Although this book revolves around the supply of power(Electricity) from brown coal it does cover the period 1937 onwards when the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme was first mooted. This area was believed to be far away from aerial bombardment should the coastal power stations be attacked by air in World War II(1939 -1945). After the war, post 1945, the demand for a continual power supply, not affected by seasonal coastal flooding was together with a lower cost of hydro electricity power the major incentive for the Victoria Government of the day to proceed (in the 1940s) with The Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme. In 1946 Victorian government sought greater independence from the New South Wales black coal supplies.The significance of this book to the Kiewa Valley and its outlying regions is that it details why the development of an Alpine region was and now still is pocketed with a European flavour both in buildings and in town vegetation(trees and flowers). European (post World War II refugees) where attracted to these alpine areas not only for hard labouring positions but also for their technical skills and some street names offer a distinct European lineage rather than convict or of earlier English settler. The construction phase accommodation continued after completion of the Kiewa Hydro Electricity Scheme to become popular venues for an increasing winter tourism industry. This book has a brown hard cover encapsulated by a cream sleeve with brown and black print. On the front of the sleeve is an embossed circular motif with centre piece S.E.C. emblem and around this the words "50 YEARS OF SERVICE" and below this" STATE ELECTRICITY COMMISSION OF VICTORIA". The book contains 313 double sided pages of black print and black and white photographs.On front of paper sleeve "Brown Power A Jubilee History of the State Electricity Commission of Victoria Cecil Edwards". On the second page, below the Title "Brown Power" there is a pasted, printed presentation certificate, with the S.E.C. emblem and these printed words " Presented by the Chairman and Commissioners to A.G. MILLIST, ESQ. in recognition of long and valued service with the Commission"electricity, victorian power supplies, hydro electricity, brown coal, cecil edwards

The building was the residence of the engineer who was responsible of managing the early electric supply that was installed in Sunbury in 1909. The town's power supply put an end to gas lighting that had been used and homes had the benefit of having electricity connected to their homes. In 1926 the State Electricity Commission took over supplying electrical power to Sunbury. The cottage is now a private home and the power house building has been demolished. The complex occupied land on the corner of Jackson and Shields Street.At the time the electric supply was installed in Sunbury in 1909, few small country towns had electric power connected.A non-digital scanned coloured photograph with a narrow white border of a small double fronted wooden cottage with a corrugated iron roof with trees growing behind the building.electricity, engineer's corrage, jackson street, shields street, power supplies

This is a photograph of the former power house and the engineer's cottage which was on the corner of Jackson and Shields Street. In 1910, the electric power generating station started operating, supplying the town with its own electricity supply until 1926 when the State Electricity Commission took over the distribution of the district's power supply. The powerhouse was demolished but the cottage became a private house.In the early years of the 20th century, small country towns needed their own power supply to provide electric light for the main town centres while others continued to rely on gas lamps, which were hand lit.A coloured photograph of a weatherboard cottage with a corrugated iron roof set in a large allotment surrounded by trees. A garage is behind the house. A fence made from pine logs surrounds the property.power supplies, sunbury powerhouse, shields street, engineer's cottage

Book titled "Melbourne's Tramways in 1974" written by David R. Keenan. Details the operation of the Melbourne Tramway system prior to the introduction of the then new Z class trams, in the final decade of the MMTB, its operations, track, training, management, power supplies, tickets and other operational systems. Includes notes on services, tramcar fleet allocation, depots, fare sections and running times. Has introduction by author looking at Melbourne compared to other tramway systems around the world at the time and acknowledgements. Two copies held. Yields information about Melbourne Tramways in 1974.Forty Eight page book stapled with a fold out track map at rear contained within a glued light card cover. Printed on gloss paper with many black and white photos. Book titled "Melbourne's Tramways in 1974" written by David R. Keenan. Details the operation of the Melbourne Tramway system prior to the introduction of the then new Z class trams, in the final decade of the MMTB, its operations, track, training, management, power supplies, tickets and other operational systems. Includes notes on services, tramcar fleet allocation, depots, fare sections and running times. Has introduction by author looking at Melbourne compared to other tramway systems around the world at the time and acknowledgements. Two copies held. On the front cover in black ink "Ex ARHS Archives". Copy 2 has a price sticker "2.25" in top right hand corner.trams, tramways, melbourne, mmtb, tramways, tramcars

Eleven page research report titled "The Melbourne, Brunswick & Coburg Tramways Trust", giving details of the formation of the trust, the routes it constructed, opening, extensions, proposals, description, power supplies, depot, rolling stock, tramcars, passenger numbers, financial results, tickets, sections and fares, extracts from the rules and regulations, instructions for crews, destination indicators, safe working, trailers and operations. Stapled in top left hand corner.trams, tramways, mbctt, coburg, brunswick, coburg depot, construction, operations

Report or Programme for the Sunday 20th October 1991, PTC Open Day 23 A4 photocopied sheets + A3 folded drawing stapled in the top left hand corner titled "Electrical Engineering in the PTC 1906 - 1991". Describes the history of electric traction systems and engineering in Victoria for both rail and tram operations, overhead wiring systems, lighting and power supplies, with photos of Newport Power Station, Jolimont, Camberwell, Preston tramway substations. The last sheet has a drawing, poor quality of the 1500V DC railway traction system.trams, tramways, ptc, overhead, substation, electrical engineering, electric traction, open days

As part of the push to cut electricity costs and diversify supply, the Victorian Government (circa 1930) implemented the conversion strategy from mainly brown coal supply to hydro - electricity. The Kiewa Hydroelectric Scheme became the largest scheme of its kind in the State Of Victoria and the second largest scheme in Australia. This dam was constructed to supply water to feed four turbines (62 mega watts) at the West Kiewa Power Station. This was at the forefront of sustainable "Green" energy. Costs associated with power supplies is still a major incentive of governments, however environmentally friendly alternatives such as wind and nuclear have also made inroads. The Kiewa valley and its surrounding alpine catchment were looked at(Victorian State Government), from the beginning of the twentieth century as a source of alternate power for an every increasing demand for electricity by growing population and heavy industrial ares within Melbourne City and State regions. Construction of dams, such as Clover Dam provided the large quantity holding areas of water required to turn the turbines at the various power stations to provide the electricity needed. The impact of these controls by moderating water run off from the alpine regions is beneficial in reducing flooding from thawing of snow on the alps. This by-product allows agriculture and grazing to be less vulnerable to seasonal flooding thereby resulting in a more stable annual production level.Reproduction (scanned) of a black and white photo of Clover Dam circa 1940. The paper used is KodakXtraLife II paperThe reverse side of photo " KodakXtraLife II paperdams, pondage, hydro electricity, power stations, clover dam, secv

Set of two typed reports detailing Preston Workshops. .1 - Report - marked draft, dated 24/11/1926 - 4 foolscap pages with marks, corrections, changes outlining the need for a workshop, refers to the Malvern depot, acquisition of the land, design, capacity, description of the various shops. Gives a description of the operation, construction of trams in the future, notes the cable repair shops at Nicholson St, cranes, employee numbers, costs, paint and body shop. Notes the mess room and that an ambulance room will be provided. .2 - Report - 3 quarto pages - undated - but based on the first sentence, c1929 - titled "Tramway Workshops Preston". Gives a description of the workshops, the main groupings, building sizes, cranes, floors, building and maintenance capacities, tracks, admin block, employment, sub-station and power supplies.In top right hand corner of each sheet of .1 "Reference RS 49/1" stamp and handwritten.trams, tramways, preston workshops, malvern depot, nicholson st, workshops, workplace conditions

As part of the push to cut electricity costs and diversify supply, the Victorian Government (circa 1930) implemented the conversion strategy from mainly brown coal supply to hydro - electricity. The Kiewa Hydroelectric Scheme became the largest scheme of its kind in the State Of Victoria and the second largest scheme in Australia. Clover Dam and Power Station were built by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria as part of the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme from the late 1930's to the early 1940's. This dam was constructed to supply water to feed four turbines (62 mega watts) at the West Kiewa Power Station. This was at the forefront of sustainable "Green" energy. Costs associated with power supplies is still a major incentive of governments, however environmentally friendly alternatives such as wind and nuclear have also made inroads. The Kiewa valley and its surrounding alpine catchment were looked at(Victorian State Government), from the beginning of the twentieth century as a source of alternate power for an ever-increasing demand for electricity by growing population and heavy industrial areas within Melbourne City and State regions. Construction of dams, such as Clover Dam provided the large quantity holding areas of water required to turn the turbines at the various power stations to provide the electricity needed. The impact of these controls by moderating water run-off from the alpine regions is beneficial in reducing flooding from thawing of snow on the alps. This by-product allows agriculture and grazing to be less vulnerable to seasonal flooding thereby resulting in a more stable annual production level.Black and white photograph of Clover Dam with Kiewa River in flood. .5mm white boarder on 3 sides of photo.Handwritten on back of photograph in black pen - Kiewa in flood. Clover Dam.clover dam, secv

As part of the push to cut electricity costs and diversify supply, the Victorian Government (circa 1930) implemented the conversion strategy from mainly brown coal supply to hydro - electricity. The Kiewa Hydroelectric Scheme became the largest scheme of its kind in the State Of Victoria and the second largest scheme in Australia. Clover Dam and Power Station were built by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria as part of the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme from the late 1930's to the early 1940's. This dam was constructed to supply water to feed four turbines (62 mega watts) at the West Kiewa Power Station. This was at the forefront of sustainable "Green" energy. Costs associated with power supplies is still a major incentive of governments, however environmentally friendly alternatives such as wind and nuclear have also made inroads. The Kiewa valley and its surrounding alpine catchment were looked at(Victorian State Government), from the beginning of the twentieth century as a source of alternate power for an ever-increasing demand for electricity by growing population and heavy industrial areas within Melbourne City and State regions. Construction of dams, such as Clover Dam provided the large quantity holding areas of water required to turn the turbines at the various power stations to provide the electricity needed. The impact of these controls by moderating water run-off from the alpine regions is beneficial in reducing flooding from thawing of snow on the alps. This by-product allows agriculture and grazing to be less vulnerable to seasonal flooding thereby resulting in a more stable annual production level.Black and white photograph of Clover Dam buildings and Kiewa River. Has a .4cm white border around photograph Printed on bottom left corner of photograph in white - Clover Flatclover dam, secv

As part of the push to cut electricity costs and diversify supply, the Victorian Government (circa 1930) implemented the conversion strategy from mainly brown coal supply to hydro - electricity. The Kiewa Hydroelectric Scheme became the largest scheme of its kind in the State Of Victoria and the second largest scheme in Australia. Clover Dam and Power Station were built by the State Electricity Commission of Victoria as part of the Kiewa Hydro Electric Scheme from the late 1930's to the early 1940's. This dam was constructed to supply water to feed four turbines (62 mega watts) at the West Kiewa Power Station. This was at the forefront of sustainable "Green" energy. Costs associated with power supplies is still a major incentive of governments, however environmentally friendly alternatives such as wind and nuclear have also made inroads. The Kiewa valley and its surrounding alpine catchment were looked at(Victorian State Government), from the beginning of the twentieth century as a source of alternate power for an ever-increasing demand for electricity by growing population and heavy industrial areas within Melbourne City and State regions. Construction of dams, such as Clover Dam provided the large quantity holding areas of water required to turn the turbines at the various power stations to provide the electricity needed. The impact of these controls by moderating water run-off from the alpine regions is beneficial in reducing flooding from thawing of snow on the alps. This by-product allows agriculture and grazing to be less vulnerable to seasonal flooding thereby resulting in a more stable annual production level. Photographs also document early engineering and building techniques used in the construction of dams and power stations during the 1940’s and 1950’s. Note the lack of safety equipment and suitable work attire worn by construction workers on the sites 1. Black and white photograph of Clover Dam under construction. Has a .5cm white border around photo 2. Black and white photograph of Clover Dam under construction showing workmen at work. Has a .5cm white border around photo Written in pencil on back of both photographs - Clover Damclover dam, secv

Set of two letters and a newspaper cutting between Mr. P. J. Pringle of ESCo Ballarat and Mr. D. Murdoch, General Manager of the TB Melbourne regarding the controversy with the SEC regarding the possible takeover by the SEC of the Ballarat and Bendigo power supplies and the trams. 1973.1 - Letter from ESCo to TB dated 19/7/1927 and received by TB 21/7/1927 forwarding some cuttings regarding the matter (see Reg. Item 1973.3 and 1974.). On ESCo letterhead. 1972.2 - Carbon copy of letter from TB to ESCo, on pink paper dated 21/7/1927 regarding the matter. 1972.3 - Newspaper clipping from The Courier, 13/6/1927 titled "Future Electricity Supplies / Yallourn or the Company? / Ballarat and Bendigo Confer" Contains a statement from Mr. P. Pringle and reports on the conference held between Ballarat and Bendigo Councillors in Ballarat on previous Saturday afternoon. On top of the pink sheet written in pencil is the file number "22/1/2" and on the newspaper clipping, 1972.3 "Courier 13/6/27".tram, trams, sec, esco, mmtb, takeover, power supply

Set of two documents issued by M>Tram, about the launch of the D class trams in 2004, with M>Tram and M>Moving Melbourne and Siemens logos. .1. - Two sheet printed in colour on white paper, technical pamphlet titled "Siemens - New trams - Technical Specifications", giving technical details of the D class three section and five section trams, numbers delivery, dimensions, capacity, speed, motors, wheels, floor height, used life and delivery timing. Details the construction of the tram, traction / wheel power supplies, control equipment and features of the tram. .2 - Two sheet Press or media release titled "Minister launches the longest tram in the southern hemisphere", dated 3/3/2004, about the Minister for Transport, Peter Batchelor, launching the new D2 tram. Gives details of the trams, their deployment, and order details. Quotes Bernie Carolan as the M>Tram Managing Director. The bottom of the sheet notes that Receivers and Managers had been appointed to the former National Express Companies.trams, tramways, d class, siemens, m>tram, specification, national express

Samizone flat file, made from manila card with blue printing for file details and a Dymo machine label on the spine (red background with white printing) titled "Ballarat SEC History". On inside of folder is a "Post It" note with handwriting "Robert Ashley Ex Employee" in blue ink. Contained within folder is" 1. "Ballarat, Electricity and the State Electricity Commission" photocopied from an original. Has typed under the heading over white out correction fluid "Notes - Draft notes prepared by Robert W. P. Ashley 1989." The paper gives the history of power supply in Ballarat, including street lighting, ESCo, AC and DC power supplies, the takeover by the SEC, Ballarat A and B power stations, a copy of an advertisement for the SEC in Ballarat. (See btm1701i3.jpg) titled "The Power Behind the Switch" 2. Paper by A. D. Senior, titled "Electricity Supply in Ballarat" - see Reg. Item No. 1700. (see btm1700i.pdf) 3. Photocopied onto foolscap paper of an extract from possibly a large report on power supply in Victoria. Pages 155 to 158. Reports on the history of the power supply system in Ballarat until the takeover of ESCo by the SEC. Further details are referred to another section of the Report on the SEC itself. On page 158 are details of Beaufort Council operated supply and the start of notes on Beechworth. (see btm1701i2.pdf) Images of files added 6-8-15 For an image of the advert itself see btm1701i3.pdfSee notes above.trams, tramways, secv, power supply, esco, beaufort

Set of four newspaper clippings July 1927 from the Ballarat Courier regarding the possible takeover of the Ballarat Electric supply by the SEC. See also Reg. Item 1973 for other background to these clippings. 1974.1 - Courier 14/7/1927 - Reply by Sir John Monash of the SEC to Mr Pringle's (ESCo) speech - regarding price of power supplies, load factors, distance of supply, tariffs, tramway services. 346H x 57W 1974.2 - Courier 13/7/1927 - Large item in the Courier with statements by Sir John Monash and Mr. P. Pringle of ESCo each stating their case and various points regarding the cost of electricity to the various communities. 631H x 305W. 1974.3 - Single sheet of paper reprint from the Ballarat Courier - dated 14/7/1927 - titled "The Electric Supply Problem / Read this Leader from the 'Ballarat Courier' of 14th July 1927". Editorial address various issues of the problem - SEC takeover of the company, Council's power to franchise, dividends going overseas, loss of income to Council. Newspaper was seeking an independent report to Council. 303h x 206W 1974.4 - Courier 19/7/1927 - report of City of Ballaarat Council's 1927 consideration of the SEC's offer to takeover ESCo the previous night. Very detailed report of the discussions. Also a report on the City of Bendigo's decision to accept the SEC's position subject to the trams being kept, report on Electricity to farms and a long letter regarding the issue by W. B. Grose. 631H x 173W. Within the envelope containing this item, is the brown file that contained Reg. Items 1971 to 1977 by the Roneo London company.Dates of the newspaper clippings in pencil -plain or blueelectricity supply, sec, esco, city of ballarat, city of bendigo

The Ferranti Sirius is an electronic second-generation transistor computer and is one of three remaining examples of this machine left in the world. It was an important addition to the computing facilities at Monash University in the early 1960s and provided access for computer programming and research for many early computer professionals, academics and teachers. The Ferranti Sirius computer was built in a period of rapid growth in computing technology. The first stored program computers appeared in the late 1940s and used individual designs with valve technology. By the mid-1950s valve technology was replaced by transistors and the first mass produced commercial computers became available. The Ferranti Sirius was announced in 1959 and offered a “small” academic computer. It was designed and built by the English company Ferranti Ltd and sold through a local office of the company in Melbourne. The Sirius was manufactured at the Ferranti Ltd.’s West Gorton, England factory from 1959 to 1963 and, in all, the company produced probably 22 installations although only 16 were actually recorded as sold; this included one at Ferranti’s Bureau in London and one at Ferranti’s Melbourne Bureau. Only 7 were exported and 4 of these 7 were located in Melbourne, Australia. All four were associated with computing at Monash University – the Sirius in the MMoCH collection was purchased by Monash University in 1962, a smaller Ferranti Sirius was used on the Caulfield campus (prior to amalgamation with Monash University) from 1963, the Ferranti company had its own Ferranti Sirius initially temporarily installed at Clayton campus in 1962 and then placed in their office in Queens Road, Melbourne. A fourth computer was purchased by ICIANZ (now Orica) in 1962 and was transferred to Clayton campus in 1967. Only two of these Melbourne examples have survived; one in the MMoCH collection and one at Museums Victoria. There is an example of the Ferranti Sirius in the Science Museum Group collection in the UK as well. The Ferranti Sirius in the MMoCH collection was the first computer purchased by Monash University and it was shipped to Australia to be installed by November 1962. The University had a similar model computer on loan from Ferranti Ltd during the first part of the year and it was returned to the office of the company in Queens Road, Melbourne once the University’s own machine was installed. The computer was placed on site at Clayton campus, Monash University. The computer operated from 1962 until 1972 when it was officially decommissioned. The Ferranti Sirius was sold to Mr Paul Stewart in late 1974 and removed from Monash University. Mr Stewart later donated the computer back to the University in 1988 and it was transferred to the collection of the Monash Museum of Computing History after 2001. The Ferranti Sirius is an electronic second-generation transistor computer and is one of three remaining examples of this machine left in the world. It was an important addition to the computing facilities at Monash University in the early 1960s and provided access for computer programming and research for many early computer professionals, academics and teachers. The Ferranti Sirius is of scientific (technological) significance as one of the early transistor digital computers that transitioned computing from first-generation valve computers to second generation commercial installations. This example of the Sirius is of historical significance in its role as a part of the Computer Centre, Clayton campus, Monash University which provided computing facilities in Melbourne in the early 1960s when there were few installations available for academic, administrative and commercial users. Staff and students were able to undertake investigative research and learn programming techniques. The Computer Centre encouraged the use of the computer across all disciplines and this provided the base to establish computer science as a subject offering and, later, a new department in the University. This growth in computer education eventually culminated in the establishment of the Faculty of Information Technology, Monash University. The Ferranti Sirius in the collection at Monash Museum of Computing History has a main unit with a CPU and memory combined with input/output equipment and one extra cabinet of memory. The Central Processing Unit is a floor-standing unit which contains the computer circuits, power supplies and has a decimal digit display panel and a normal clock. A moveable control panel is placed in front of the Unit (Currently set on a recreated desk/filing cabinet support in the display). The Sirius base unit uses acoustic delay line memory with 1000 word store. An additional 3000 word memory cabinet is set adjacent to the CPU and can be connected to increase the memory. The computer is supported by a range of input/output devices. There is a Ferranti Paper tape reader, located on desk in front of CPU. Red label on front “Ferranti tape reader. Type TR 5. Serial No. 477”. Adjacent to the CPU is a set of Simplified tape editing equipment in three pieces which includes a (1) Table unit with switches on front face. Metal tag on reverse reads “Creed & Co. Model No. S4060. Serial No. 1457. Original Customers Marking GRP7 V706”. The table has a numbered internal tag “Table Serial No. 198579. (2)Creed teletype set on table unit. Metal tag on reverse “Creed & Co. Model No. 75RPR K4M4. Serial No. 5897 Made in England”. (3)Creed paper tape reader set on table unit. This set of equipment could read paper tape and print it, or copy paper tape while allowing it to be edited, or allow a programmer or data preparation person to type and punch a new program or data. It has no electrical connection to the computer. Paper tapes were usually torn off and carried across to the computer. There is also another table unit with switches on front face and changeable setting switch on front right side which holds a Ferranti Westrex paper tape punch set. Label on reverse “Teletype Code BRPE11” This was the Computer’s only output device. BRPE-11 is a teletype model number.

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The machinery in this photo shows a Tournapull C earth moving machine, one of many during this period Circa 1950 - 1960s when hydro electricity powered turbines were being constructed in both the Victoria and New South Wales Alps. This was Australia's answer to a non polluting supply of electricity for a fast growing city population. It was at this time that air pollution from coal powered furnaces was becoming more and more under attack by health authorities.This item is part of a visual account of the construction of dams and hydro electricity facilities during the early 1950s. It was the beginning of the environmental push not to allow the degrading of Australian Alpine regions. Air pollution of the major cities and the increase in power demands of both industries and population within them required an alternative pollution free alternative electricity supply. These for runners of Hydro electricity generators required both large supplies of machinery and human resources. This construction phase within the region brought not only tradesmen but also unskilled workers to an area which had mainly had farming and mining activities. It was the catalyst for the creation of the smaller towns/villages e.g. Bogong Village, Mount Beauty and Bright.Black and white photograph on Kodak Xtralite II paper.(gloss)paper marking on back Kodak Xtralite II papermining, hydro electricity, victorian alps, construction camps, earth moving machines, secv

This item appears to be a calendar which was in use for a multiple clientele office e.g. post office, commercial office or bank, school or educational administration area, small government office or hospital administration in the Kiewa Valley or its region. The time this item was first used, electrical or battery powered desk and office calendars did not exist for semi isolated rural regions. These type of perpetual calendars not only looked impressive but were not affected by power shortages. This was a time when not all of Victoria was adequately supplied by power. This item is quite relevant to the Kiewa Valley as it demonstrates that the time before the Hydro electricity generators where built (Mount Beauty to Falls Creek), power supplies were not keeping up to the ever increasing demand from city and rural customers. This item was in a period before mass produced automated date and time pieces were available and hand operated date and time pieces were both in a social and commercial sphere a necessity.Wooden box (varnished) with three openings (on the front) detailing ,the day(Monday to Sunday), the date (1st to 31st) and the month (January to December). On the right side of the calendar box are two winding screws (RHS 6 steel) for each opening. These permit the scrolling of the information i.e. day, number and month. This ability results in a desk calendar which is perpetual. On the back there is a steel (screwed on) hanger with a slot for wall screw.perpetual calendar, office calendars, desk calendars, desk furniture

The State Electricity Commission was established in 1920 with the development of the Yallourn Power Station and brown coal was used for 90% of Victoria’s electricity supplies. In the 1990s the Commission was abolished and electricity companies were privatized. In Warrnambool electricity was officially connected to the city in 1924. This plate is one taken from a Warrnambool power station. One power station in Warrnambool today being located in Botanic Road.This plate is of some interest as a reminder of the times when the State Electricity Commission controlled power supplies in Victoria.This is a small rectangular metal plate with four holes at each corner for attachment to a Warrnambool Power Station. S.E.C. of VICT. Generation Branch Warrnambool Power Station Alignment Indicator No. 1 s.e.c. warrnambool, state electricity commission victoria, warrnambool