This book was part of a large group of books referred to as the Pattison Collection, which belonged to the Warrnambool Public Library, part of the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute. About RALPH ERIC PATTISON and the ‘PATTISON COLLECTION’ The ‘Pattison Collection’ is a collection of books and records that was originally owned by the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute, founded in Warrnambool in 1853. By 1886 the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute (WMI) had grown to have a Library, Museum and Fine Arts Gallery, with a collection of “… choice productions of art and valuable specimens in almost every branch and many wonderful national curiosities, are now to be seen there, including historic relics of the town and district.” It later included a School of Design. Although it was very well patronised, the WMI was led to ask the City Council to take it over in 1911 due to a lack of financial support. In 1935 Ralph Pattison was appointed as City Librarian to establish and organise the Warrnambool Public Library as it was then called. Ralph Eric Pattison was born in Rockhampton, Queensland, in 1891. He married Maude Swan from Warrnambool in 1920 and they set up a home in Warrnambool. In 1935 when Pattison accepted the position as City Librarian for the Warrnambool City Council his huge challenge was to make a functional library within two rooms of the Mechanics’ Institute. He tirelessly cleaned, cleared and sorted a disarrayed collection of old books, jars of preserved specimens and other items reserved for exhibition in the city’s museum. He developed and updated the library with a wide variety of books for all tastes, including reference books for students; a difficult task to fulfil during the years following the Depression. He converted all of the lower areas of the building into a library, reference room and reading room for members and the public. The books were sorted and stored using a cataloguing and card index system that he had developed himself. He also prepared the upper floor of the building and established the Art Gallery and later the Museum, a place to exhibit the many old relics that had been stored for years for this purpose. One of the treasures he found was a beautiful ancient clock, which he repaired, restored and enjoyed using in his office during the years of his service there. Ralph Pattison was described as “a meticulous gentleman whose punctuality, floorless courtesy and distinctive neat dress were hallmarks of his character, and ‘his’ clock controlled his daily routine and his opening and closing of the library’s large heavy doors to the minute.” Pattison took leave from 1942 to 1945 to serve in the Royal Australian Navy, Volunteer Reserve as Lieutenant. A few years later he converted one of the Museum’s rooms into a Children’s Library, stocking it with suitable books for the younger generation. This was an instant success. In the 1950’s he had the honour of being appointed to the Victorian Library Board and received more inspiration from the monthly conferences in Melbourne. He was sadly retired in 1959 after over 23 years of service, due to the fact that he had gone over the working age of council officers. However, he continued to take a very keen interest in the continual development of the Library until his death in 1969. THE NEW WARRNAMBOOL LIBRARY When the WMI building was pulled down in 1963 a new civic building was erected on the site and the new Warrnambool Library, on behalf of the City Council, took over all the holdings of the WMI. At this time some of the items were separated and identified as the ‘Pattison Collection’, named after Pattison. Eventually, the components of the WMI were distributed from the Warrnambool Library to various places, including the Art Gallery, Historical Society and Flagstaff Hill. Later some were even distributed to other regional branches of Corangamite Regional Library and passed to and fro. It is difficult now to trace just where all of the items have ended up. The books at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village generally display stamps and markings from Pattison as well as a variety of other institutions including the Mechanics’ Institute itself. The Pattison Collection, along with other items at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, was originally part of the Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s collection. The Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute Collection is primarily significant in its totality, rather than for the individual objects it contains. Its contents are highly representative of the development of Mechanics' Institute libraries across Australia, particularly Victoria. A diversity of publications and themes has been amassed, and these provide clues to our understanding of the nature of and changes in the reading habits of Victorians from the 1850s to the middle of the 20th century. The collection also highlights the Warrnambool community’s commitment to the Mechanics’ Institute, reading, literacy and learning in the regions, and proves that access to knowledge was not impeded by distance. These items help to provide a more complete picture of our community’s ideals and aspirations. The Warrnambool Mechanics Institute book collection has historical and social significance for its strong association with the Mechanics Institute movement and the important role it played in the intellectual, cultural and social development of people throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. The collection of books is a rare example of an early lending library and its significance is enhanced by the survival of an original collection of many volumes. The Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s publication collection is of both local and state significance. War Legislation and Case Law Service Author: J D Holmes Publisher: The Law Book Co Pty Ltd Date: 1939-1946 Further Information: Loose Leaf. The Emergency War Legislation of the Commonwealth of Australia, with Rules, Proclamations, etc. there-under, and with case law, articles and notes of a practical nature arising out of such legislation. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, book, pattison collection, warrnambool library, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, ralph eric pattison, corangamite regional library service, warrnambool city librarian, mechanics’ institute library, victorian library board, warrnambool books and records, warrnambool children’s library, war legislation and case law service, j d holmes

Hardcover w/ Dust Jacketlaw, legislation, racial discrimination, cabbage tree island qld, walsh st library

Discusses mining law in Victoria. Gold was first discovered in Victoria in 1851. The Eureka Stockade marked a crucial first step in the creation of equitable and workable mining legislation within the State of Victoria. This book tells the full story of mining law and legislation in Victoria up until the present time (1998). Contents include: British Laws, Eureka, Local Courts, Mining Statute, Chinese Miners, Claims and Companies, Royal Commission of 1891, Twentieth Century Mining patterns, and laws related to mining. "Staking a Claim. Gold and the Development of Victorian Mining Law" written by Ralph W. Birrell. Discusses Victorian mining law from 1851 up to the present day (1998). Published in Australia by Melbourne University Press in 1998. Black hard cover book with title and author's name in gold on spine. Dust jacket has photograph of three miners on front cover in Sepia with golden highlights on bottom half. Top half of dust cover on front in a dusty blue. Back of dust cover is white with image of author in the middle. Title written on black of dust cover. Book includes black and white photographs on 'dedicated images pages'. 228 pp. Has index.mining, laws, chinese, gold

This packaging/box containing a home based health product was in use well before the Federal Department of Health legislation tightened up the permissible advertising for "health" products. The strict Occupation and Health Legislation of the later 1900's would not have allowed the grandiose statements printed on this container. It was only later in the 1900's that stricter laws covering medical or quasi medical products came into Australian legislation.This box is very significant (in the time period of pre 1940's), to a semi isolated region as the Kiewa Valley, especially before the valley had a hospital, pre 1949. The reliance of "health products" such as what is stored in this box, were still in high demand, especially when on the box of this product was printed "Guaranteed under the Food and Drugs Act, June 30, 1906, Serial no. 436", a quasi legitimising statement. Also on the packaging is printed "A remedy Whooping Cough also Asthma, Catarrh, Colds Diptheria, Croup, Coughs Hay Fever, Sore Throat, Influenza, Etc." An additional benefit of this product "Is obnoxious to Moths, Flies, Mosquitos, Ants, Cock Roaches, Hen Lice, and other Troublesome insects." This advertising is dated before a tightening in the "advertising" legislation of post mid 1900's. However it was a good "purchase" for rural communities wanting relief of "rural" pests.home based vaporisers, first aid, home nursing, over-the-counter medicines

Ray Cleary was the executive director of Copelen Street Family Centre, which operated all adoption work for the UCA, and Katharine Lancaster was the agency's principal adoption officer. An article on page 9 of C&N for July 25 1984 discussed recent government legislation regarding adoption procedures and law.The two persons are shown seated looking at a report between them."Ray Cleary & Katharine Lancaster"cleary, ray, lancaster, katharine, copelen street family centre, adoption

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Set of personal papers - regarding the abandonment of cable tramways in Melbourne. Comprises two sets of hand written notes on plain foolscap or quarto paper pinned together. The first set has a note regarding abandonment of the cable tram dated 31/10/1960 and remaining cable tram tracks. The rest has notes on the abandonment and replacement by buses of the MMTB, date of resolutions and implementation for 1 - West Melbourne 2 - Port Melbourne 3 - Rathdowne St 4 - notes on Elgin, Lygon, Lonsdale and Russell Streets Second set has notes regard by-laws, parts of the Act, dated 9/1959 and subordinate legislation.trams, tramways, mmtb, tramways, parliament, order in council, acts of parliament, cable trams, closure, west melbourne, rathdowne st, port melbourne

John Cain (26 April 1931-December 2019), Australian Labor Party politician and 41st Premier of Victoria, holding office from 1982 to 1990. During his time as Premier, changes were enforced to the practices of various institutions in Melbourne which discriminated against women, while other reforms were introduced such as libearlized shop trading hours and liquor laws, equal opportunity initiatives, and occupational health and safety legislation.Statue of John Cain Junior by Peter Corlett.john cain, john cain junior, treasury gardens

Button distributed to and worn by Australian Nursing Federation (ANF) members and staff as part of a 2006 campaign protesting the controversial 'WorkChoices' federal industrial relations laws that were introduced by the Liberal John Howard government in 2005-2007. These laws saw the weakening of unfair dismissal laws, giving employers significantly more powers to strip existing rights and wages away. The laws were repealed following the election of an opposition Labor government in 2007 under Kevin Rudd. The 'Howard Target Nurses' campaign was featured in ANF Victorian Branch newsletters around late 2006. During this period, a number of enterprising bargaining agreements were set to soon expire, leaving nurses vulnerable to have rights stripped away under the new IR legislation. A large campaign began, with rallies across the state of Victoria. The August 2006 Branch newsletter featured images of the Tandberg 'Howard targets nurses' design on placards, shirts and badges worn by nurses at these rallies. The illustration by The Age cartoonist Ron Tandberg made reference to John Howard's involvement in wars in the Middle East throughout the early 2000s, and linked this to the 'war' on unions and worker rights.Circular yellow, red and white badge. Silver metal, plastic-coated, with safety pin fastener adhered to back. Badge printed with a blue and white ANF [Australian Nursing Federation] logo, the black text '[then-Prime Minister John] Howard targets nurses' and a Ron Tandberg cartoon of a nurse with a 'sniper target' overlay.nursing, nurses, protest, campaign, activism, activists, unions, unionism, buttons, badges, pins, campaigning, john howard, ron tandberg, labour history, australian nursing federation, workchoices, workplace relations, industrial relations

Gunpowder is very volatile and can be ignited by the smallest spark. Several horrific accidents resulted in NSW passing legislation to cover the safe storage of gunpowder but initially these laws did not apply to Victoria. this was rectified and the first Melbourne magazine was erected on Batman's Hill in 1845. The Victorian Gunpowder Act (1857) made local councils responsible for the safe storage of gunpowder. The Victorian government made L.909 available for a suitable building in Sandhurst. Built on Camp Hill it was finished in April 1857 and the first keeper, Mr J. F. Kerr was appointed in October 1857. Late in 1857, tenders were called for the building of a keeper's residence at the siteEleven pages typewritten document titled "the Victorian Powder Magazines and the Gunpowder Acts". Author unknown.melbourne, gunpowder acts, victorian legislation, powder magazines

This book is a collection of Victorian Indigenous Elders' life stories and oral histories. The Elders share their stories in an attempt to ensure that both sides of Australia's history are finally heard. These stories tell of cultural resistance on missions, of defying assimilation laws, of forever moving around to save children from the welfare. They document the development of both fringe and urban communities and work in the Aboriginal rights movement. They clarify the ways in which these experiences have affected the individual authors along with the indigenous population in general. Also included in the book is a brief history and analysis of the legislation, policies, attitudes and strategies that have affected the lives of the authors and their families since colonisation. This aspect provides an historical perspective, encouraging a deeper understanding of the Elders' stories. Reconciliation can only eventuate with an understanding gained from hearing and including the voices of Indigenous Australians. Contents: The writing team Indigenous elders: keepers of knowledge; custodians of land and culture Aboriginal lands Missions and reserves Growing up running from the welfare /? Aunty Olive Jackson Respecting our Elders /? Aunty Lola James If your mother didn't tell you, then your grandmother did! /? Uncles Les Stewart Don't dwell on trouble /? Aunty Audrey Critch There are my people /? Aunty Gwen Nelson We were all cousins, more or less /? Aunty Iris Lovett-Gardiner Aboriginality is about culture, not colour /? Aunty Dianne Phillips Take up the opportunities we struggled to make /? Aunty Frances Gallagher Home /? Aunty Eileen Alberts We were supposed to forget our Aboriginality /? Aunty Gwen Garoni Not enough heart to say sorry? /? Uncle Brian Kennewell-Taylor Learning from indigenous elders: Keeping the traditions, keeping the culture strong; Since time immemorial; Invasion: the tide ran red; The flood of legislation; Stolen children; Cultural resistance: holding on to children traditions and land; Organised resistance: a movement is born; The 1950s: community resistance to race laws; The price of assimilation; The Aboriginal rights movement; After the flood: self-determination; Turning the tide Bibliography Appendix. Cultural custodianship: developing an indigenous methodology.maps, colour illustrations, b&w photographswiradjuri, victorian indigenous elders, oral histories, yorta yorta, dja dja wurrung, language maps, victorian missions and reserves, lake condah, framlingham, coranderrk, ramahyuck, lake tyers, wahgunyah, cummeragunja, moonahcullah, balranald, ebenezer, maloga, acheron

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Marong was first incorporated as a road district on 27 August 1861, and became a shire on 23 December 1864. On 1 October 1915, the Borough of Raywood, which was gazetted on 17 January 1865 on 23.31 square kilometres of land 28 kilometres north of Bendigo was united with Marong. On 1 October 1990, the Shire of Marong became a rural city, under the Local Government Act 1989. In a report on 17 February 1994, the Local Government Board recommended that the five councils in the Bendigo region merge to form a "super city", with a population of about 81,000. Marong, Eaglehawk and Huntly had earlier objected to the proposal, and the Board noted a weak no vote against the merger proposal in a referendum in the region; about 70% had voted against, but with a turnout of between 30% and 40% of eligible voters. The three councils filed a writ in the Supreme Court, alleging failure to follow process by the Minister for Local Government, Roger Hallam, but by the time the new "super city" was announced, the writ had not yet been heard, and on 24 March 1994, the Rural City of Marong successfully applied for an injunction blocking the publication of the gazette the following day abolishing the five councils and appointing three commissioners. The government responded by introducing legislation, the City of Greater Bendigo Bill 1994, to Parliament, to effectively override the Supreme Court action, with Hallam saying "the bill would make clear that the Government is determined to achieve its objective for a more efficient municipal structure for the Bendigo region." Marong mayor Robert Hynes described the action as "terribly disappointing", adding, "One way or another, I believe it does mean an end to our fight... it seems the Government are above the law to me." On 6 April 1994, Marong voted to drop the Supreme Court action, effectively in doing so voting itself out of existence, and on 7 April 1994, the Rural City of Marong was abolished, and along with the City of Bendigo, the Borough of Eaglehawk and the Shires of Huntly and Strathfieldsaye, was merged into the newly created City of Greater Bendigo. On 29 April 1994, the Minister confirmed the Bill was not being proceeded with. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rural_City_of_MarongEight page newspaper style council newsletter providing community updates, news and information. shire of marong, city of greater bendigo amalgamation, councillor phillip eddy, rural city of marong

The Wodonga Historical Society Haeusler Collection provides invaluable insight into life in late nineteenth and early twentieth century north east Victoria. The collection comprises manuscripts, personal artefacts used by the Haeusler family on their farm in Wodonga, and a set of glass negatives which offer a unique visual snapshot of the domestic and social lives of the Haeusler family and local Wodonga community. The Haeusler family migrated from Prussia (Germany) to South Australia in the 1840s and 1850s, before purchasing 100 acres of Crown Land made available under the Victorian Lands Act 1862 (also known as ‘Duffy’s Land Act’) in 1866 in what is now Wodonga West. The Haeusler family were one of several German families to migrate from South Australia to Wodonga in the 1860s. This tobacco tin is one of the many objects in the Haeusler Collection that provides insight into life in early to mid-twentieth century Wodonga, and Australia more broadly. Smoking in the first half of the twentieth century was incredibly common in Australia and other western countries. In 1945, more than three out of every four men and one in every four women were regular smokers. While rates of smoking decreased over the next two decades due to observations and research regarding the links between smoking and illness, an increase in tobacco use was documented after the advent of television as people were bombarded with advertisements for cigarettes. These advertisements, much like the image on the Haeusler Collection 'Miranda's Dream Cigarettes' Tobacco Tin, depicted smoking as sophisticated and glamorous, distracting consumers from the serious health risks associated with smoking. Orientalist depictions of Middle East were common in tobacco advertising in the West in the first half of the twentieth century, an attempt to associate cigarettes with the supposed sensuality and mystery of the Orient. There have been significant changes in both legislation and popular perceptions of smoking in Australian society since the manufacture and consumption of 'Miranda's Dream Cigarettes'. In 1992 the Tobacco Advertising Prohibition Act was introduced, making it illegal in Australia to publish or broadcast messages that encourage people to start or continue smoking. In 2011 the Australian government also introduced plain packaging laws to reduce the appeal and promotion of tobacco products, and make health warnings more effective. This item has well documented provenance and a known owner. It forms part of a significant and representative historical collection which reflects the local history of Wodonga. It contributes to our understanding of domestic and family life in early twentieth century Wodonga, as well as providing interpretative capacity for themes including local history and social history. A tobacco tin with a coloured illustration of a woman in stylish 1920s-1930s dress sitting in an armchair smoking a cigarette, while watching an Orientalist scene featuring a belly dancer and a snake charmer wearing a turban. Branding on the lid of tin: "Miranda's Dream Cigarettes"cigarettes, tobacco, smoking, cigarette tin, haeusler, haeusler collection, wodonga

Phenyle has been used for decades as a cleaner and disinfectant. It is well know for its use for cleaning outdoor toilets and easily identified by its strong odour. The brown glass bottle is immediately recognised as containing a poison. We've all seen them in a hundred different mystery movie scenes. The medicine cabinet opens and there, sitting on a shelf, is the incriminating object -- the ominous dark bottle with the skull and crossbones on the label. In off-screen reality, however, poison bottles have quite a different identity -- they are distinctive, varied, colorful -- and definitely collectible. Obviously, the one thing that sets the poison bottle apart from all other bottles is the need for prominent and immediate identification as a receptacle for toxic material, and this was achieved in a number of ways, including shape, color, embossing and labeling. Poisons were commonly found in the home for the purpose of controlling rodents and other pests, and were sold by grocers and druggists. For consumer protection, as far back as 1829, New York State made mandatory the marking of the bottles with the word "poison" in large letters. Then, in the middle of the 19th century, the American Pharmaceutical Association recommended legislation regarding identification of all poison bottles. In 1872 the American Medical Association also made recommendations -- namely that poison bottles be made of colored glass, and also have a rough surface on one side -- making them identifiable even in the dark -- and the word "poison" visible on the other (the skull and crossbones wasn't quite as ubiquitous as those movies led us to believe). However, passing these laws was not easy, and the manufacturers were essentially left to do as they wished. For collectors, the high point of poison bottle manufacturing was the period ranging roughly from the 1870s to the 1930s. At that time some, of the bottles were distinguished by particularly bright colors, such as cobalt blue (the most common) and emerald green. Others, particularly rare and collectible, had unusual -- and appropriate -- shapes, including skulls, leg bones and coffins. In order to better identify these lethal vessels by feel (not forgetting that there were many people in this period who could not read) when groping for them in the dark, they had such elaborate tactile patterns as quilted diamonds, lattices, hobnails and prominent vertical or horizontal ribbing, as well as spiky knobs and ridges. In addition, many had sharp points on top for the same precautionary purpose. Further efforts to distinguish poison bottles from others included uncommon multisided and triangular shapes, and unusual, hard-to-open tops, the predecessors of the modern child-proof openings. https://www.southcoasttoday.com/story/lifestyle/2001/08/19/poison-bottles-steeped-in-history/50352280007/The recognition and awareness of bottles containing poisonpous substances is extremely important for safety reasons.Bottle, brown glass, diamond shaped. "Bright Star" phenyle. Paper label attached, but peeling off and badly damaged. Corked with contents. Text moulded into glass, some with a border of stars. Poisonous contents, not to be taken. Registered Number 2140. Volume is 20 fluid ounces. Printed label "Bright Star". Text is moulded in the glass in raised lettering: "PHENYLE" outlined and decorated with star border. "POISONOUS", "NOT TO BE TAKEN" "V / DM / A" within oval, "REGD NO. 2140" (D and O are smaller and underlined) . Base is marked "F190".flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, bright star, phenyl, cleaning and disinfecting chemical, poison, bottles

The following information is taken from the PROV (Public Records Office of Victoria) website - "In Victoria regulation of the engagement and discharge of seamen was initially subject to New South Wales legislation. An Act to amend and consolidate the Laws relating to Seamen in the Merchant Service of the Colony of New South Wales, and for keeping a Register of Seamen belonging to Ships registered in the said Colony (13 Vic., No.28) of 1849 introduced requirements for ships masters to enter into written agreements with seamen engaged by them as crew, specifying wages and provisions, the capacity in which they would serve and the nature of the voyage. It also required masters to issue to seamen certificates of discharge upon their discharge or upon payment of their wages. The 1849 Act applied only to ships registered in the Colony. In 1854 the Imperial Merchant Shipping Act was passed, which had application to all British ships except those registered in the Colony. Consolidation of the separate laws occured with the passing of the Seamen Statute 1865 (28 Vic.,No.245) which adopted Part III of the Merchant Shipping Act 1854 (17 & 18 Vic, C 104) (see Parliamentary Debates, Session 1, 22 February 1865). The Imperial Act, like the New South Wales Act before it, required the master or owner of every British ship, over a certain tonnage, to enter a written agreement for the engagement and discharge of seamen. The Articles of Agreement (VPRS 566) were to be made at the start of a particular voyage, although running agreements were able to be made for a defined period in which short and frequent voyages would be made. At the end of the voyage the discharge and release of the crew was recorded. The date, place and reason for leaving the ship, and the balance of wages paid upon discharge, were recorded in the articles of agreement. Under the Merchant Shipping Act 1854 each seaman discharged was also to be issued with a certificate of discharge (this series) giving particulars of the ship, period of service and the seamans capacity, ability and conduct. No seaman could be engaged to work on a ship unless he delivered to the person engaging him a discharge from his last ship or a permit to sign articles. In the articles of agreement and in the Release Books (VPRS 945) the crew were required to sign their release of the ship, master or owner from any claims to wages or otherwise in respect of the voyage. In the release books the master also signed a release of the crew from all claims. It appears that in Victoria licensed shipping agents were initially able to facilitate the engagement and discharge of seamen. From 1 April 1859, however, the function was to be performed entirely in the Government Shipping Office (Government Gazette, 29 March 1859). In 1869, the names of Shipping Offices were changed to Mercantile Marine Offices and Shipping Masters to Superintendents of Mercantile Marine Offices. The role of the Shipping Office/Mercantile Marine Office was to facilitate and oversee the engagement and discharge of seamen and apprentices to the sea service. The facilities provided were subject to fees payable by ships masters. The Offices were located within the Department of Trade and Customs (VA 606) until 1901 and then within the Chief Secretarys Department (VA 475) to 1922. Responsibility for attesting master and seamen engagements and discharges transferred to the Commonwealth under Parts II and III of the Commonwealth Navigation Act 1912, which became effective on 1 March 1922 when the Navigation (Master and Seamen) Regulations were passed. Seamens Discharge Certificates 1882 to 1922 This series comprises counterfoils (or stubs) of Certificates of Discharge issued to seamen upon their discharge or upon payment of their wages between 1882 and 1922. The Certificates were signed by the Master of the ship and authorised by the Mercantile Marine Office. The counterfoils record details about the ships, the birthplaces and ages of the seamen, the dates of engagement and discharge, and the capacity, conduct and ability of the seamen." This particular set of Certificates of Discharge belonged to a seaman called John F. Brown. Little is known about him but information taken from the cerificates tell us that John F. Brown was born in Greenock, Scotland in about 1868 and that his rank was "Able Bodied Seaman". All of his cerificates describe his conduct and ability as "V. G. (Very Good). During the period from April 1895 to August 1908, he worked on about twenty two different ships - sailing on several Liverpool to New York voyages in 1895 and 1896. In September 1896 he began working on Australian coastal steamers - travelling up and down the coast of Australia (between the ports of Melbourne, Sydney, Newcastle, Adelaide and Brisbane) until August 1908. There is an eleven year gap in his records and his final certificate was issued in September 1919. Some of the ships he worked on include the "Arno", "Melbourne", "Burrumbeet", "Kalgoorlie", "New Guinea", "Buninyong", "Pilbarra", "Oakworth", "Cintra", "Lady Musgrave", "Dawn", "Moorabool", "Colac", "Ramazon", 'Brisbane", "City of Lincoln", "Peregrine" "Mareeba" and "Wear".Theses certificates are significant examples of the legal paperwork generated by the British and Australian governments in the day to day regulation of working seamen in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. They are also significant as they document the career of a working seaman at that time.This is a set of twenty three "Certificates of Discharge" issued to seaman John F. Brown primarily between the years 1895 and 1908 (although the last one is dated 1919). They have been issued by the Shipping Masters at U.K. Mercantile Marine Office (abroad), the Port of Melbourne Victoria, the Port of Sydney N.S.W., the Port of Newcastle N.S.W. and the Port of Brisbane. They are all of a similar size and layout with slight differences in their crests (depending on the port of issue) and the fonts used over the preceding years. They give a good overview into the career of John F. Brown as they list his place and date of birth, his voyages (places of engagement and discharge and the dates of the voyages), the ships he served on (with their tonnage, horsepower, official number and place of registry) plus his ranking, conduct and ability. All certificates are signed by the Master and authenticated by the Shipping Officer. Eight of the certificates have a purple circular stamp on the back with "S. F. 19 SEPT 1908 GLASGOW""CERTIFICATE OF DISCHARGE" "FOR SEAMEN DISCHARGED BEFORE THE SUPERINTENDENT OF A MERCANTILE / MARINE OFFICE IN THE UNITED KINGDOM, A BRITISH CONSUL, OR A SHIPPING/OFFICER IN BRITISH POSSESSION ABROAD" Headings filled out include - "Name of Ship", "Official number", "Reg. Tonnage", "Horse power of Engine (if any)", "Description of Voyage or Employment", "Name of Seaman", "Age", "Place of Birth", "No. of R.N.R. Commission or Certificate", "Capacity. If mate or Engineer. No of certificate (if any)", "Date of Engagement", "Place of Engagement", Date of Discharge", "Place of Discharge", "I certify that the above particulars are correct and that the abovenamed Seaman was discharged accordingly* and that the character described herein is a true copy of the report concerning the said seaman." "Dated this .... day of ... " , "Authenticated by ...." "Character for Conduct" , "Character for Ability".flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, certificate of discharge for j.f.brown, certificate of discharge, certificate, discharge, discharge for j.f.brown, john f. brown, arno, s.s. melbourne, s.s. burrumbeet, s.s. kalgooli, s.s. new guinea, s.s. buninyong, s.s. pilbarra, s.s. oakworth, s.s. lady musgrave, s.s. dawn, s.s. moorabool, s.s. colac, s.s. city of lincoln, s.s. mareeba, s.s. wear, s.s. ramazon, s.s. peregrine

Notice of Ordinary Meeting of the Council of the City of Sunshine to be held on 2nd November 1977 Report of the Town Clerk's Department Report of the Town Clerk Purchase of Goods Preference to Local Manufacturer Loan Authority Railway Land Corner Devonshire Road and Alexandra Avenue Closure of Warrs Road to Through Traffic Appointment of Auditor Regionalisation of Refuge Disposal Proposed Legislation Land Acquisition Agreement Proposed Open Space Lot 23 Disraeli Street Approved of General Valuation Proposed Purchase of Sunshine Tip Approval of Overdraft Sanitary and Interest Abandonments for 1976/1977 Community Arts Officers' Discussion Day Outreach 77 Refund of Payments to Rosamond Bowling Club & Maribyrnong RSL Report of the Co-Ordinator of Welfare Services Emergency Relief Report of the Chief Health Inspector Application for Install of Gas Fired Dry Septic Tank Units Prosecution Proceedings Sunshine Magistrate Court Report of Weights & Measures Inspector Prosecution Proceedings Sunshine Magistrates Court Registration of Premises Petrol Station Complaint Municipal Refuse Composting Symposium 9th November 1977 Melbourne & Metropolitan Board of Works Pollution Report of the By-Laws Officer Fire Hazard Removal Tenders Season Snake Eradication Authorisations for Council Officers Report of the City Engineer Land Use Permit Application Flats 52B Forrest Street Land Use Permit Application Flats Lot 1 Monash Street North West Corner Cornwall Road Land Use Permit Application Stan Cash Sale and Distribution of Floor Coverings, Building's Hardware and Electrical Domestic Appliances and Furniture Corner Halstead Street and Ashley Street Land Use Permit Sky Sign Somerville Road Land Use Permit Application Subdivision and Detached Houses Albanvale Estate Land Use Permit Application Car Sales Yard Lots 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 & 13 Rosamond Road Land Use Permit Application Office and Warehouse Complex Fairbairn Road and Land Use Permit Application Subdivision Fairbairn Road Land Use Permit Application Addition to Existing Shopping Plaza Lot 4 St. Albans Road Adjacent to Existing Shopping Plaza Lot 3 Princess Street Land Use Permit Application Subdivision and Detached Houses Furlong Road Land Use Permit Application Addition of Sun Blind 323 Main Road West Land Use Permit Application Stan Cash Furniture and Carpet Sales and Buildings Hardware Corner Halstead Street and Ashley Street Land Use Permit Application Sky Sign Lot 1 Duke Street Land Use Permit Application Extension to Existing Office and Amenities Block Serving Fuel Oil Depot Lot 1 Duke Street Car Parking Hampstead Road near Mitchell Street Damage to Kerb & Channel and Road Payment Andrew Street Financial Assistance Restoration Works Easter Flooding Treasury of Victoria Joint Works Robinsons Road Reconstruction and Maintenance Country Roads Board Funded Project Outdoor Employees Christmas Holidays Break-up 1977 Sixteenth Municipal Superintendents' of Works Conference Statcon Signal Program Intersection of Ashley Street, Sunshine Road & Dempster Street Royal Victorian Institute of the Blind Work Experience Programs Bon Thomas Reserve Development National Safety Council of Australia Senior Management Local Government Authority National Safety Council of Australia Accident Control Course Royal Australian Insitiute Parks and Recreation Vicitorian Division Seminar Turf Wickets Half Cost Footpath and Kerb and Channel Neale Road Half Cost Footpath and Kerb and Channel Northumberland Road Neale Road Construction Tenders Car Parking Willey Street and Rufford Street Part Olny Private Street Scheme (Drainage) Steer Street Group Objection Variations to Contract Fourth Aveneue Furlong Road Estate Stages 1 & 2 Report of the Building Surveyor Uniform Building Regulations Draft Amendment Fency Lot 343 Anley Place Alteration to Grandstand Skinner Reserve Churchill Avenue Braybrook Dempster Park Cricket Pavilion Ainsworth Reserve Child Care Centre / Pavilion Glengala Road Sunshine West Deer Park Pre-School Centre Cash in Lieu Flats Lot 472 Hendry Street Sunshine West Orders of the Day Accounts Submitted for Payment 15th October 1977 & 16th October 1977 Confirmation of Loan with State Insurance city of sunshine, alexander "alex" george gillon, devonshire road, sunshine, warrs road, maribyrnong, disraeli street, st. albans, alexandra avenue, rosamond bowling club, rosamond road, maribyrnong rsl, raleigh road, forrest street, albion, monash street, cornwall road, stan cash, halstead street, ashley street, maidstone, somerville road, brooklyn, albanvale, fairbairn road, sunshine west, st. albans road, princess street, furlong road, duke street, sunshine north, mitchell street, hampstead road, andrew street, sunshine road, dempster street, tottenham, bon thomas reserve, quinn street, deer park, neale road, northumberland road, willey street, rufford street, fourth aveneue, skinner reserve, churchill avenue, braybrook, ainsworth reserve child care centre, deer park pre-school centre, hendry street, sunshine tip

Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of Council held on 2nd November 1977 Report of the Town Clerk's Department Report of the Town Clerk Purchase of Goods Preference to Local Manufacturer Loan Authority Railway Land Corner Devonshire Road and Alexandra Avenue Closure of Warrs Road to Through Traffic Appointment of Auditor Regionalisation of Refuge Disposal Proposed Legislation Land Acquisition Agreement Proposed Open Space Lot 23 Disraeli Street Approved of General Valuation Proposed Purchase of Sunshine Tip Approval of Overdraft Sanitary and Interest Abandonments for 1976/1977 Community Arts Officers' Discussion Day Outreach 77 Refund of Payments to Rosamond Bowling Club & Maribyrnong RSL Report of the Co-Ordinator of Welfare Services Emergency Relief Report of the Chief Health Inspector Application for Install of Gas Fired Dry Septic Tank Units Prosecution Proceedings Sunshine Magistrate Court Report of Weights & Measures Inspector Prosecution Proceedings Sunshine Magistrates Court Registration of Premises Petrol Station Complaint Municipal Refuse Composting Symposium 9th November 1977 Melbourne & Metropolitan Board of Works Pollution Report of the By-Laws Officer Fire Hazard Removal Tenders Season Snake Eradication Authorisations for Council Officers Report of the City Engineer Land Use Permit Application Flats 52B Forrest Street Land Use Permit Application Flats Lot 1 Monash Street North West Corner Cornwall Road Land Use Permit Application Stan Cash Sale and Distribution of Floor Coverings, Building's Hardware and Electrical Domestic Appliances and Furniture Corner Halstead Street and Ashley Street Land Use Permit Sky Sign Somerville Road Land Use Permit Application Subdivision and Detached Houses Albanvale Estate Land Use Permit Application Car Sales Yard Lots 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 & 13 Rosamond Road Land Use Permit Application Office and Warehouse Complex Fairbairn Road and Land Use Permit Application Subdivision Fairbairn Road Land Use Permit Application Addition to Existing Shopping Plaza Lot 4 St. Albans Road Adjacent to Existing Shopping Plaza Lot 3 Princess Street Land Use Permit Application Subdivision and Detached Houses Furlong Road Land Use Permit Application Addition of Sun Blind 323 Main Road West Land Use Permit Application Stan Cash Furniture and Carpet Sales and Buildings Hardware Corner Halstead Street and Ashley Street Land Use Permit Application Sky Sign Lot 1 Duke Street Land Use Permit Application Extension to Existing Office and Amenities Block Serving Fuel Oil Depot Lot 1 Duke Street Car Parking Hampstead Road near Mitchell Street Damage to Kerb & Channel and Road Payment Andrew Street Financial Assistance Restoration Works Easter Flooding Treasury of Victoria Joint Works Robinsons Road Reconstruction and Maintenance Country Roads Board Funded Project Outdoor Employees Christmas Holidays Break-up 1977 Sixteenth Municipal Superintendents' of Works Conference Statcon Signal Program Intersection of Ashley Street, Sunshine Road & Dempster Street Royal Victorian Institute of the Blind Work Experience Programs Bon Thomas Reserve Development National Safety Council of Australia Senior Management Local Government Authority National Safety Council of Australia Accident Control Course Royal Australian Insitiute Parks and Recreation Vicitorian Division Seminar Turf Wickets Half Cost Footpath and Kerb and Channel Neale Road Half Cost Footpath and Kerb and Channel Northumberland Road Neale Road Construction Tenders Car Parking Willey Street and Rufford Street Part Olny Private Street Scheme (Drainage) Steer Street Group Objection Variations to Contract Fourth Aveneue Furlong Road Estate Stages 1 & 2 Report of the Building Surveyor Uniform Building Regulations Draft Amendment Fency Lot 343 Anley Place Alteration to Grandstand Skinner Reserve Churchill Avenue Braybrook Dempster Park Cricket Pavilion Ainsworth Reserve Child Care Centre / Pavilion Glengala Road Sunshine West Deer Park Pre-School Centre Cash in Lieu Flats Lot 472 Hendry Street Sunshine West Orders of the Day Accounts Submitted for Payment 15th October 1977 & 16th October 1977 Confirmation of Loan with State Insurance Extraordinary Business Financial Assistance for Persons Affected by the Recent S.E.C. Strike city of sunshine, alexander "alex" george gillon, devonshire road, alexandra avenue, sunshine, warrs road, maribyrnong, disraeli street, st. albans, maribyrnong rsl, rosamond road, raleigh road, forrest street, albion, monash street, cornwall road, stan cash, sunshine tip, halstead street, ashley street, maidstone, somerville road, brooklyn, albanvale, fairbairn road, sunshine west, st. albans road, princess street, main road west, duke street, sunshine north, hampstead road, mitchell street, andrew street, sunshine road, dempster street, tottenham, bon thomas reserve, quinn street, deer park, neale road, northumberland road, willey street, rufford street, fourth aveneue, anley place, skinner reserve, churchill avenue, braybrook, dempster park, phoenix street, ainsworth reserve child care centre, deer park pre-school centre, hendry street

Notice of Ordinary Meeting of the Council 10th September 1979 Report of the Town Clerk's Department Report of the Town Clerk Supplementary Valuations Loan Borrowings Meals on Wheels Quarterly Report Land Transfer to Council Surrey Street Voter's Roll Review Land Purchase by the Council and Transfer Western Avenue Report of the Co-Ordinator of Welfare Services Emergency Relief Income Security Deer Park West Kindergarten Bon Thomas Reserve Deer Park Elderly Citizens' Club National Youth Workers Conference Report of the Chief Health Surveyor Infant Welfare Protean (Holdings) Ltd S.C.I. Meat & Paper Pty Ltd Somerville Road Tottenham Adulterated Foods Institute of Trading Standards Annual National Conference 1st to 3rd November 1979 Thomas Borthwick & Sons (Australasia) Ltd Section 95 Health Act Storm Water Treatment Facilities Sanitary Contract Health Act Registrations for 1979 Prosecution Proceedings Sunshine Magistrates Court Report of the Medical Officer of Health Report of the Superintendent of Traffic & By-Laws Dog Act Removal of Fire Hazards 1979/80 Report of the Municipal Recreation Officer Extensions to the Pavilion at Kinder Smith Reserve by the Sunshine Y.C.W. Football Club Ground Allocations for the Summer Seasons 1979/80 Ground Allocations Schools for the Summer Seasons 1979/80 Report of the City Engineer & Planner Public Works and Planning Compensation Bill (Gobbo Legislation) Model Cluster Code 1979 Planning Permit Application Extension to Existing Warehouse Lots 6 & 7 Tottenham Parade Tottenham Planning Permit Application Flats Corner of Forrest Street and Kororoit Street Albion Rezoning of Land North East Corner Lawrence Street and 174 - 178 Forrest Street Ardeer Planning Permit Application Extension of Existing Pavilion (Place of Assembly) Kinder Smith Reserve Lily Street Braybrook Planning Permit Application Light Industry (Food Preparation) 70 Warwick Road Sunshine North Planning Permit Flats 7 & 8 Metherall Street Planning Permit Timber yard and Hardware Sales Railway Lot 78 Sunshine Road Sunshine Planning Permit Application Factory 12 Williamson Road Maribyrnong Planning Permit Application Six Factories Lot 1 Berkshire Road Sunshine North Planning Permit Application Factory Extension 176 McIntyre Road Sunshine North Planning Permit Application Nonilluminated Business Sigh McIntyre Road Sunshine North Planning Permit Application Subdivision Neale Road Deer Park Planning Permit Application Railway Sidings Wright Street North Side Opposite Market Road Intersection Sunshine Planning Permit Application Elderly Citizens' Club and Activities Centre Randall Street Maribyrnong Planning Permit Application Petrol Filling Station South East Corner Geelong Road and Francis Street Brooklyn Planning Permit Application Garage Lot 5 Korowa Street Sunshine West Planning Permit Application Sunroom Addition to Existing Apartment House & Caretaker's Residence 16 Ridley Street Albion Planning Permit Extensions to the Existing Office and Truck Sales and Service Centre Lot 2 Geelong Road North East Corner McDonald Road Brooklyn Planning Permit Application Internally Illuminated Sign 54A Station Place Sunshine Consolidated of Title Lot 31 Dunbar Street Sunshine Plan of Subdivision Lots 2005 & 2006 Neale Road and Oakwood Road Deer Park Sydney Street Albion Reconstruction Hulett Street Private Street Scheme Residential Building Vacant Lots in City of Sunshine - M.M.B.W. Report Toilet Blocks Various Reserves Larisa Reserve, McKechnie Reserve, Chaplin Reserve & Cranwell Park Bon Thomas Pre-School Centre Variation Diamond Reserve Pre-School Centre & Diamond Reserve Infant Welfare Centre Variation Orama Street Child Care Centre Variation Highpoint West Welfare Complex Variation Proposed Pavilion Various Reserves Tallintyre Reserve, Robert Bruce Reserve, Errington Reserve, Ralph Street Reserve, Robert Barrett Reserve, McKechnie Reserve, Larisa Reserve & Bon Thomas Reserve Robert Barrett Reserve Sewerage Facilities Report of the Building Surveyor Building Over Easement 40 - 42 Berkshire Road Sunshine North Siting of Building 24 Tulloch Street Deer Park Siting of Building 46 Joan Street Sunshine West Siting of Building Lot 980 Entally Drive Albanvale Siting of Building 18 Murray Street Sunshine West Building on Flood Prone Land Lot 14 The Esplanade Maribyrnong Supreme Court Writ 28 - 30 Ridley Street Albion Orders of the Day Accounts Submitted for Payment as at 31st August 1979surrey street, sunshine north, western avenue, sunshine, deer park west kindergarten, bon thomas reserve, quinn street, deer park, deer park elderly citizens' club, station road, sassella park, protean, s.c.i. meat & paper pty ltd, somerville road, tottenham, kinder smith reserve, lily street, braybrook, sunshine y.c.w. football club, tottenham parade, forrest street, ardeer, lawrence street, warwick road, metherall street, sunshine road, williamson road, maribyrnong, berkshire road, mcintyre road, neale road, wright street, market road, maribyrnong elderly citizens' club, randall street, geelong road, francis street, brooklyn, korowa street, sunshine west, ridley street, albion, mcdonald road, station place, dunbar street, oakwood road, sydney street, hulett street, larisa reserve, larisa road, st. albans, mckechnie reserve, mckechnie street, chaplin reserve, anderson road, cranwell park, cranwell street, diamond reserve pre-school centre, diamond reserve infant welfare centre, diamond avenue, albanvale, orama street child care centre, orama street, highpoint west welfare complex, rosamond road, tallintyre reserve, kermeen street, robert bruce reserve, errington reserve, main road east, ralph street reserve, ralph street, robert barrett reserve, tulloch street, joan street, entally drive, murray street, the esplanade

Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of Council held on 11th September 1979 Report of the Town Clerk's Department Report of the Town Clerk Supplementary Valuations Loan Borrowings Meals on Wheels Quarterly Report Land Transfer to Council Surrey Street Voter's Roll Review Land Purchase by the Council and Transfer Western Avenue Report of the Co-Ordinator of Welfare Services Emergency Relief Income Security Deer Park West Kindergarten Bon Thomas Reserve Deer Park Elderly Citizens' Club National Youth Workers Conference Report of the Chief Health Surveyor Infant Welfare Protean (Holdings) Ltd S.C.I. Meat & Paper Pty Ltd Somerville Road Tottenham Adulterated Foods Institute of Trading Standards Annual National Conference 1st to 3rd November 1979 Thomas Borthwick & Sons (Australasia) Ltd Section 95 Health Act Storm Water Treatment Facilities Sanitary Contract Health Act Registrations for 1979 Prosecution Proceedings Sunshine Magistrates Court Report of the Medical Officer of Health Report of the Superintendent of Traffic & By-Laws Dog Act Removal of Fire Hazards 1979/80 Report of the Municipal Recreation Officer Extensions to the Pavilion at Kinder Smith Reserve by the Sunshine Y.C.W. Football Club Ground Allocations for the Summer Seasons 1979/80 Ground Allocations Schools for the Summer Seasons 1979/80 Report of the City Engineer & Planner Public Works and Planning Compensation Bill (Gobbo Legislation) Model Cluster Code 1979 Planning Permit Application Extension to Existing Warehouse Lots 6 & 7 Tottenham Parade Tottenham Planning Permit Application Flats Corner of Forrest Street and Kororoit Street Albion Rezoning of Land North East Corner Lawrence Street and 174 - 178 Forrest Street Ardeer Planning Permit Application Extension of Existing Pavilion (Place of Assembly) Kinder Smith Reserve Lily Street Braybrook Planning Permit Application Light Industry (Food Preparation) 70 Warwick Road Sunshine North Planning Permit Flats 7 & 8 Metherall Street Planning Permit Timber yard and Hardware Sales Railway Lot 78 Sunshine Road Sunshine Planning Permit Application Factory 12 Williamson Road Maribyrnong Planning Permit Application Six Factories Lot 1 Berkshire Road Sunshine North Planning Permit Application Factory Extension 176 McIntyre Road Sunshine North Planning Permit Application Nonilluminated Business Sigh McIntyre Road Sunshine North Planning Permit Application Subdivision Neale Road Deer Park Planning Permit Application Railway Sidings Wright Street North Side Opposite Market Road Intersection Sunshine Planning Permit Application Elderly Citizens' Club and Activities Centre Randall Street Maribyrnong Planning Permit Application Petrol Filling Station South East Corner Geelong Road and Francis Street Brooklyn Planning Permit Application Garage Lot 5 Korowa Street Sunshine West Planning Permit Application Sunroom Addition to Existing Apartment House & Caretaker's Residence 16 Ridley Street Albion Planning Permit Extensions to the Existing Office and Truck Sales and Service Centre Lot 2 Geelong Road North East Corner McDonald Road Brooklyn Planning Permit Application Internally Illuminated Sign 54A Station Place Sunshine Consolidated of Title Lot 31 Dunbar Street Sunshine Plan of Subdivision Lots 2005 & 2006 Neale Road and Oakwood Road Deer Park Sydney Street Albion Reconstruction Hulett Street Private Street Scheme Residential Building Vacant Lots in City of Sunshine - M.M.B.W. Report Toilet Blocks Various Reserves Larisa Reserve, McKechnie Reserve, Chaplin Reserve & Cranwell Park Bon Thomas Pre-School Centre Variation Diamond Reserve Pre-School Centre & Diamond Reserve Infant Welfare Centre Variation Orama Street Child Care Centre Variation Highpoint West Welfare Complex Variation Proposed Pavilion Various Reserves Tallintyre Reserve, Robert Bruce Reserve, Errington Reserve, Ralph Street Reserve, Robert Barrett Reserve, McKechnie Reserve, Larisa Reserve & Bon Thomas Reserve Robert Barrett Reserve Sewerage Facilities Report of the Building Surveyor Building Over Easement 40 - 42 Berkshire Road Sunshine North Siting of Building 24 Tulloch Street Deer Park Siting of Building 46 Joan Street Sunshine West Siting of Building Lot 980 Entally Drive Albanvale Siting of Building 18 Murray Street Sunshine West Building on Flood Prone Land Lot 14 The Esplanade Maribyrnong Supreme Court Writ 28 - 30 Ridley Street Albion Orders of the Day Accounts Submitted for Payment as a t 31st August 1979surrey street, sunshine north, western avenue, sunshine, deer park west kindergarten, bon thomas reserve, quinn street, deer park, deer park elderly citizens' club, station road, protean, s.c.i. meat & paper pty ltd, somerville road, tottenham, thomas borthwick & sons, francis street, brooklyn, kinder smith reserve, sunshine y.c.w. football club, lily street, braybrook, tottenham parade, forrest street, kororoit street, albion, lawrence street, ardeer, warwick road, sunshine road, williamson road, maribyrnong, berkshire road, mcintyre road, neale road, wright street, market road, maribyrnong elderly citizens' club, randall street, geelong road, korowa street, sunshine west, ridley street, mcdonald road, station place, dunbar street, oakwood road, sydney street, hulett street, larisa reserve, larisa road, st. albans, mckechnie reserve, mckechnie street, chaplin reserve, anderson road, cranwell park, cranwell street, bon thomas pre-school centre, diamond reserve pre-school centre, diamond reserve infant welfare centre, diamond avenue, albanvale, orama street child care centre, orama street, highpoint west welfare complex, tallintyre reserve, kermeen street, robert bruce reserve, errington reserve, main road east, ralph street reserve, ralph street, robert barrett reserve, tulloch street, joan street, entally drive, murray street, the esplanade