This book was part of a large group of books referred to as the Pattison Collection, which belonged to the Warrnambool Public Library, part of the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute. About RALPH ERIC PATTISON and the ‘PATTISON COLLECTION’ The ‘Pattison Collection’ is a collection of books and records that was originally owned by the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute, founded in Warrnambool in 1853. By 1886 the Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute (WMI) had grown to have a Library, Museum and Fine Arts Gallery, with a collection of “… choice productions of art and valuable specimens in almost every branch and many wonderful national curiosities, are now to be seen there, including historic relics of the town and district.” It later included a School of Design. Although it was very well patronised, the WMI was led to ask the City Council to take it over in 1911 due to a lack of financial support. In 1935 Ralph Pattison was appointed as City Librarian to establish and organise the Warrnambool Public Library as it was then called. Ralph Eric Pattison was born in Rockhampton, Queensland, in 1891. He married Maude Swan from Warrnambool in 1920 and they set up a home in Warrnambool. In 1935 when Pattison accepted the position as City Librarian for the Warrnambool City Council his huge challenge was to make a functional library within two rooms of the Mechanics’ Institute. He tirelessly cleaned, cleared and sorted a disarrayed collection of old books, jars of preserved specimens and other items reserved for exhibition in the city’s museum. He developed and updated the library with a wide variety of books for all tastes, including reference books for students; a difficult task to fulfil during the years following the Depression. He converted all of the lower areas of the building into a library, reference room and reading room for members and the public. The books were sorted and stored using a cataloguing and card index system that he had developed himself. He also prepared the upper floor of the building and established the Art Gallery and later the Museum, a place to exhibit the many old relics that had been stored for years for this purpose. One of the treasures he found was a beautiful ancient clock, which he repaired, restored and enjoyed using in his office during the years of his service there. Ralph Pattison was described as “a meticulous gentleman whose punctuality, floorless courtesy and distinctive neat dress were hallmarks of his character, and ‘his’ clock controlled his daily routine and his opening and closing of the library’s large heavy doors to the minute.” Pattison took leave from 1942 to 1945 to serve in the Royal Australian Navy, Volunteer Reserve as Lieutenant. A few years later he converted one of the Museum’s rooms into a Children’s Library, stocking it with suitable books for the younger generation. This was an instant success. In the 1950’s he had the honour of being appointed to the Victorian Library Board and received more inspiration from the monthly conferences in Melbourne. He was sadly retired in 1959 after over 23 years of service, due to the fact that he had gone over the working age of council officers. However, he continued to take a very keen interest in the continual development of the Library until his death in 1969. THE NEW WARRNAMBOOL LIBRARY When the WMI building was pulled down in 1963 a new civic building was erected on the site and the new Warrnambool Library, on behalf of the City Council, took over all the holdings of the WMI. At this time some of the items were separated and identified as the ‘Pattison Collection’, named after Pattison. Eventually, the components of the WMI were distributed from the Warrnambool Library to various places, including the Art Gallery, Historical Society and Flagstaff Hill. Later some were even distributed to other regional branches of Corangamite Regional Library and passed to and fro. It is difficult now to trace just where all of the items have ended up. The books at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village generally display stamps and markings from Pattison as well as a variety of other institutions including the Mechanics’ Institute itself. The Pattison Collection, along with other items at Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village, was originally part of the Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s collection. The Warrnambool Mechanics’ Institute Collection is primarily significant in its totality, rather than for the individual objects it contains. Its contents are highly representative of the development of Mechanics' Institute libraries across Australia, particularly Victoria. A diversity of publications and themes has been amassed, and these provide clues to our understanding of the nature of and changes in the reading habits of Victorians from the 1850s to the middle of the 20th century. The collection also highlights the Warrnambool community’s commitment to the Mechanics’ Institute, reading, literacy and learning in the regions, and proves that access to knowledge was not impeded by distance. These items help to provide a more complete picture of our community’s ideals and aspirations. The Warrnambool Mechanics Institute book collection has historical and social significance for its strong association with the Mechanics Institute movement and the important role it played in the intellectual, cultural and social development of people throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. The collection of books is a rare example of an early lending library and its significance is enhanced by the survival of an original collection of many volumes. The Warrnambool Mechanics' Institute’s publication collection is of both local and state significance. War Legislation and Case Law Service Author: J D Holmes Publisher: The Law Book Co Pty Ltd Date: 1939-1946 Further Information: Loose Leaf. The Emergency War Legislation of the Commonwealth of Australia, with Rules, Proclamations, etc. there-under, and with case law, articles and notes of a practical nature arising out of such legislation. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, book, pattison collection, warrnambool library, warrnambool mechanics’ institute, ralph eric pattison, corangamite regional library service, warrnambool city librarian, mechanics’ institute library, victorian library board, warrnambool books and records, warrnambool children’s library, war legislation and case law service, j d holmes

Hardcover w/ Dust Jacketlaw, legislation, racial discrimination, cabbage tree island qld, walsh st library

Discusses mining law in Victoria. Gold was first discovered in Victoria in 1851. The Eureka Stockade marked a crucial first step in the creation of equitable and workable mining legislation within the State of Victoria. This book tells the full story of mining law and legislation in Victoria up until the present time (1998). Contents include: British Laws, Eureka, Local Courts, Mining Statute, Chinese Miners, Claims and Companies, Royal Commission of 1891, Twentieth Century Mining patterns, and laws related to mining. "Staking a Claim. Gold and the Development of Victorian Mining Law" written by Ralph W. Birrell. Discusses Victorian mining law from 1851 up to the present day (1998). Published in Australia by Melbourne University Press in 1998. Black hard cover book with title and author's name in gold on spine. Dust jacket has photograph of three miners on front cover in Sepia with golden highlights on bottom half. Top half of dust cover on front in a dusty blue. Back of dust cover is white with image of author in the middle. Title written on black of dust cover. Book includes black and white photographs on 'dedicated images pages'. 228 pp. Has index.mining, laws, chinese, gold

This packaging/box containing a home based health product was in use well before the Federal Department of Health legislation tightened up the permissible advertising for "health" products. The strict Occupation and Health Legislation of the later 1900's would not have allowed the grandiose statements printed on this container. It was only later in the 1900's that stricter laws covering medical or quasi medical products came into Australian legislation.This box is very significant (in the time period of pre 1940's), to a semi isolated region as the Kiewa Valley, especially before the valley had a hospital, pre 1949. The reliance of "health products" such as what is stored in this box, were still in high demand, especially when on the box of this product was printed "Guaranteed under the Food and Drugs Act, June 30, 1906, Serial no. 436", a quasi legitimising statement. Also on the packaging is printed "A remedy Whooping Cough also Asthma, Catarrh, Colds Diptheria, Croup, Coughs Hay Fever, Sore Throat, Influenza, Etc." An additional benefit of this product "Is obnoxious to Moths, Flies, Mosquitos, Ants, Cock Roaches, Hen Lice, and other Troublesome insects." This advertising is dated before a tightening in the "advertising" legislation of post mid 1900's. However it was a good "purchase" for rural communities wanting relief of "rural" pests.home based vaporisers, first aid, home nursing, over-the-counter medicines

Ray Cleary was the executive director of Copelen Street Family Centre, which operated all adoption work for the UCA, and Katharine Lancaster was the agency's principal adoption officer. An article on page 9 of C&N for July 25 1984 discussed recent government legislation regarding adoption procedures and law.The two persons are shown seated looking at a report between them."Ray Cleary & Katharine Lancaster"cleary, ray, lancaster, katharine, copelen street family centre, adoption

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Set of personal papers - regarding the abandonment of cable tramways in Melbourne. Comprises two sets of hand written notes on plain foolscap or quarto paper pinned together. The first set has a note regarding abandonment of the cable tram dated 31/10/1960 and remaining cable tram tracks. The rest has notes on the abandonment and replacement by buses of the MMTB, date of resolutions and implementation for 1 - West Melbourne 2 - Port Melbourne 3 - Rathdowne St 4 - notes on Elgin, Lygon, Lonsdale and Russell Streets Second set has notes regard by-laws, parts of the Act, dated 9/1959 and subordinate legislation.trams, tramways, mmtb, tramways, parliament, order in council, acts of parliament, cable trams, closure, west melbourne, rathdowne st, port melbourne

John Cain (26 April 1931-December 2019), Australian Labor Party politician and 41st Premier of Victoria, holding office from 1982 to 1990. During his time as Premier, changes were enforced to the practices of various institutions in Melbourne which discriminated against women, while other reforms were introduced such as libearlized shop trading hours and liquor laws, equal opportunity initiatives, and occupational health and safety legislation.Statue of John Cain Junior by Peter Corlett.john cain, john cain junior, treasury gardens

Button distributed to and worn by Australian Nursing Federation (ANF) members and staff as part of a 2006 campaign protesting the controversial 'WorkChoices' federal industrial relations laws that were introduced by the Liberal John Howard government in 2005-2007. These laws saw the weakening of unfair dismissal laws, giving employers significantly more powers to strip existing rights and wages away. The laws were repealed following the election of an opposition Labor government in 2007 under Kevin Rudd. The 'Howard Target Nurses' campaign was featured in ANF Victorian Branch newsletters around late 2006. During this period, a number of enterprising bargaining agreements were set to soon expire, leaving nurses vulnerable to have rights stripped away under the new IR legislation. A large campaign began, with rallies across the state of Victoria. The August 2006 Branch newsletter featured images of the Tandberg 'Howard targets nurses' design on placards, shirts and badges worn by nurses at these rallies. The illustration by The Age cartoonist Ron Tandberg made reference to John Howard's involvement in wars in the Middle East throughout the early 2000s, and linked this to the 'war' on unions and worker rights.Circular yellow, red and white badge. Silver metal, plastic-coated, with safety pin fastener adhered to back. Badge printed with a blue and white ANF [Australian Nursing Federation] logo, the black text '[then-Prime Minister John] Howard targets nurses' and a Ron Tandberg cartoon of a nurse with a 'sniper target' overlay.nursing, nurses, protest, campaign, activism, activists, unions, unionism, buttons, badges, pins, campaigning, john howard, ron tandberg, labour history, australian nursing federation, workchoices, workplace relations, industrial relations

Gunpowder is very volatile and can be ignited by the smallest spark. Several horrific accidents resulted in NSW passing legislation to cover the safe storage of gunpowder but initially these laws did not apply to Victoria. this was rectified and the first Melbourne magazine was erected on Batman's Hill in 1845. The Victorian Gunpowder Act (1857) made local councils responsible for the safe storage of gunpowder. The Victorian government made L.909 available for a suitable building in Sandhurst. Built on Camp Hill it was finished in April 1857 and the first keeper, Mr J. F. Kerr was appointed in October 1857. Late in 1857, tenders were called for the building of a keeper's residence at the siteEleven pages typewritten document titled "the Victorian Powder Magazines and the Gunpowder Acts". Author unknown.melbourne, gunpowder acts, victorian legislation, powder magazines

This book is a collection of Victorian Indigenous Elders' life stories and oral histories. The Elders share their stories in an attempt to ensure that both sides of Australia's history are finally heard. These stories tell of cultural resistance on missions, of defying assimilation laws, of forever moving around to save children from the welfare. They document the development of both fringe and urban communities and work in the Aboriginal rights movement. They clarify the ways in which these experiences have affected the individual authors along with the indigenous population in general. Also included in the book is a brief history and analysis of the legislation, policies, attitudes and strategies that have affected the lives of the authors and their families since colonisation. This aspect provides an historical perspective, encouraging a deeper understanding of the Elders' stories. Reconciliation can only eventuate with an understanding gained from hearing and including the voices of Indigenous Australians. Contents: The writing team Indigenous elders: keepers of knowledge; custodians of land and culture Aboriginal lands Missions and reserves Growing up running from the welfare /? Aunty Olive Jackson Respecting our Elders /? Aunty Lola James If your mother didn't tell you, then your grandmother did! /? Uncles Les Stewart Don't dwell on trouble /? Aunty Audrey Critch There are my people /? Aunty Gwen Nelson We were all cousins, more or less /? Aunty Iris Lovett-Gardiner Aboriginality is about culture, not colour /? Aunty Dianne Phillips Take up the opportunities we struggled to make /? Aunty Frances Gallagher Home /? Aunty Eileen Alberts We were supposed to forget our Aboriginality /? Aunty Gwen Garoni Not enough heart to say sorry? /? Uncle Brian Kennewell-Taylor Learning from indigenous elders: Keeping the traditions, keeping the culture strong; Since time immemorial; Invasion: the tide ran red; The flood of legislation; Stolen children; Cultural resistance: holding on to children traditions and land; Organised resistance: a movement is born; The 1950s: community resistance to race laws; The price of assimilation; The Aboriginal rights movement; After the flood: self-determination; Turning the tide Bibliography Appendix. Cultural custodianship: developing an indigenous methodology.maps, colour illustrations, b&w photographswiradjuri, victorian indigenous elders, oral histories, yorta yorta, dja dja wurrung, language maps, victorian missions and reserves, lake condah, framlingham, coranderrk, ramahyuck, lake tyers, wahgunyah, cummeragunja, moonahcullah, balranald, ebenezer, maloga, acheron

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Marong was first incorporated as a road district on 27 August 1861, and became a shire on 23 December 1864. On 1 October 1915, the Borough of Raywood, which was gazetted on 17 January 1865 on 23.31 square kilometres of land 28 kilometres north of Bendigo was united with Marong. On 1 October 1990, the Shire of Marong became a rural city, under the Local Government Act 1989. In a report on 17 February 1994, the Local Government Board recommended that the five councils in the Bendigo region merge to form a "super city", with a population of about 81,000. Marong, Eaglehawk and Huntly had earlier objected to the proposal, and the Board noted a weak no vote against the merger proposal in a referendum in the region; about 70% had voted against, but with a turnout of between 30% and 40% of eligible voters. The three councils filed a writ in the Supreme Court, alleging failure to follow process by the Minister for Local Government, Roger Hallam, but by the time the new "super city" was announced, the writ had not yet been heard, and on 24 March 1994, the Rural City of Marong successfully applied for an injunction blocking the publication of the gazette the following day abolishing the five councils and appointing three commissioners. The government responded by introducing legislation, the City of Greater Bendigo Bill 1994, to Parliament, to effectively override the Supreme Court action, with Hallam saying "the bill would make clear that the Government is determined to achieve its objective for a more efficient municipal structure for the Bendigo region." Marong mayor Robert Hynes described the action as "terribly disappointing", adding, "One way or another, I believe it does mean an end to our fight... it seems the Government are above the law to me." On 6 April 1994, Marong voted to drop the Supreme Court action, effectively in doing so voting itself out of existence, and on 7 April 1994, the Rural City of Marong was abolished, and along with the City of Bendigo, the Borough of Eaglehawk and the Shires of Huntly and Strathfieldsaye, was merged into the newly created City of Greater Bendigo. On 29 April 1994, the Minister confirmed the Bill was not being proceeded with. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rural_City_of_MarongEight page newspaper style council newsletter providing community updates, news and information. shire of marong, city of greater bendigo amalgamation, councillor phillip eddy, rural city of marong

The Wodonga Historical Society Haeusler Collection provides invaluable insight into life in late nineteenth and early twentieth century north east Victoria. The collection comprises manuscripts, personal artefacts used by the Haeusler family on their farm in Wodonga, and a set of glass negatives which offer a unique visual snapshot of the domestic and social lives of the Haeusler family and local Wodonga community. The Haeusler family migrated from Prussia (Germany) to South Australia in the 1840s and 1850s, before purchasing 100 acres of Crown Land made available under the Victorian Lands Act 1862 (also known as ‘Duffy’s Land Act’) in 1866 in what is now Wodonga West. The Haeusler family were one of several German families to migrate from South Australia to Wodonga in the 1860s. This tobacco tin is one of the many objects in the Haeusler Collection that provides insight into life in early to mid-twentieth century Wodonga, and Australia more broadly. Smoking in the first half of the twentieth century was incredibly common in Australia and other western countries. In 1945, more than three out of every four men and one in every four women were regular smokers. While rates of smoking decreased over the next two decades due to observations and research regarding the links between smoking and illness, an increase in tobacco use was documented after the advent of television as people were bombarded with advertisements for cigarettes. These advertisements, much like the image on the Haeusler Collection 'Miranda's Dream Cigarettes' Tobacco Tin, depicted smoking as sophisticated and glamorous, distracting consumers from the serious health risks associated with smoking. Orientalist depictions of Middle East were common in tobacco advertising in the West in the first half of the twentieth century, an attempt to associate cigarettes with the supposed sensuality and mystery of the Orient. There have been significant changes in both legislation and popular perceptions of smoking in Australian society since the manufacture and consumption of 'Miranda's Dream Cigarettes'. In 1992 the Tobacco Advertising Prohibition Act was introduced, making it illegal in Australia to publish or broadcast messages that encourage people to start or continue smoking. In 2011 the Australian government also introduced plain packaging laws to reduce the appeal and promotion of tobacco products, and make health warnings more effective. This item has well documented provenance and a known owner. It forms part of a significant and representative historical collection which reflects the local history of Wodonga. It contributes to our understanding of domestic and family life in early twentieth century Wodonga, as well as providing interpretative capacity for themes including local history and social history. A tobacco tin with a coloured illustration of a woman in stylish 1920s-1930s dress sitting in an armchair smoking a cigarette, while watching an Orientalist scene featuring a belly dancer and a snake charmer wearing a turban. Branding on the lid of tin: "Miranda's Dream Cigarettes"cigarettes, tobacco, smoking, cigarette tin, haeusler, haeusler collection, wodonga

The handmade earthenware jar was one of a group of artefacts in the McCulloch Collection that were recovered from the shipwreck Loch Ard. The jar could have been from the ship's cargo or personal effects. There are other jars in our collection that were recovered from the Loch Ard. The object is now one of the shipwreck artefacts in Flagstaff Hill’s Mc Culloch Collection, which includes items recovered from the wrecks of the Victoria Tower (wrecked in 1869) and Loch Ard (wrecked in 1878). They were salvaged by a diver in the early 1970s from the southwest coast of Victoria. Advanced marine technology had enabled divers to explore the depths of the ocean and gather its treasures before protective legislation was introduced by the Government. The artefacts were donated to Queensland’s Department of Environment and Heritage Protection (EHP) by a passionate shipwreck lover and their locations were verified by Bruce McCulloch. In 2017 the Department repatriated them to Flagstaff Hill where they joined our vast collection of artefacts from Victoria’s Shipwreck Coast. The Loch Ard: - The three-masted, square-rigged iron ship Loch Ard belonged to the famous Loch Line which sailed many ships from England to Australia. The ship was built in Glasgow in 1873. The Loch Ard made three trips to Australia and one trip to Calcutta before its final voyage. The Loch Ard left England on March 2, 1878, under the command of Captain Gibbs, bound for Melbourne with a crew of 37, plus 17 passengers and a load of cargo. The general cargo included straw hats, umbrellas, perfumes, clay pipes, pianos, clocks, confectionery, linen and candles, as well as a heavier load of railway irons, cement, lead and copper. There were items included that were intended for display in the 1880 Melbourne International Exhibition, including the famous Loch Ard Peacock. On June 1, 1878, Captain Gibbs was expecting to see land but visibility was reduced by fog. As it lifted, the sheer cliffs of Victoria's west coast came much closer than expected. The captain was unable to steer away and the ship struck a reef at the base of Mutton Bird Island, near Port Campbell. The top deck was loosened from the hull, the masts and rigging came down and knocked passengers and crew overboard, and even the lifeboat crashed into the side of the ship and capsized. Of the 54 people on board, only two survived: the apprentice, Tom Pearce and the young woman passenger, Eva Carmichael. The well-packed Minton porcelain peacock also survived, safe inside its crate. Much of the cargo was washed up, smashed and broken, and some was salvaged. Other cargo is still with the wreck at the base of Mutton Bird Island, now protected by Government law. The artefact is an example of cargo or personal items on board a ship in 1878. It provides a reference point for classifying and dating similar items. This artefact is significant for its association with the sailing ship Loch Ard, one of the best-known, and one of the worst, shipwrecks in Victoria’s history. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from Loch Ard is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the Loch Ard. The Loch Ard collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. It is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history. Container, round brown earthenware jar with a wide mouth, thick lip, a wide neck that tapers slightly inwards towards the shoulder, and a body that tapers slightly inward towards the base. The glazed surface is rough. The variegated colours of the clay also has small dark speckles. There are several chips and dents on the jar. The inscription is stamped into the lower edge. Made by Bailey & Co., England. Recovered from the wreck of the Loch Ard.Inscription “Bailey [&] Co / ENGLAND” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, white star line, victorian heritage register, sailing ship loch ard, loch line, loch ard, captain gibbs, eva carmichael, tom pearce, glenample station, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, migrant ship 1878, cargo ship 1878, stoneware jar, domestic container, kitchenware, kitchen storage, bailey & co england, shipwreck artefact, wreck dive, mcculloch collection, bruce mcculloch, 1878, sailing ship, earthenware, stoneware, domestic jar

Phenyle has been used for decades as a cleaner and disinfectant. It is well know for its use for cleaning outdoor toilets and easily identified by its strong odour. The brown glass bottle is immediately recognised as containing a poison. We've all seen them in a hundred different mystery movie scenes. The medicine cabinet opens and there, sitting on a shelf, is the incriminating object -- the ominous dark bottle with the skull and crossbones on the label. In off-screen reality, however, poison bottles have quite a different identity -- they are distinctive, varied, colorful -- and definitely collectible. Obviously, the one thing that sets the poison bottle apart from all other bottles is the need for prominent and immediate identification as a receptacle for toxic material, and this was achieved in a number of ways, including shape, color, embossing and labeling. Poisons were commonly found in the home for the purpose of controlling rodents and other pests, and were sold by grocers and druggists. For consumer protection, as far back as 1829, New York State made mandatory the marking of the bottles with the word "poison" in large letters. Then, in the middle of the 19th century, the American Pharmaceutical Association recommended legislation regarding identification of all poison bottles. In 1872 the American Medical Association also made recommendations -- namely that poison bottles be made of colored glass, and also have a rough surface on one side -- making them identifiable even in the dark -- and the word "poison" visible on the other (the skull and crossbones wasn't quite as ubiquitous as those movies led us to believe). However, passing these laws was not easy, and the manufacturers were essentially left to do as they wished. For collectors, the high point of poison bottle manufacturing was the period ranging roughly from the 1870s to the 1930s. At that time some, of the bottles were distinguished by particularly bright colors, such as cobalt blue (the most common) and emerald green. Others, particularly rare and collectible, had unusual -- and appropriate -- shapes, including skulls, leg bones and coffins. In order to better identify these lethal vessels by feel (not forgetting that there were many people in this period who could not read) when groping for them in the dark, they had such elaborate tactile patterns as quilted diamonds, lattices, hobnails and prominent vertical or horizontal ribbing, as well as spiky knobs and ridges. In addition, many had sharp points on top for the same precautionary purpose. Further efforts to distinguish poison bottles from others included uncommon multisided and triangular shapes, and unusual, hard-to-open tops, the predecessors of the modern child-proof openings. https://www.southcoasttoday.com/story/lifestyle/2001/08/19/poison-bottles-steeped-in-history/50352280007/The recognition and awareness of bottles containing poisonpous substances is extremely important for safety reasons.Bottle, brown glass, diamond shaped. "Bright Star" phenyle. Paper label attached, but peeling off and badly damaged. Corked with contents. Text moulded into glass, some with a border of stars. Poisonous contents, not to be taken. Registered Number 2140. Volume is 20 fluid ounces. Printed label "Bright Star". Text is moulded in the glass in raised lettering: "PHENYLE" outlined and decorated with star border. "POISONOUS", "NOT TO BE TAKEN" "V / DM / A" within oval, "REGD NO. 2140" (D and O are smaller and underlined) . Base is marked "F190".flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, bright star, phenyl, cleaning and disinfecting chemical, poison, bottles

This doll's leg was one of a set of artefacts recovered from the shipwreck of the Loch Ard that were donated together. The doll's leg could have been from the ship's cargo or personal effects. Dolls from this era were often made from fabric, which would have quickly deteriorated in the ocean. Ceramic limbs were joined to the body by tightening the fabric around the grooves on the limbs. There are other doll's limbs in our collection that were recovered from the Loch Ard The object is now one of the shipwreck artefacts in Flagstaff Hill’s Mc Culloch Collection, which includes items recovered from the wrecks of the Victoria Tower (wrecked in 1869) and Loch Ard (wrecked in 1878). They were salvaged by a diver in the early 1970s from the southwest coast of Victoria. Advanced marine technology had enabled divers to explore the depths of the ocean and gather its treasures before protective legislation was introduced by the Government. The artefacts were donated to Queensland’s Department of Environment and Heritage Protection (EHP) by a passionate shipwreck lover and their locations were verified by Bruce McCulloch. In 2017 the Department repatriated them to Flagstaff Hill where they joined our vast collection of artefacts from Victoria’s Shipwreck Coast.The Loch Ard: - The three-masted, square-rigged iron ship Loch Ard belonged to the famous Loch Line which sailed many ships from England to Australia. The ship was built in Glasgow in 1873. The Loch Ard made three trips to Australia and one trip to Calcutta before its final voyage. The Loch Ard: - The Loch Ard left England on March 2, 1878, under the command of Captain Gibbs, bound for Melbourne with a crew of 37, plus 17 passengers and a load of cargo. The general cargo included straw hats, umbrellas, perfumes, clay pipes, pianos, clocks, confectionery, linen and candles, as well as a heavier load of railway irons, cement, lead and copper. There were items included that were intended for display in the 1880 Melbourne International Exhibition, including the famous Loch Ard Peacock. On June 1, 1878, Captain Gibbs was expecting to see land but visibility was reduced by fog. As it lifted, the sheer cliffs of Victoria's west coast came much closer than expected. The captain was unable to steer away and the ship struck a reef at the base of Mutton Bird Island, near Port Campbell. The top deck was loosened from the hull, the masts and rigging came down and knocked passengers and crew overboard, and even the lifeboat crashed into the side of the ship and capsized. Of the 54 people on board, only two survived: the apprentice, Tom Pearce and the young woman passenger, Eva Carmichael. The well-packed Minton porcelain peacock also survived, safe inside its crate. Much of the cargo was washed up, smashed and broken, and some was salvaged. Other cargo is still with the wreck at the base of Mutton Bird Island, now protected by Government law. The artefact is an example of cargo or personal items on board a ship in 1878. It provides a reference point for classifying and dating similar items. This artefact is significant for its association with the sailing ship Loch Ard, one of the best-known, and one of the worst, shipwrecks in Victoria’s history. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from Loch Ard is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the Loch Ard. The Loch Ard collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. It is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history. Doll's leg, cream-coloured ceramic leg with two seams, a flat solid top and a glazed green ankle-length heeled boot. A shallow groove runs around the leg just below the top. An inscription is stamped into the leg below the groove. Recovered from the wreck of the Loch Ard. Inscribed "2"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime village, maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, shipwreck artefact, wreck dive, mcculloch collection, bruce mcculloch, loch ard, 1878, loch line, victorian heritage register, sailing ship, captain gibbs, eva carmichael, tom pearce, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, migrant ship 1878, cargo ship 1878, doll's leg, ceramic doll leg, porcelain doll leg, doll's limb, 1870s doll, 1870's toy, ceramic limb from doll, children's toy, children's recreation, doll's leg with green boot

This gas pipe fitting was one of a group of artefacts in the McCulloch Collection that were recovered from the shipwreck Loch Ard and were donated together. The fitting could have been from the ship's cargo or a ship’s fitting. Lamps from this era were fuelled by gas. There are other gas lamp fittings in our collection that were recovered from the Loch Ard The object is now one of the shipwreck artefacts in Flagstaff Hill’s Mc Culloch Collection, which includes items recovered from the wrecks of the Victoria Tower (wrecked in 1869) and Loch Ard (wrecked in 1878). They were salvaged by a diver in the early 1970s from the southwest coast of Victoria. Advanced marine technology had enabled divers to explore the depths of the ocean and gather its treasures before protective legislation was introduced by the Government. The artefacts were donated to Queensland’s Department of Environment and Heritage Protection (EHP) by a passionate shipwreck lover and their locations were verified by Bruce McCulloch. In 2017 the Department repatriated them to Flagstaff Hill where they joined our vast collection of artefacts from Victoria’s Shipwreck Coast. The Loch Ard: - The three-masted, square-rigged iron ship Loch Ard belonged to the famous Loch Line which sailed many ships from England to Australia. The ship was built in Glasgow in 1873. The Loch Ard made three trips to Australia and one trip to Calcutta before its final voyage. The Loch Ard left England on March 2, 1878, under the command of Captain Gibbs, bound for Melbourne with a crew of 37, plus 17 passengers and a load of cargo. The general cargo included straw hats, umbrellas, perfumes, clay pipes, pianos, clocks, confectionery, linen and candles, as well as a heavier load of railway irons, cement, lead and copper. There were items included that were intended for display in the 1880 Melbourne International Exhibition, including the famous Loch Ard Peacock. On June 1, 1878, Captain Gibbs was expecting to see land but visibility was reduced by fog. As it lifted, the sheer cliffs of Victoria's west coast came much closer than expected. The captain was unable to steer away and the ship struck a reef at the base of Mutton Bird Island, near Port Campbell. The top deck was loosened from the hull, the masts and rigging came down and knocked passengers and crew overboard, and even the lifeboat crashed into the side of the ship and capsized. Of the 54 people on board, only two survived: the apprentice, Tom Pearce and the young woman passenger, Eva Carmichael. The well-packed Minton porcelain peacock also survived, safe inside its crate. Much of the cargo was washed up, smashed and broken, and some was salvaged. Other cargo is still with the wreck at the base of Mutton Bird Island, now protected by Government law. The artefact is an example of cargo or personal items on board a ship in 1878. It provides a reference point for classifying and dating similar items. This artefact is significant for its association with the sailing ship Loch Ard, one of the best-known, and one of the worst, shipwrecks in Victoria’s history. Flagstaff Hill’s collection of artefacts from Loch Ard is significant for being one of the largest collections of artefacts from this shipwreck in Victoria. It is significant for its association with the shipwreck, which is on the Victorian Heritage Register (VHR S417). The collection is significant because of the relationship between the objects, as together they have a high potential to interpret the story of the Loch Ard. The Loch Ard collection is archaeologically significant as the remains of a large international passenger and cargo ship. It is historically significant for representing aspects of Victoria’s shipping history. Brass decorative gas lamp fitting. Two flat arms of different lengths are joined on either side of a fitting that has a fleur-de-lis-like design. The shorter arm has a J-shaped brass pipe fitted to it with a decorative threaded cube joint part way along, and ends with a triangular tap and knob. The longer arm is also J-shaped and ends with a feather design on it. There are remnants of green paint on the cube fittings and the knob. Recovered from the wreck of the Loch Ard.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime village, maritime museum, flagstaff hill maritime museum and village, shipwreck coast, great ocean road, shipwreck artefact, wreck dive, mcculloch collection, bruce mcculloch, loch ard, 1878, loch line, victorian heritage register, sailing ship, captain gibbs, eva carmichael, tom pearce, mutton bird island, loch ard gorge, migrant ship 1878, cargo ship 1878, lamp fitting, gas lamp fitting, ship’s fitting, ship’s lamp, brass lamp fitting, lighting, domestic lighting, ship’s lighting

The following information is taken from the PROV (Public Records Office of Victoria) website - "In Victoria regulation of the engagement and discharge of seamen was initially subject to New South Wales legislation. An Act to amend and consolidate the Laws relating to Seamen in the Merchant Service of the Colony of New South Wales, and for keeping a Register of Seamen belonging to Ships registered in the said Colony (13 Vic., No.28) of 1849 introduced requirements for ships masters to enter into written agreements with seamen engaged by them as crew, specifying wages and provisions, the capacity in which they would serve and the nature of the voyage. It also required masters to issue to seamen certificates of discharge upon their discharge or upon payment of their wages. The 1849 Act applied only to ships registered in the Colony. In 1854 the Imperial Merchant Shipping Act was passed, which had application to all British ships except those registered in the Colony. Consolidation of the separate laws occured with the passing of the Seamen Statute 1865 (28 Vic.,No.245) which adopted Part III of the Merchant Shipping Act 1854 (17 & 18 Vic, C 104) (see Parliamentary Debates, Session 1, 22 February 1865). The Imperial Act, like the New South Wales Act before it, required the master or owner of every British ship, over a certain tonnage, to enter a written agreement for the engagement and discharge of seamen. The Articles of Agreement (VPRS 566) were to be made at the start of a particular voyage, although running agreements were able to be made for a defined period in which short and frequent voyages would be made. At the end of the voyage the discharge and release of the crew was recorded. The date, place and reason for leaving the ship, and the balance of wages paid upon discharge, were recorded in the articles of agreement. Under the Merchant Shipping Act 1854 each seaman discharged was also to be issued with a certificate of discharge (this series) giving particulars of the ship, period of service and the seamans capacity, ability and conduct. No seaman could be engaged to work on a ship unless he delivered to the person engaging him a discharge from his last ship or a permit to sign articles. In the articles of agreement and in the Release Books (VPRS 945) the crew were required to sign their release of the ship, master or owner from any claims to wages or otherwise in respect of the voyage. In the release books the master also signed a release of the crew from all claims. It appears that in Victoria licensed shipping agents were initially able to facilitate the engagement and discharge of seamen. From 1 April 1859, however, the function was to be performed entirely in the Government Shipping Office (Government Gazette, 29 March 1859). In 1869, the names of Shipping Offices were changed to Mercantile Marine Offices and Shipping Masters to Superintendents of Mercantile Marine Offices. The role of the Shipping Office/Mercantile Marine Office was to facilitate and oversee the engagement and discharge of seamen and apprentices to the sea service. The facilities provided were subject to fees payable by ships masters. The Offices were located within the Department of Trade and Customs (VA 606) until 1901 and then within the Chief Secretarys Department (VA 475) to 1922. Responsibility for attesting master and seamen engagements and discharges transferred to the Commonwealth under Parts II and III of the Commonwealth Navigation Act 1912, which became effective on 1 March 1922 when the Navigation (Master and Seamen) Regulations were passed. Seamens Discharge Certificates 1882 to 1922 This series comprises counterfoils (or stubs) of Certificates of Discharge issued to seamen upon their discharge or upon payment of their wages between 1882 and 1922. The Certificates were signed by the Master of the ship and authorised by the Mercantile Marine Office. The counterfoils record details about the ships, the birthplaces and ages of the seamen, the dates of engagement and discharge, and the capacity, conduct and ability of the seamen." This particular set of Certificates of Discharge belonged to a seaman called John F. Brown. Little is known about him but information taken from the cerificates tell us that John F. Brown was born in Greenock, Scotland in about 1868 and that his rank was "Able Bodied Seaman". All of his cerificates describe his conduct and ability as "V. G. (Very Good). During the period from April 1895 to August 1908, he worked on about twenty two different ships - sailing on several Liverpool to New York voyages in 1895 and 1896. In September 1896 he began working on Australian coastal steamers - travelling up and down the coast of Australia (between the ports of Melbourne, Sydney, Newcastle, Adelaide and Brisbane) until August 1908. There is an eleven year gap in his records and his final certificate was issued in September 1919. Some of the ships he worked on include the "Arno", "Melbourne", "Burrumbeet", "Kalgoorlie", "New Guinea", "Buninyong", "Pilbarra", "Oakworth", "Cintra", "Lady Musgrave", "Dawn", "Moorabool", "Colac", "Ramazon", 'Brisbane", "City of Lincoln", "Peregrine" "Mareeba" and "Wear".Theses certificates are significant examples of the legal paperwork generated by the British and Australian governments in the day to day regulation of working seamen in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. They are also significant as they document the career of a working seaman at that time.This is a set of twenty three "Certificates of Discharge" issued to seaman John F. Brown primarily between the years 1895 and 1908 (although the last one is dated 1919). They have been issued by the Shipping Masters at U.K. Mercantile Marine Office (abroad), the Port of Melbourne Victoria, the Port of Sydney N.S.W., the Port of Newcastle N.S.W. and the Port of Brisbane. They are all of a similar size and layout with slight differences in their crests (depending on the port of issue) and the fonts used over the preceding years. They give a good overview into the career of John F. Brown as they list his place and date of birth, his voyages (places of engagement and discharge and the dates of the voyages), the ships he served on (with their tonnage, horsepower, official number and place of registry) plus his ranking, conduct and ability. All certificates are signed by the Master and authenticated by the Shipping Officer. Eight of the certificates have a purple circular stamp on the back with "S. F. 19 SEPT 1908 GLASGOW""CERTIFICATE OF DISCHARGE" "FOR SEAMEN DISCHARGED BEFORE THE SUPERINTENDENT OF A MERCANTILE / MARINE OFFICE IN THE UNITED KINGDOM, A BRITISH CONSUL, OR A SHIPPING/OFFICER IN BRITISH POSSESSION ABROAD" Headings filled out include - "Name of Ship", "Official number", "Reg. Tonnage", "Horse power of Engine (if any)", "Description of Voyage or Employment", "Name of Seaman", "Age", "Place of Birth", "No. of R.N.R. Commission or Certificate", "Capacity. If mate or Engineer. No of certificate (if any)", "Date of Engagement", "Place of Engagement", Date of Discharge", "Place of Discharge", "I certify that the above particulars are correct and that the abovenamed Seaman was discharged accordingly* and that the character described herein is a true copy of the report concerning the said seaman." "Dated this .... day of ... " , "Authenticated by ...." "Character for Conduct" , "Character for Ability".flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, certificate of discharge for j.f.brown, certificate of discharge, certificate, discharge, discharge for j.f.brown, john f. brown, arno, s.s. melbourne, s.s. burrumbeet, s.s. kalgooli, s.s. new guinea, s.s. buninyong, s.s. pilbarra, s.s. oakworth, s.s. lady musgrave, s.s. dawn, s.s. moorabool, s.s. colac, s.s. city of lincoln, s.s. mareeba, s.s. wear, s.s. ramazon, s.s. peregrine

Photographer notations on slide: At the Leather Exhib. at T. Hall Melb 1933 Age Published: Age (Melbourne, Vic.: 1854- ), 1933 THE EXHIBITS. (1933, September 20). The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), p. 16. Retrieved January 25, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article205109730 Published title: THE EXHIBITS. A COMPREHENSIVE RANGE. Curios, Novelties, Working Displays Published Caption: ONE OF THE NOVELTIES – AN OUTSIZE IN SHOES Research by Project Volunteer, Louise McKenzie: Our photo is dated 20 September 1933, and shows a happy, chubby-faced young girl sitting in a very over-sized girl’s shoe. It is labelled – “Shoe, An Out Size, loaned by Messrs Blackman & Rose”. (1) It is an effective way to capture the attention of the readership and alert them to the Melbourne Leather Show 1933. This show was designed to be a drawcard of extraordinary proportion, and there is no doubt that this leather exhibition was a really big deal for Melbourne. It completely took over the Melbourne Town Hall, and was open from 10.30 am until 10.30 pm. It seemed to contain something for everyone – the military, the man about town, the home handyman, the housewife, the child, the sporting types, the domestic workers, the outdoor enthusiasts, the horseracing fans, car enthusiasts, those wishing to show off the latest fashion – both men and women - and those just intrigued by a lot of fascinating and wide ranging exhibits. One of the most comprehensive descriptions of the Exhibition accompanies the photograph, and is worth quoting in full: “PROMINENT among exhibits which first attract attention in the foyer of the Town Hall is a comprehensive display of leather articles used by the defence forces. A conspicuous legend states that leather plays an important part in national defence, being used for saddlery, tool containers, holdalls, range-finding, surveying and signalling equipment, explosives factories, harness accoutrement, bandsmen's equipment and clothing. Three models of horses and several figures of soldiers wearing leather equipment illustrate the lesson, and a great range of leather goods used in military training and work variegate the display. Nearby are Texas cowboy, buckjumping and breaking-in saddles; whips, a walking stick, made of leather and numerous other curios. The general exhibition occupies the whole floor space of the main Town Hall, and is subdivided by partitions running most of the length of the hall. A bewildering variety, of leather goods presses for close and leisured inspection. Here and there operatives in charge of working machinery give practical demonstrations of factory processes in the production of footwear. Polishing materials are well represented. One attractive exhibit includes two bush huts constructed of leather, with wattle bark for roofing. Opossums, rosellas and a kookaburra add touches of bush realism. Adjacent exhibits include bags, fishing boots, leggings, leather covers in all colours. Factory Processes. One exhibitor has installed an automatic cinema apparatus and screen, which projects various factory processes in making a shoe, the operator being shown at work. Elsewhere an interesting exhibit depicts the five stages in the manufacture of sole leather, and the tanning materials employed. "Very handsome effects are achieved in the interior appointments of motor cars, which are attended by figures of smart chauffeurs in leather coats. Motor-trimming leather is said to be more durable and hygienic than fabric materials, and cheaper. The neat finish of the material, its excellent appearance, certainly make a very favourable impression. It takes the hides of three beasts to cover the cushions, squabs and door panels of a full-sized sedan, while to finish the entire interior, including quarter-panels and head linings would take four or even five. Special Exhibits. Amongst the special sections the display arranged by the handicrafts and home industries- committee of the Country Women's Association of Victoria is a notable one. In all there are about 130 entries which are in four classifications, viz., hand-tooled or embossed leathers, suede, hand-made gloves and undecorated leather. The glove section attracted the most numerous entries, a number being the work of members and craft subscribers of the Country Women's Association. In the leathercraft competition, organised by the Country Women's Association, the judges yesterday awarded the first prize for bookbinding (the only prize given in this division) to Miss M. Alston, of South Yarra. There is also a creditable display of exhibits submitted by boys of the orthopaedic section of the Children's Hospital at Frankston. Amongst the novelties on view in other portions of the exhibition were the following: — Leather coats worn by Sir C. Kingsford Smith on his Atlantic flight. Model Wellington boot, Phar Lap's saddle. Melbourne Cup winner's saddle. Longest whip in world, 108 feet long. (33 metres) [See our photo, to left of Girl in Shoe] Diminutive shoes. Pair of shoes 65 years old. Pair of men's working boots 75 years old. Larwood's, Tate’s and Pataudi’s cricket boots. [Three internationally revered cricketers of the day] (2) Picture frame made of leather bought 63 years ago. [See our photo, to right of Girl in Shoe] Leather frame, powder bowl, &c. Saddle used by world's champion buckjumper in U.S.A. Mexican cowboy outfit. Miniature saddle and bridle. A fireman's helmet made of sole leather. (3) Sample of the leather hat worn by porters at the Billingsgate Fish Market, London. (4) From South Australia there have been obtained sets of harness for donkeys, goats and camels, the equipment being displayed to good advantage on stuffed representations of the animals mentioned. Close to the platform is a glass case containing snow shoes and coats which have been used in Antarctic exploration work. Trade Display. Amongst the trade exhibits may be seen in operation a slipper turn shoe sewing machine, with heeling and channelling facilities, and the various stages in the production of ladies' sandals are shown. There is a wide contrast between sole leather of varying degrees of thickness on view in one stall and the choice samples of ladies' footwear in another — footwear, by the way, which could almost be used as ornaments, so dainty in colour and production are they. Again, there are displays of upholstering leathers of such soft texture that they could he readily mistaken for some of the finest cloth. Those who may be particularly interested in the production of chamois leather may gain an insight into the materials and chemicals used in the "working up” of this variety of leather. Supplies of glace kid (5) are tastefully arranged, and there may also be seen bags of all shapes and sizes, including satchels, suit cases and "sporting" cases, and bags for tennis players and golfers. Further variety is given to the exhibition by the display of antique hides, brightly coloured, with punching balls, boxing gloves and batsman's pads. There are crocodile skins and snake skins so cleverly "Worked up" that one could be almost pardoned for betraying an affection for such unpopular creatures.” “ Another wonderful article on this Exhibition, published the same day in one of the opposition daily newspapers, The Argus, is in the weekly article “Women to Women”, entitled “A Great Victorian Industry: Many Uses for Leather”. This weekly column was penned by Vesta, and she writes, with much purpose: “Yesterday afternoon I paid a hurried visit to the Leather Exhibition now being held in the Melbourne Town Hall and I was disappointed to find that the early visitors to the main exhibition were almost all men. Women, I think, should make a point of seeing every exhibition of our great industries, for women are the buyers of household requisites and goods for their own use and their tastes, and opinion influence also, to a large extent, the purchases of men. So, the welfare of industries is more or less in their hands and it becomes a duty for them to inform themselves fully of the extent and the quality of the manufacturing that is done here. The value of the output of the Australian boot and shoe factories alone was in 1930-31, the latest year for which the figures are given, Stg 3,750,000. Fully two thirds of that amount must have been spent by women on boots and shoes for themselves and their children. In a host of other directions, in the purchase of handbags, travelling bags, belts and straps, cushions, furniture coverings, purses, notebooks, spectacle cases, their annual expenditure must be very high. Their interest, therefore, in this industry is practical, and their support of it should be governed by knowledge of comparable values and qualities of the goods they buy. From the point of view of women, however, the exhibition itself is rather disappointing. There is an amazing collection of good stuff on show, but most of it is not displayed in a fashion that attracts attention. I was surprised, for example, at the range and quality of the leathers displayed, the suppleness of the finer qualities, and the varied range of colours and designs. But they are shown in such a fashion that if one set out deliberately to look for them it would be quite easy to miss most of them.” …It was surprising, too, that no one seemed to have taken advantage of the present fashion of wearing coloured gloves, or the cult of glove making, which the Country Women’s Association has fostered so successfully. Outside the collection of chamois leathers I saw no skins which were suitable to glove making. (6) However, it is perhaps a little unfair to be highly critical of the exhibition, inasmuch as it is the first of its kind. The material is there, undoubtedly, for a splendid show of every phase of this enterprising industry, and I am confident that experience will prove to those concerned that it will be worth while next time to devote a great deal of attention of the method of display.” With further research, it transpires that “Vera” is in fact NZ born Stella May Allen (nee Henderson) (1871-1962), a journalist, the first woman in NZ to begin a law course, in 1890-91). She later worked at a law firm while she completed her degree. Study of the law had always been open to women in NZ, but its practice was still barred to them. Her case “…led to amending legislation in 1896 allowing women to practise as barristers or solicitors. However, on gaining her LL.B. in November 1897 she did not apply for admission to the Bar. Instead, she became the Wellington-based correspondent and leader-writer for the Lyttelton Times. Her appointment, the first for a woman, was not welcomed by the all-male Press Gallery, and special permission had to be obtained from a subcommittee of the House before her presence was accepted. In 1900 she married Edwin Allen, a senior leader-writer for the Wellington Evening Post, and they moved to Australia in 1903 when Edwin Allen took up the post of foreign affairs leader-writer and parliamentary man for the Melbourne Argus. As Patricia Keep notes in her excellent entry of Stella Allan in the Australian Dictionary of Biography: “In 1907 The Argus commissioned her to write a series of articles on the first Australian Women's Work Exhibition held in October. They aroused much interest and next year The Argus invited her to join its full-time staff and begin a weekly section on the particular interests of women. She adopted the nom de plume 'Vesta' and called the column 'Women to Women'. Her work was unique in an Australian daily paper at that time. Her pages extended to cover every aspect of women's affairs, children's interests and community welfare, and 'Vesta' became a household word for authoritative information and advice on such matters. An excellent needlewoman and first-rate cook herself, she thoroughly tutored her staff in the work and needs of women in both country and city, as well as providing the usual training for cadet journalists. She conducted interviews and also visited the country to see at first hand the results of bushfires, mouse plagues, droughts and floods. In 1910 she was one of three women foundation members of the Australian Journalists' Association. “…she found time to become deeply involved in community affairs. She was an original committee-member of the Victorian Association of Crèches and of the Free Kindergarten Union of Victoria, and had much to do with the early days of the Victorian Bush Nursing Association, the Baby Health Centres Association and the Queen Victoria Hospital. She was a member of the National Council of Women, first in New Zealand and then in Melbourne, and of the Country Women's Association from its inception. … in 1924 she was appointed substitute delegate for Australia to the fifth assembly of the League of Nations at Geneva and was a delegate to the second Pan Pacific Women's Conference in Hawaii in 1930. A meeting held in the Melbourne Town Hall in 1938 by representatives of all the main Victorian women's organizations paid special tribute to her work and influence. She retired next year to England where she continued to write for the Argus, contributing articles on the experiences of women and children in wartime.” It is little wonder that “Vesta” was unafraid to take to task both the women of Victoria, and those who created the exhibition! One item which appears to have gone unnoticed, or at least unreported, is a framed article in the background of the photo of the chubby girl in the shoe. The display frame is labelled “Leather from the Human Skin, Tanned and Dressed by French artists.” The exhibition was certainly a cabinet of curiosities! A charming article in The Argus is a nice note on which to end. It gives a quick history and overview of the Australian leather industry and its unprecedented, and possibly unexpected, development and success, and states with pride: “Though Victoria is the largest leather producer in the Commonwealth all tanners in the Commonwealth can look back with pride on the long march of progress.” Footnotes: (1) “Blackman and Rose”. Messrs Blackman and Rose were shoe manufacturers, from 1927 located at 200 Noone Street, Clifton Hill. The Melbourne Circle describes their building as a “fine-looking building in the Federation ‘blood and bandage’ style.” It was built around 1912 for Puttifoot and Bloom, boot manufacturers, and today the building is apartments. (2) These cricketers were household names in the day: Tate: Maurice Tate, “English cricketer of the 1920s and 1930s, and leader of England’s Test bowling attack for a long time during this period. The founder of modern seam bowling. “ Larwood: Harold Larwood, “English right-arm fast bowler and the main exponent of the bowling style known as “bodyline”. Used to considerable effect in the 1932-33 Test series in Australia. Pataudi: Iftikhar A K Pataudi, “an Indian prince who in the 1930s played Test cricket for England, and in the 1940s played Test cricket for India (as Captain) – the only test cricketer to have played for both India and England. (3) “sole” leather “… is the thickest and most resistant material existing in the tanning industry … made from vegetable tanned leathers, usually bovine butts, processed in a special way to make them the hardest type of leather in existence.” (4) The hats worn by porters at Billingsgate Fish Market were also known as a “Bobbin” and look quite squat and rather unsophisticated. They were made of wood and tarred leather, with a “flat, hardened top designed to support large rectangular boxes of fish. The upturned brim protected the porter’s head against fish juice draining from the boxes of fish which would be carried on top of the hat. Some hats featured a small drain hole at the rear to allow this collected juice to drain down the back of the carrier. The hats were made using the ‘cuir bouilli’ technique. The leather was immersed in water which was heated until the leather began to shrink. It was then removed and put on a wooden former. The leather was stitched together to make the hat while still wet, and then held in place until dry.” (See article and photo on the London Museum website) (5) Glace kid – described on the Boston Museum of Fine Arts’ Cameo database as “A smooth glossy leather originally prepared from goat or sheepskin. Early glace kid had a shiny surface that was originally prepared by tawing the skin in a mixture of alum, table salt, flour, and egg yolk. Today, glace kid is prepared from many types of vegetable or chrome tanned leathers. The smooth polished surface is obtained mechanically by shaving, glazing, ironing, and/or rolling the dry leather.” (6) In the 1930s, Melbourne’s glovemaking industry was characterised by local manufacturing, with key producers like Simpson’s Gloves Pty Ltd in Richmond and the Stagg Glove Company in Clifton Hill leading the market. These factories produced high-quality leather gloves, handbags, and specialty gear, often employing a clear gendered division of labour and training young, local women. Museum Victoria holds the Simpson’s Gloves Collection, comprising over 1200 items, and the University of Melbourne Archives holds the company’s business records. References: THE EXHIBITS. (1933, September 20). The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), p. 16. Retrieved January 25, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article205109730 EXPORT LEATHER. (1929, September 17). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 17. Retrieved January 19, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4037647 LEATHER EXHIBITION (1933, September 18). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 10. Retrieved January 19, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11693362 (1933, September 23). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 21. Retrieved January 19, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-page522766 WOMEN TO WOMEN (1933, September 20). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 13. Retrieved January 19, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article11694034 Australian Dictionary of Biography, Stella May Allan (1871–1962) https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/allan-stella-may-4998 WOMEN TO WOMEN (1930, January 22). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 13. Retrieved January 19, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article4063888 Museums Victoria, Simpson’s Gloves, 486-496 Victoria Street, North Richmond, VIC, Australia https://collections.museumsvictoria.com.au/articles/2702 The Argus. (1927, October 31). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 20. Retrieved February 7, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3888451 Melbourne Circle: stories from the suburbs: “Boots and all in Clifton Hill” https://melbournecircle.net/2015/11/20/bootmakers-of-clifton-hill/ Wikipedia, Maurice Tate, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maurice_Tate Wikipedia, Harold Larwood, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harold_Larwood Wikipedia, Iftikhar Ali Khan Pataudi, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iftikhar_Ali_Khan_Pataudi Buy Leather Online Italy, Sole leather: https://buyleatheronline.com/en/blog/outsole-and-insole-leather-n7 London Museum, Porters hats, https://www.londonmuseum.org.uk/collections/v/object-731122/hat-porters-hat/ Cameo Database, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Glace Kid, https://cameo.mfa.org/wiki/Glac%C3%A9_kid VICTORIAN LEATHER HAS WON RENOWN (1937, September 22). The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), p. 31 (March of Progress Supplement). Retrieved February 7, 2026, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article1108704 Photographer notations on slide: "At the Leather Exhib. at T. Hall Melb 1933 Age B5".displays, melbourne town hall, leather, children, shoes, 1930-1939, industry, hats, gloves