especially within socially constructed black athletic communities, may intend no malice but this search for the keys to their success may well revive the old, discredited discourses. This critical commentary shows what can happen when some population geneticists and sports writers ignore history and when medical, biological and sporting doctrines deriving from ?race? are dislocated from any historical, geographic, cultural and social contexts. Understanding discourses about race, racism, ethnicity, otherness, identity and Aboriginality are essential if sense, or nonsense, is to be made of genetic/racial ?explanations? of sporting excellence. Between the two major wars boxing was, disproportionately, a Jewish sport; Kenyans and Ethiopians now ?own? middle- and long-distance running and Jamaicans the shorter events; South Koreans dominate women?s professional golf. This essay explores the various explanations put forward for such ?statistical domination?: genes, biochemistry, biomechanics, history, culture, social dynamics, the search for identity, alienation, need, chance, circumstances, and personal bent or aptitude. Traditional games of a timeless land: Play cultures in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities Ken Edwards (University of Southern Queensland) Sports history in Australia has focused almost entirely on modern, Eurocentric sports and has therefore largely ignored the multitude of unique pre- European games that are, or once were, played. The area of traditional games, especially those of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, is an important aspect of the cultural, social and historical experiences of Indigenous communities. These activities include customs of play that are normally not associated with European notions of competitive sport. Overall, this paper surveys research undertaken into traditional games among Indigenous Australians, as well as proposals for much needed further study in this area. Culture, ?race? and discrimination in the 1868 Aboriginal cricket tour of England David Sampson As a consequence of John Mulvaney?s important historical research, the Aboriginal cricket and performance tour of Britain in 1868 has in recent decades become established as perhaps the most famous of all public events in contact history involving Aborigines, white settlers and the British metropolis. Although recognition of its importance is welcome and significant, public commemorations of the tour have enveloped the tour in mythologies of cricket and nation. Such mythologies have obscured fundamental aspects of the tour that were inescapable racial and colonial realities of the Victorian era. This reappraisal of the tour explores the centrality of racial ideology, racial science and racial power imbalances that enabled, created and shaped the tour. By exploring beyond cricketing mythology, it restores the central importance of the spectacular performances of Aboriginal skills without which the tour would have been impossible. Such a reappraisal seeks to fully recognise the often trivialised non-cricketing expertise of all of the Aboriginal performers in 1868 for their achievement of pioneering their unique culture, skills and technologies to a mass international audience. Football, ?race? and resistance: The Darwin Football League, 1926?29 Matthew Stephen (Northern Territory Archive Service) Darwin was a diverse but deeply divided society in the early twentieth century. The Commonwealth Government introduced the Aboriginals Ordinance 1911 in the Northern Territory, instituting state surveillance, control and a racially segregated hierarchy of whites foremost, then Asians, ?Coloureds? (Aborigines and others of mixed descent) and, lastly, the so-called ?full-blood? Aborigines. Sport was important in scaffolding this stratification. Whites believed that sport was their private domain and strictly controlled non-white participation. Australian Rules football, established in Darwin from 1916, was the first sport in which ?Coloured? sportsmen challenged this domination. Football became a battleground for recognition, rights and identity for all groups. The ?Coloured? community embraced its team, Vesteys, which dominated the Northern Territory Football League (NTFL) in the 1920s. In 1926, amidst growing racial tension, the white-administered NTFL changed its constitution to exclude non-white players. In reaction, ?Coloured? and Chinese footballers formed their own competition - the Darwin Football League (DFL). The saga of that colour bar is an important chapter in Australia?s football history, yet it has faded from Darwin?s social memory and is almost unknown among historians. That picture - Nicky Winmar and the history of an image Matthew Klugman (Victoria University) and Gary Osmond (The University of Queensland) In April 1993 Australian Rules footballer Nicky Winmar responded to on-field racist abuse by lifting his jersey and pointing to his chest. The photographic image of that event is now famous as a response to racial abuse and has come to be seen as starting a movement against racism in football. The racial connotations in the image might seem a foregone conclusion: the power, appeal and dominant meaning of the photograph might appear to be self-evident. But neither the fame of the image nor its racial connotation was automatic. Through interviews with the photographers and analysis of the use of the image in the media, we explore how that picture came to be of such symbolic importance, and how it has remained something to be re-shown and emulated. Rather than analyse the image as a photograph or work of art, we uncover some of its early history and explore the debates that continue to swirl around its purpose and meaning. We also draw attention to the way the careful study of photographs might enhance the study of sport, race and racism. ?She?s not one of us?: Cathy Freeman and the place of Aboriginal people in Australian national culture Toni Bruce (University of Waikato) and Emma Wensing (Independent scholar) The Sydney 2000 Olympic Games generated a national media celebration of Aboriginal 400 metre runner Cathy Freeman. The construction of Freeman as the symbol of national reconciliation was evident in print and on television, the Internet and radio. In contrast to this celebration of Freeman, the letters to the editor sections of 11 major newspapers became sites for competing claims over what constitutes Australian identity and the place of Aboriginal people in national culture. We analyse this under-explored medium of opinion and discuss how the deep feelings evident in these letters, and the often vitriolic responses to them, illustrate some of the enduring racial tensions in Australian society. Sport, physical activity and urban Indigenous young people Alison Nelson (The University of Queensland) This paper challenges some of the commonly held assumptions and ?knowledges? about Indigenous young people and their engagement in physical activity. These include their ?natural? ability, and the use of sport as a panacea for health, education and behavioural issues. Data is presented from qualitative research undertaken with a group of 14 urban Indigenous young people with a view to ?speaking back? to these commentaries. This research draws on Critical Race Theory in order to make visible the taken-for-granted assumptions about Indigenous Australians made by the dominant white, Western culture. Multiple, shifting and complex identities were expressed in the young people?s articulation of the place and meaning of sport and physical activity in their lives. They both engaged in, and resisted, dominant Western discourses regarding representations of Indigenous people in sport. The paper gives voice to these young people in an attempt to disrupt and subvert hegemonic discourses. An unwanted corroboree: The politics of the New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout Heidi Norman (University of Technology Sydney) The annual New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout is so much more than a sporting event. Involving a high level of organisation, it is both a social and cultural coming together of diverse communities for a social and cultural experience considered ?bigger than Christmas?. As if the planning and logistics were not difficult enough, the rotating-venue Knockout has been beset, especially since the late 1980s and 1990s, by layers of opposition and open hostility based on ?race?: from country town newspapers, local town and shire councils, local business houses and, inevitably, the local police. A few towns have welcomed the event, seeing economic advantage and community good will for all. Commonly, the Aboriginal ?influx? of visitors and players - people perceived as ?strangers?, ?outsiders?, ?non-taxpayers? - provoked public fear about crime waves, violence and physical safety, requiring heavy policing. Without exception, these racist expectations were shown to be totally unfounded. Research report: Recent advances in digital audio recorder technology provide considerable advantages in terms of cost and portability for language workers.b&w photographs, colour photographs, tablessport and race, racism, cathy freeman, nicky winmar, rugby league, afl, athletics, cricket, digital audio recorders

John Watson's story shows insight to the families that moved to Beechworth and the motivation behind this. It showcases the nuances of life in the district and the day to day ways of living. This history speaks of land cultivation and the innovation of industry in the region, in particular cattle farming and butchering. Watson's account speaks of the way that the practice of breeding cattle effects the rural lifestyle, and the hardships that come with working on the land. This oral history recording was part of a project conducted by Jennifer Williams in the year 2000 to capture the everyday life and struggles in Beechworth during the twentieth century. This project involved recording seventy oral histories on cassette tapes of local Beechworth residents which were then published in a book titled: Listen to what they say: voices of twentieth century Beechworth. These cassette tapes were digitised in July 2021 with funds made available by the Friends of the Burke.Watson's account is historically significant due to its ability to illustrate the lifestyle and industry of those in Beechworth during the twentieth century. It is a rare insight into the the practices of residents of this time. This oral history also shows deep insight into the social structure of the community. It describes the family and community dynamics over a long period of time, the motivations behind behaviour, and the greater community fabric. This is a digital copy of a recording that was originally captured on a cassette tape. The cassette tape is black with a horizontal white strip and is currently stored in a clear flat plastic rectangular container. It holds up 40 minutes of recordings on each side.John Watson1800s beechworth, 20th century beechworth, beechworth, farming and agriculture, farm, farm work, farmers, farming, cattle, industry, oral history, john watson

Awarded to Alan Bowers (A236814) who was a R.A.A.F. dental mechanic who serverd during WWII including service in Darwin, and then continued in the R.A.A.F. for some years after the end of WWII The Royal Australian Air Force (and all Commonwealth Air Forces) Long Service and Good Conduct Medal: Awarded to NCOs and ORs of the RAAF (RAF, RCAF etc) for 15 years service. A cupro-nickel plated medal, the obverse features the sovereign's head, the reverse features the crown and eagle emblem of the RAAF (and RAF). Officers are eligible for the award provided they have served a minimum 12 years in the ranks. The riband is dark blue and maroon with white edges. This medal ceased to be awarded in Australia in 1975 when it was replaced by the National Medal (and sbsequently the DFSM and DLSM) in the Australian system of honours and awards. http://www.heritagemedals.com.au/medals-1/service-long-service/air-force-long-service-and-good-conduct-medal.html History of the RAAF Dental Branch It took six years following the formation of the RAAF in 1921 for the first Dental Clinic to be established at Point Cook, Victoria. On 10th June 1927 Flying Officer James Carl Rosenbrock commenced work as an RAAF Dental Officer for the FlyingTraining School at Point Cook. As personnel numbers were still relatively small, Rosenbrock was also responsible for the dental care of all Victorian RAAF units, which involved treating members at 1AD Laverton, as well as Air Force Headquarters at Victoria Barracks in Melbourne. As Army Dental Officers were currently caring for RAAF personnel at Richmond, NSW, the Senior Dental Officer of the 3rd Military District in Victoria (SDO 3MD) requested through the military board that a similar arrangement be established, where that the newly appointed RAAF Dentist provide part time dental services to the Army units stationed at Queenscliff. This was seen as an effective reciprocal arrangement, with both units having a Dental Officer in attendance for, in total, around 3-4 weeks a year. Rosenbrock continued to serve as the sole RAAF Dental Officer until the middle of 1933, when the Air Board asked for his service to be terminated following ‘behaviour unbecoming of a RAAF officer'. He had borrowed several sums of money, of around 40 Pounds or so, from junior ranks on base (as well as from the Regimental Sergeant Major) and had failed to pay the money back. He was replaced by a fellow Victorian, FLGOFF Norman Henry Andrews, on the 18th Sep 1933, who went on to become our first Director of Dental Services, and was instrumental in establishing the organisations and conditions of the Branch that are still present today. Through a fair amount of persistence and hard work on the part of Norman Andrews, the RAAF Dental Branch began to expand from 1937, with the introduction of 2 additional positions, at RAAF station Richmond, and at the FlyingTraining School at Point Cook. This gave the RAAF 3 uniformed Dental Officers, which was expanded to 5 in the months leading up to WW2. 4 of these Dental Officers were based in Victoria and 1 at Richmond, with the other two RAAF units being cared for by the Army (as in the case of Pearce in WA) or by civilians (as in Darwin). With the sudden increase in RAAF personnel required at the outbreak of WW2, the number of RAAF Dental Officers increased dramatically, from 5 in 1939, 28 in 1940, 64 in 1941, 147 in 1942, 193 in 1943, 219 in 1944, and peaking at 227 in 1945. RAAF Dental Officers were required to work in a variety of locations, both in and out of Australia. Between 1940 and 1942 a massive construction programme occurred, with new dental clinics being established around Australia. Priority was given to aircrew training units in order to get these personnel dentally fit for operational deployment, but Dental Officers could equally find themselves posted to recruit depots, fixed stations, medical clearance stations, mobile dental sections, and RAAF and civilian hospitals. RAAF Dental Officers were posted to the large dental centres at Ascot Vale (Vic) and Bradfield Park (NSW) when first appointed, where they received military and clinical training, before being deployed to their needed location. Mobile Dental Units When Japan entered the war in 1941, the rapid deployment of troops to northern operational areas with less than ideal dental fitness was extremely high. As a result, the RAAF deployed a range of mobile dental units, either alone or with medical sections, to support the increasing number of isolated deployed personnel within Australia and overseas. There were three types of mobile unit used: a. Mobile Dental Unit – relied on using either a semi-trailer to get around or by building a surgery directly on to the truck chassis, and installing hydraulic chairs, units, x-rays, and laboratory equipment. They were able to move around between small units, such as RAAF radar stations, where they could plug into the local power supply and work immediately. b. Transportable Dental Units – used for stops of longer duration, where field equipment was carried in panniers from one unit to another by road or rail and housed in whatever accommodation was available at the destination. They were often carried within Australia on Tiger Moths and Dakota aircraft. c. Itinerant Dental Units – in some areas, the dental equipment was installed at the RAAF unit and the Dental Officer and their staff would travel from unit to unit, using the equipment available at each location. RAAF Dental BadgeAs the war developed in Europe, it soon became obvious that the RAF Dental support was not capable of supporting the increasing numbers of RAAF aircrew that were being sent for service with the RAF, with only enough Dental Officers available to provide one to every 2000 men ( instead of the preferred 1 to 600). As a result, the RAAF provided a mobile dental unit, fitted out in a caravan and pulled by a Ford V8 Coupe, to travel around England in support of RAAF personnel at various squadrons. Some degree of tact was needed to ensure that the RAF did not take this as a comment on the treatment they were providing, but it proved successful in maintaining a satisfactory state of dental fitness in RAAF personnel, and a second mobile unit was soon dispatched. They were also set up with a laboratory on board as well as the surgery, which was a major difference between the RAF and RAAF, as the RAF did not provide dentures for their troops (the RAAF would, providing they had served for 6 years). In 1943 the RAF was no longer able to provide Dental support to Australian troops in the Middle East, which resulted in the need for a transportable dental unit to be deployed from Australia. It functioned in a similar manner to the RAF, by moving from one squadron to another. It served in the Middle East and Africa, from Cairo across North Africa, to Italy, and eventually back to England to treat returned prisoners of war. GPCAPT Norman Andrews The growth and development of the RAAF Dental Branch owes a debt to one man in particular, GPCAPT Norman Andrews. As the second RAAF Dental Officer to enlist on 18 Sep 1933, Andrews became the principal architect of the structure and organisation of the RAAF Dental Branch leading up to and during WW2. Until early 1940, the RAAF Dental Branch was administered by the Director of Medical Services (Air), which placed it under the control of the Army Medical staff. The Army would provide their Inspector of Dental Services for advice whenever needed. In April 1940, the RAAF Medical service separated from the Army, resulting in the control of the RAAF Dental Branch shifting back to the RAAF. Andrews became the first Director of Dental Services, when the position was created in 1943 as recognition of the higher profile the Dental Branch was now playing in the RAAF Medical service. Until this time, Andrews's title had been as the Dental Staff Officer to the RAAF Medical Service. Andrews was responsible for the establishment of the war-time structure of the Dental service, establishing new dental centres at all major bases, creating mobile and transportable dental units, ensuring the continual growth of the Branch, maintaining professional development of staff through the establishment of a professional journal, and by organising renowned lecturers to speak at RAAF bases. He also believed in visiting as many dental units as possible to see for himself what conditions were like and to talk first-hand to staff in remote units. His itinerary during the war years, both in and out of Australia, shows a large number of trips in a variety of modes of transport in order to reach remote areas where units were serving. He was promoted to GPCAPT in July 1944, as the numbers of Dental Officers soon peaked at 227 towards the end of the war (1 GPCAPT, 9 WGCDRs, 60 SQNLDRs, and 157 FLTLTs). After the war, with the reduction in RAAF personnel required in uniform, the Dental Branch also reduced its numbers significantly. By 1947 there were only 18 Dental Officers serving (many part-time), with 1 GPCAPT, 1 WGCDR, 10 SQNLDRs, and 6 FLTLTs, and only 13 by 1950. With the decrease in Branch personnel numbers, the ‘powers to be' saw fit to reduce the Director of Dental Service rank to WGCDR, and as a result Norman Andrews found that in order to continue serving in the RAAF he would have to wear a reduced rank. This appears to have been a contributing factor in his decision to discharge at the relatively early age of 43 and accept an administrative job as Director of the Victorian Government's School Dental Service. Norman Andrews holds the proud honour of being the founder of the RAAF Dental Branch, which during the war was instrumental in educating servicemen of the importance of dental health and maintaining the dental fitness of troops in a variety of areas. Dental Orderlies (Assistants) The dental orderly mustering was first introduced in 1937. Until that time, medical orderlies were assigned to assist the Dental officer with their duties. As early as 1931 it had been noted by both RAAF and Army Dental Officers working in Victoria and Richmond that a lot of the troubles they were having would be solved by appointing a permanent Dental Orderly. Often they would find that the medical orderly they were assigned was a different one each day, and as a result the administration and work in general was very inefficient. By 1937, with the increase in Dental Officers to 3, it was realised that a Dental Orderly mustering needed to be created. Dental Mechanics/Technicians Before WW2, dental laboratory work was provided by civilian laboratories, as most RAAF units were stationed around metropolitan areas. At this time, service personnel were still required to pay for their own dentures, unless they had served for six years or had their dentures damaged during performance of their duties. In July 1940, mainly in response to the development of more remote RAAF dental units and the increasing demand for dental prostheses, the Dental Mechanic mustering was established. Unfortunately there was a very limited pool of civilian dental mechanics to recruit from, and as a result the RAAF set up a training school at Laverton (which was later moved to Ascot Vale) in June 1941 which conducted an intensive 6 month course in Dental mechanics. Dental mechanics were quickly in demand. In all fixed and mobile dental units at least 1 Mechanic was supplied for each Dental Officer, and indeed the RAAF supplied Dental Mechanics throughout all its deployments, something the RAF were unwilling, or unable, to do. Two grades of dental mechanic existed: the Senior Mechanic (with the rank of NCO), who was competent in all phases of laboratory work; and the Junior Mechanic, who could only handle routine work and not more advanced denture work. The progression to Senior required a further trade test in techniques including setting up, clasp-forming, casting and backing teeth. During the course of the War, two special courses were held for Mechanics. The first, directed at senior mechanics so that they could instruct others, was in 1942 when Acrylic Resin was first introduced as a denture base material, as an alternative to the current option of vulcanite. Later, towards the end of the War, a ‘refresher' course was provided for those that had served for the greatest period of time in order to allow them retraining in techniques that they had not practised during their service and which were common in civilian life. This included cast base dentures, crowns and bridges, partial dentures, and retainers. Towards the end of the War, a course was held with WAAAF trainees to train them as Mechanics. However, as the War was soon to end they never had the opportunity to progress within the mustering to become Senior Mechanics. The RAAF Dental Branch has survived 75 years of turbulence, with reviews of its viability occurring regularly every few years from as early as 1937. The Branch continues to provide excellent service to the ADF community and, despite reduced manpower, will continue to play an important role in Air Force Health operations. http://www.defence.gov.au/health/about/docs/RAAFDental.pdf40cm cupro-nickel plated medal, the obverse features the sovereign's head, the reverse features the crown and eagle emblem of the RAAF (and RAF). A23814 BOWERS.A. A. F.r.a.a.f long service medal, r.a.a.f good conduct, r.a.a.f. dental service medal

This book is an early reader which all Victorian students would have read during the 1930's. The book is made up of poems and stories. The Victorian Readers, one for each of the grades that then comprised the primary school, were first published by the Victorian Education Department between 1927 and 1930. Much of content of these readers was British in origin but there was an attempt to add the works of some Australian authors. This book was owned and used by Roma Cameron. Roma Cameron was the daughter of Harry Purchase Cameron and Lilian Gladys (nee Harding). Roma married Ronald Richard Smith in 1944 and is the mother of Lorraine (Mrs Peter Coulton) and Margaret Smith. Harry's father, James Cameron, came to Bellagoogan on Majors Creek in 1882. Bellagoogan was on Majors Creek near Orbost and was the site of the first race course. Like many others at the time, the Camerons bred race horses.Harry died in 1964 aged 75. Roma was the youngest of three siblings: Jean (Mrs John Gavin (Jack) Ralston) and James (Jim) (m. Joan Hosack). This is historically significant showing what young children were reading during the 1920's and 30's in schools across Victoria. It is vastly different to readers used in schools today. The Victorian Readers provide an insight into the teaching of reading in Victoria and offer an overview of the values and behaviours that were taught and reinforced in schools in the first half of the 20th century.A small grey covered book of 98pp. It is titled "First Book of The Victorian Readers". A picture has been pasted over the original b/w drawing of a young boy reading,on front cover: Roma Cameroneducation reader cameron

This souvenir program from the 1970 World Surfboard Riding Championships at Bells Beach, Australia includes information about the contest, organisers, Bells Beach and competing surf teams from around the world.The 1970 World Titles were the first international surfing event held in Victoria and the first international surfing contest to be held at the world famous Bells Beach. The contest was shrouded in controversy from day one with poor surf, drug busts and other inappropriate behaviour from competitors. Colour cover depicts an aqua/white background with a surfer going left. Text in black and red.bells beach, rolf aurness, 1970 world titles, stan couper

Geoff Davidson arrived at Dunmoochin around 1968 and began living and working as an apprentice to the potter Robert Main, who was working in a studio rented to him by Clifton Pugh on the Dunmoochin property. When Robert left, Geoff moved into the studio and began collaborating with Clifton Pugh on many projects for a period of 25 years whereby Clifton would decorate pots made by Geoff. Geoff produce the ceramic panels for Leda and the Emu. He mixed and identified the glazes for Clifton, then fired the panels once he had finished painting. Three or four murals were produced in this way, one of which was purchased by Don Dunston (ex-Premier of South Australia) as a gift to his dying wife.Dunmoochin derives its cultural and artistic heritage from the collaborative efforts of a group of artists who purchased land in Cottles Bridge in the early 1950’s. These artists (Pugh) pioneered one of the first artistic communes in Australia and created a lasting vision of how a community can gain knowledge and inspiration from living in a close relationship with nature. Pugh had explored the ‘Leda and the Swan’ mythological themes previously during the sixties in etchings and paintings, although he was more interested in referencing the original myth as allusions to other truths. Pugh was drawn to the Greek myth ‘Leda and the Swan’ in which Zeus transforms into a swan to seduce Leda. Pugh Australianised the myth so that Zeus transformed into an Emu rather than a Swan, and makes a gentle satirical comment on the sexual behaviour of the Australian male, whereby he sees a parallel between this and the proud yet awkward movements and naivety of our national bird. This particular theme was prevalent in Pugh's work right through the 60s and 70s. Leda and the Emu is a work by two prominent local artists (Clifton Pugh and Geoff Davidson) with a national and international reputation.Flat red background, black foliage. Leda is naked and sleeping with head resting in hand. Emu is to the left watching Leda. Drawing style is typical of Pugh’s work: linear, flat and gestural.Signed 'II Clifton'