Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders in the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. VIOSH had its first intake of students in 1979. At that time the Institution was known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1990 it became known as Ballarat University College, then in 1994 as University of Ballarat. It was 2014 that it became Federation University. VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree - on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge. Document is General Information on the Graduate Diploma in Occupational Hazard Management. Sections are from a larger fully detailed document. Outlines the structure of the course, Unit Descriptions, Staff, Student Workloads. Student Enrolment Statistics for 1979 to 1985 show the numbers from each state and overseas, employments areas such as government, industry, manufacturing, health, and associations, plus the total applications and enrolments. Thirteen A4 sheets - typed on both sides.viosh, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, ballarat college of advanced education, graduate diploma in occupational hazard management, pg1, objectives of course, admission requirements, structure of course, unit descriptions, student workloads, assessment methods, k brown, dennis else, r gillis, tom norwood, max brooke, r kemp, j harvey, p kelly, l roberts, m torode, derek viner, eric wigglesworth, g fernandez, b lees, r maud, p swan, j blitvich, g bradley, j castleman, r lang, j lowinger, p reid

An 8 page article with many illustrations by Peter Esdale summarising the history of Burnley College and giving details about the changes in course structure and current state of courses offered. Many illustrations. "Burnley looks to the future" 3 pagee article by GM Moore. Present and future course structure.8-page article by Peter Esdale, and 3-page article by G. M. Moore, from Australian Horticulture, March 1991peter esdale, g.m. moore, australian horticulture, burnley gardens, horticultural course structure

Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders on the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. VIOSH had its first intake of students in 1979. At that time the Institution was known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1990 it became known as Ballarat University College, then in 1994 as University of Ballarat. It was 2014 that it became Federation University. VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree - on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge. Due to recent pronouncements concerning Mining Engineering Education and the possibilities of other institutions wishing to introduce it, Brian Coles and Peter McCarthy submitted a draft outline of a proposal for a PGI Graduate Diploma in Mining Engineering to Derek Woolley.The outline of this was passed on to allow other to consider and comment on. It outlines the rationale, course structure, course content - core and options, student demand and resource implications. ".... view is that this course should be pursued in order that the momentum of mining engineering at Ballarat C.A.E be kept going". PGI - Post Graduate Institute.Four A4 pages - 3 typed, 1 with newspaper articleThe Weekend Australian May 7-8 1983 RMIT advertisementviosh, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, ballarat college of advanced education, derek woolley, director, brian coles, peter mccarthy, pgi, graduate diploma in mining engineering, post graduate institute, mining engineering education, proposal

Taken some time after 1864, these photographs depict the Star Hotel both directly (8674.1) and from the Hotel north west down Ford Street (8674.2). The images depict the building with its modern exterior, having settled for this brick form after several other building designs. The Star Hotel was the first hotel opened in Beechworth, and would go through a series of dramatic changes under its first three owners. The original timber structure was built by W.H. Neuber, though at the time it was only known as ‘The Beechworth Hotel’. The site was later purchased in 1855 by mining entrepreneur, and prolific business owner, John Alston “Six Stars” Wallace. He would go on to extend the established hotel, rebuilding much of it with weatherboard and a shingled roof, adding a two storey structure with a verandah and a theatre capable of supporting 400-500 people, which was often used for international performances. Renamed as the Star Hotel, it was the second in a chain franchise, eventually leading to the “Six Stars” moniker Wallace went by, with hotels at Rutherglen, Chiltern, Yackandandah, Bright, Snake Valley, and of course, Beechworth. Under his ownership, it developed into a popular location for merchants, wayfarers, and locals alike, with the help of his brother Peter as manager. Situated on a road once synonymous with Melbourne to Sydney roadtrips, and the allure of the gold mines, the popularity of the Star drew all manner of clientele from across the country. As such a central hub, the ‘Star Assembly Rooms’ were used as a meeting place for debates, discussions, festivities, and problem solving among the various working sects of the area. These meetings included shareholder discussions for prospecting companies, railway planning, council meetings, and discussions surrounding the interactions between European and Chinese miners, both good and bad. By late 1856, John had the Beechworth at auction through J.H. Grey & Co. It was most likely due to the high profile murder of the manager, Robert Murdoch, during an altercation in relation to a dine and dash event by a Swedish miner, Charles Jansen, who had been ‘excited by drink’ on November 17th. He had refused to pay for his meal and waiter James Mitchell failed to persuade him otherwise. Mitchell, or possibly Murdoch himself, forced him out as tempers and threats escalated. As the photos tell, there are a number of doors which may be entered through, and Jansen used an alternate entrance to access the building. Murdoch was investigating the noise when he encountered the furious man. He was subsequently stabbed with no warning by a small clasp knife, as he tried to stop the intrusion. His exclamations, "I’m stabbed, I’m stabbed!” alerting other occupants, and Jansen was restrained and arrested. Murdoch died the next day from his injuries, with the inquest carried out on the theatre stage. Some 3000 members of the town attended the funeral, and the Star hung black cloth in memory of Robert and his death. Afterwards, an auction caw the property pass to Messrs Robertson and Quirk, though would return shortly thereafter to Six Stars’ portfolio. Six Stars would later sell off his properties from 1862, with the Beechworth Star purchased by 1864 by John Sitch Clark. This allowed Clark to redevelop a significant portion of the Hotel, stripping a central section and constructing the brick structure that survives today, reopening the Star in July that year. It was after this time that our photographs were taken. Clark would later sell the property to Frank Mitchell, shortly before his own death. The next owner, Frederick Allen, lived on the property before the deed was sold to him in the 1880s. He would later sell the property to William Carroll in 1890, with proprietorship eventually moving to Mr. W.H. Porter, and transferring to a Mr. Marendaz by 1913 and Mr. Holly in 1915. Licensing disputes would arise 1917 between Margaret Carroll and a Mrs. McDonald, before it became delicenced some years prior to 1935. It was around this year that the property was bought by Mr. W.J. Pemberton at the meagre price of £500, down from the £13,000 Six Stars originally auctioned it for. It served as a Youth Hostel for a period of time around 1972, and currently the building serves as a private accommodation on the second floor, with shops taking up the ground floor level.These photographs of the Beechworth Star Hotel as they depict a form of Beechworth's first hotel, and also the site of a high profile murder. Two black and white rectangular photographs printed on matte photographic paper.8674.1 (reverse) Beechworth/ 734/ Tanswell’s Hotel [crossed out]/? Old Star/ Hotel,/[small pencil scratching]/ Saunders/ BMM 8674.1 8674.2 (reverse) Beechworth/ 60%[circled]/ Old Star Hotel/Building etc.,/ 12 ½ cm/ 3"[circled, arrows extending horizontally to edges]/[arrows extending top to bottom mid-right of reverse]/ Saunders/ 734[circled]/ BMM 867.2,/ [thin scribbled bordering around top, right, and bottom edges]star hotel, beechworth hotel, john alston wallace, ja wallace, john sitch clark, frederick allen, robert murdoch, meeting place, tragedy, theatre, mining town

Eltham Courthouse Officially Reopened (Jim Connor, EDHS Newsletter No. 263 April 2022) In the Conservation Management Plan prepared in 2006 for the Eltham Justice Precinct there is mention that more than 350 court houses have been built by the Public Works Department since 1856, when the Department was established. It also states Eltham was in an early group of 'Victorian Free Classical' structures, featuring a projecting entry porch and gabled roof. Characteristically, this group shares a simple, rectangular shape, central placement of the court room with smaller-scale offices set back at the sides or rear of the court room, arched openings, and decorative string courses. The Statement of Significance listed in the Victorian Heritage Register states: ‘The Eltham Court House dates from the time when the town was largely self-contained. It was initiated in response to itinerant gold prospectors who turned to crime when their quest was unsuccessful. This type of localised solution is characteristic of the self reliance preserved in Eltham today. The court house is an important symbol of the spirit which makes Eltham distinctive as a community.’ It also states: ‘The Eltham Court House, built in 1860, is one of only two intact examples in the state of this simple design with projecting entry.’ So with this background it is most appropriate this valued historic building has recently been the subject of a total restoration, as detailed in previous newsletters. This was a major project undertaken by Nillumbik Shire Council. At a small function in the Eltham Courthouse, on 23rd March 2022, Nillumbik Shire Council Mayor Fran Eyre declared the fully restored building officially reopened. In doing so the Mayor spoke about the earlier law and order function of the court and the importance of this building to the Eltham community. Wingrove Ward Councillor Geoff Paine then highlighted the importance of historical societies and groups within the shire and their valued activities in recording and preserving their local history. EDHS president Jim Connor thanked everyone involved with the project and provided an overview of the history of the courthouse. Michael Ioannides, Council’s project manager, spoke about how the restoration process proceeded and those involved in undertaking the works required. Cr. Natalie Duffy, various council officers, EDHS executive committee members, as well as representatives of the head contractor Ducon Building Services and the heritage advisors, RBA architects and Conservation Consultants, were also in attendance, as was a representative of Nillumbik U3A. After the formal part there was some light hearted interpretation of how past legal proceedings may, or may not have, occurred within this courthouse, before some refreshments were shared in the former second courthouse at the rear, which is now utilised by Nillumbik U3A. This was a successful celebration of a very worthwhile project.Born digital image (38)conservation consultants, cr. geoff paine, cr. natalie duffy, ducon building services, eltham courthouse, eltham district historical society, eltham justice precinct, jim connor, mayor cr. fran eyre, michael ioannides, nillumbik shire council, nillumbik u3a, opening ceremony, rba architects, restoration project

Black and white photograph mounted on grey frame. 17men pose for photograph in forma suits in 3 row structure (front ones hold hats on their laps). *Most of them wear Freemansonry waistcoast chain. Photograph was taken during King George time - VPRG They stand in terrace of open brick building (on the back), with large windows and some plants.Printed above photograph: POLICE COLLEGE << Course No.1 -- November, 1958 - June 1959 >> Printed bellow photograph: Left to Right, Back Row: Stn. Officer Mooney, Sgt. Sheather, Det-Sgt. Carter, Sgt. Poulter, Sgt. Mooring, Sgt. Pearson, Sgt. Comrie, Sgt. Sharkey, Det.Sgt. McKnight. Centre Row: Sgt. Scotney, Insp. Hynes, Sgt. Long, Sgt. Payne, Insp. Houghton, Sgt. Peach, Sgt. Moore, Sgt. Heath, Sgt. Rose. Front Row (Directing Staff): Mr. C. H. Smith, Det-Sgt. Warne, Insp. Quill, Insp. DeLany, Insp. Milner, Det-Sgt. Braybrook, Mr. R. Crowling.victoria police museum, police officers, police academy, police force, freemasonry, masons, free masons

In 1980 M.B.John was Council President. In 1980 the School of Arts moved into their new building, 1870 Founders Hall was financed - at a cost of $800,000 - from the proceeds of the SMB Centenary Appeal, and was completed late in 1980. Extensive work was carried out on the Student Residences and the former Education Department Hostel in Victorian Street. The amphitheatre adjacent to the eastern side of the Education Buildings was constructed, together with the nearby disabled ramp. Negotiations with the Shire of Buninyong were continued for access to the campus from the Green Hill Road. Following the creation by Act of Parliament in 1978 of the Victorian Post-Secondary Education Commission (VPSEC) amendments to the same Act early in 1980 made provision for the repeal of the VIC and SCV Acts. From mid-December 1980 these latter two bodies ceased to exist when the provisions for repeal of their Acts were proclaimed. The Victorian Institute of Colleges had been set up in 1965 to aid in the co-ordination and development of a number of non-university tertiary institutions that affiliated with it from 1965 on to become Colleges of Advanced Education. In taking up this role which had been spelt out in 1964 by the martin Committee, the VIC broke new ground in a whole range of operations. It became responsible for the physical development of new building programmes and new campuses from many of its colleges, for the procurement of operating funds from the Commonwealth, for the accreditation of new courses of study, for the first non-university degrees to be awarded in Australia and so on. The Former Ballarat Institute of Advanced Education (the tertiary division of the School of Mines) was affiliated with the VIC from the outset and its progress towards a new status, rapid growth and vastly improved physical resources was closely linked to and dependent upon the efforts of the VIC. The similar co-ordinating authority - The State College of Victoria - was established in 1973 to similarly foster the autonomous development of the former teachers colleges. its early work was highly influential in the transition of the Ballarat Teachers' College into the State College of Victoria at Ballarat. On the merging of the BIAE and the SCVB in 1976, the new college continued under the co-ordination of the Victorian Institute of Colleges. The major contribution made to the progress and stature of became the Ballarat College of advanced Education by both the VIC and SCV, and their Councils and officers, over the formative years of rapid change and evolution is acknowledged and recorded with appreciation. Such efforts by the two central authorities have markedly assisted in bringing the College to the present point where its accumulated experiences and traditions provide a sound basis on which it can confidently and responsibly exercise the greater autonomy gradually passing it. Purple soft covered book of 47 pages. Contents include: development of a Nurse education course, College organisational Structure, Role of Head of School, resignation of Norman Baggaley, appointment of R. Macgowan, opening of Business Resource Centre, Librarianship, resignation of M.J. Sandow-Quirk, E.A. Widdop, J. Leeuwenburg, Thelma Rungkat, Erica Myers, former Acting Head of School John Mildren elected to the Federal seat of Ballarat, Ray Watson, Resignation of A.C. Burrow, return of W.J. Vermeend, P.L. McCarthy, P.R. Calder, J.A. Fulcher, L.E. Taylor, L.J. McGrath, Teaching Resource Centreballarat college of advanced education, bcae, mt helen, mount helen, sandow-quirk, widdop, leeuwenburg, rungkat, myers, burrow, vermeend, mccarthy, calder, fulcher, taylor, victoria street

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

White card with blue text and decorative border.non-fictioncongregational church, pilots

This consultation draft is a sketch grammar of Wergaia, incorporating a revised Wergaia Wordlist (version 1), now renamed Wergaia dictionary, which was developed from recent and historical sources, and funded by the Victorian Aboriginal Corporation for Languages. It is not intended for use as a language course. To fully understand its contents, the reader will need a high level of knowledge about the structure of Australian languages. Rather, it is intended for use as an adjunct to a course in Wergaia, such as the VCE Study Design Indigenous Languages of Victoria: Revival and Reclamation - Wergaia.colour photographs, b&w photographs, word listswergaia, wotjobaluk, barengi gadyin land council inc, grammar, language learning

This flyer was modelled upon the "Monster Meeting" notice that was held at the time of the Eureka Stockade. The Save TAFE flyer was produced to advertise a meeting regarding Victorian State government cuts to the TAFE education system in 2012. The group remains a subcommittee of Ballarat Trades Hall. The initial meeting (monster meeting) was produced to encourage community engagement in the Save TAFE campaign. The writing on the flyer reads thus: "No taxation without education! Education is anathema to conservatism! For an educated person will not be a slave! ON Sunday July 8th At Two o'clock A MONSTER MEETING Of the Ballarat Community & all who will attend at the People's Trades Hall Camp St, Ballaarat To form a committee of interested and passionate persons to advocate for affordable and equal access to quality education and training. Down with the attack on Public Education and Training TAFE Cuts, VET Cuts, VCAL cuts, EMA cuts and attacks on students and teachers. Authorised by: Jeremy Smith, NTEU UB Branch President and Brett Edgington, BTLC President The reduction of TAFE courses and change in fee structure had particular impact upon the Ballarat community in terms of training, employment and future services available. There were several successful rallies in the Ballarat CBD, showing a great demonstration of community and union organising. The group played a pivotal role in the demise of the Ballieu/Napthine government.Jpeg copy of flyer.btlc, ballarat trades hall, ballarat trades and labour council, tafe (victoria), baillieu, ted, premier (victoria), education - tafe, national tertiary education union, australian education union, union campaigns, political campaigns

View of the settlement of Harmony Vale taken in 1913 with the guest house Kia Ora, built by George Barber in 1909, in the foreground. This photograph has a detailed inscription on the back handwritten by John Lundy-Clarke.The settlement of Harmony Vale 1913. The large home in foreground is the Guest House “Kia Ora” owned by George Barber on Lot 25 of the Village Settlement. The house above it to the left was Richardson’s house. The home of Jeanie who had left it when the picture was taken.The buildings furthest to the right of “Kia Ora” were the homestead of Isaac Jeeves of 1863 – 1871 the building furthest right with the black opening in it was the house with the tree fern floor. The flat ground above and left of Isaac’s pointed roof barn is where the creek changed its course in the 1934 flood and destroyed £4000 worth of the Rowse family’s tulip bulbs. Above the flat is Francis Matthew Child’s homestead, in the creek to the right of which can be seen the horizontal structure of the swing bridge to the sawmill of the Childs Bros which cannot be seen but in the forest to the right of the mill (bridge) can be seen a number of logs in the mill yard. The two cleared strips immediately behind Childs home were the Richardson’s original holdings and the house in the gully at the far side of the great clearing is that of the guest house “Glenrivers” belonging to W Lucas and his wife Catherine nee Child. The Richardson homestead “Harmony Vale” is behind the forest trees in the right centre. The picture gives a full view of how the settlement was cut into the centre of the great forest. george barber, kia ora, harmony vale, barber, jeanie richardson, richardson, child, matthew child, kia-ora guest house, guest house, glenrivers

65 Albert Road. the land was first owned by George Bull when he bought it in 1860. The house was built around 1862. Members of the family owned it until 1893 when it was sold to William Johnson. Johnson died in 1897 and Catherine Sara Ryan nee Hain bought it and lived there until she died in 1927. The cottage was then sold to the Coffey family who retained the property until 1974. The cottage is conventional coursed limestone building with bluestone quoins, gabled roof, chimneys at each end and a skillion on the western side, added at a later date. It was originally a two-roomed dwelling with kitchen. Behind the cottage is a slab-sided wooden gable ended shed, containing a large limestone rubble chimney and a sleeping area within the south facing skillion section. It is unlikely that it is older than the cottage, but it is an unusual, crude structure, presumably for general farming purposes.Coloured photographcottage, building, home, house, coffey's cottage, albert road, ryan, hain, johnson, george bull

This ski run was built for the 1960 Australian Downhill Championships conducted at Falls Creek. It may have been built in conjunction with the SEC. This crossing was just below the Falls Creek Resort entrance. It had a vertical elevation of approximately 1,500 feet. The building pictured is a former SEC building which became the "Galleon" Ski Club and was later know as Cooroona. To the right is the Bowna Ski Club.This image is significant because it captures a structure created for the 1960 Australian Downhill Championships held at Falls Creek.Image of a road passing under a downhill ski run at Falls Creek. A building is visible on the left of the photo.On sign above road: SKI RUN CROSSING / DOWNHILL RACING COURSE1960 australian downhill championships, downhill ski run falls creek

"The Melton Viaduct, opened in 1886, is of State heritage significance as a very large and visually distinctive wrought iron, lattice girder trestle bridge over the Werribee River (now Melton Reservoir). It comprises 18.3 and 9.1 metre spans, in a generally alternate arrangement, of total length 375 metres, and standing 38 metres over the Werribee River. Wrought iron small section iron was used to build tension trussed trestle legs, which supported four lines of rivetted wrought-iron deck-type double lattice trusses. It has bluestone abutments and pier bases of coursed rock-faced bluestone with drafted margins. The larger half-piers, now usually submerged in the Melton Reservoir have sharp tapered cutwaters and curved coping at the tops. While designed to carry two rail tracks it has only ever been used as a single track line. Despite several alterations to its deck structure, it remains an outstanding example of a lighter structural design employing open metal trestle supports and metal truss girders. The direct Melbourne to Ballarat railway link of which the Melton viaduct was the major engineering work contributed significantly to the history and development of Victoria. This new link reflected Ballarat’s diversifying economy as well as the commercial and political influence of the metropolis. Construction of the bridge, and the associated large workers camp, were extensively photographed, documenting an important episode in local history. The railway enabled the development of new industries in the Melton area, notably the timber industry and a chaff industry of national importance, greatly facilitated the later transition of the Shire from a pastoral to a farming economy, and struck a major blow to Melton township’s era as a wayside town servicing Ballarat road (especially coach) traffic". Melton Railway Bridge being built across the Werribee Rivertransport

In the report on the work of Legacy in 1953 (see item 01491) it was mentioned that the education of Legatees was seen as something that needed to be addressed and a formal induction process with proper training would be necessary. A two page report was included as attachment 'C'. This is the report. It mentions the Board of Management decided to inaugurate a course of classes, over six Monday evenings. The topics covered: 1) The structure of Legacy and the nature of contact work. 2) Welfare Committee and Welfare assistance available from statutory sources. 3) Education and Employment Committee 4) Residences, Housing and Accommodation, Camp and Holidays Committees. 5) The Medical, Dental, Boys' and Girls' Group Committees. 6) Personnel and Comradeship. The notation H20 in red pen shows that it was part of the archive project that was trying to capture the history of Legacy. A report covering the need to train Legatees and how it was proposed to be achieved by a course of lectures.White foolscap paper with black type x 2 pages of recommendations of training of new Legatees.Handwritten H20 in red pen. Handwritten 'C' in top right corner.history, organisation structure, rules

Heidelberg Golf Bowling Club: Annual Report for season 2015-2016. Note change of title: "Heidelberg Golf Club. Bowls section annual report for season 2015-2016". The integration of the Bowling Club into the management structure of the Golf Club took place during this year. The Bowling Club was formed in 1958 to enable members no longer able to walk the hills of the golf course to have a sporting involvement with the club.Annual reports found in this collection begin in 1959-60. Numbering of Annual Reports begins with the Eighth report in 1965-66.16 pages, stapled. Typed and copied report. 2 copiesannual reports, financial reports, heidelberg golf club bowling club

ES 56 Nymph Following the successful introduction of the ES 52 Kookaburra two-seater in mid-1954, Edmund Schneider Ltd designed a higher performance single seat sailplane of similar construction and with similar handling qualities. It was designated the ES 56 and became known as the ES56 “Nymph”. The ES56 Nymph was a success in that it delivered the anticipated performance and was found to have satisfactory flying characteristics. However, only the prototype (“Nymph -I”) and three production examples (“Nymph-II”) were built. Schneiders made some changes to the design before building the production version. The wing chord at the tip on the prototype measured 650 mm. This was reduced to 500 mm for subsequent builds. The explanation is that provision was made in the original design for the possible lengthening of the tapered wing to 13 metres. However, apparently it was decided to retain the 11.900 metre span which allowed the tip chord to be reduced slightly. Other changes included the installation of scissor type air brakes in the wing instead of simple hinged flap spoilers and the addition of a landing wheel behind the skid on the fuselage. On one of the Nymph-II a dorsal was added on top of the fuselage forward of the vertical fin when repairs were made rectifying damage incurred as a result of an accident at Benalla on 31 March 1963. Even before these ES56 gliders were finished, Edmund Schneider Ltd decided to offer a less expensive single seat design to cater in particular for newly solo pilots, the ES57 Kingfisher. With the Kingfisher, Schneiders reverted to a traditional airfoil (Gott 549) for the wing instead of the laminar flow section that was chosen for the Nymph in the pursuit of performance. As such, the Kingfisher was more appropriately characterised as a single seat version of the Kookaburra in comparison to the Nymph. Schneiders continued for a time to offer the ES56 Nymph as a high-performance sailplane. However, its place in the market was soon overtaken by imported designs with superior performance, such as the Schleicher KA6, which Schneiders also imported and built under license. Nymph-I was test flown in December 1955 and entered by Harry Schneider into the gliding championships held at Waikerie from 5th to 16th of that month. Harry finished 12th in the individual placing out of a field of approximately 24. The capabilities of the Nymph were further demonstrated by Harry Schneider in January 1956 with a Gold C flight of 193 miles from Gawler in South Australia to Walpeup in Victoria. Nymph-I was acquired by the Port Pirie Gliding Club in South Australia. It has been saved and restored and is a regular feature at vintage glider rallies in Victoria and New South Wales. See Museum Newsletter No 35 Winter Edition 2017 pages 3 -6, for that story. The Nymph-II production models were delivered by Edmund Schneider Ltd in October 1956 to the Gliding Club of Victoria, the Victorian Motorless Flight Group and the Royal Australian Navy Gliding Association. The VMFG flew its Nymph in the First National Gliding Championships at Tocumwal, NSW, in December 1956 and all three were flown at the Second National Gliding Championships at Benalla in 29th December 1958 to 8th January 1959, delivering competitive performances based on handicap. Nymph-I Serial Number 17 Original owner – Port Pirie Gliding Club, S.A. Registered VH-GHG on 20 August 1957 Re-registered VH-GHA on 11 October 2016 Currently Raywood, Victoria Believed airworthy Nymph-II Serial Number 20 Original owner – R.A.N. Gliding Association Registered VH-GDX on 20 May 1957 Currently Locksley, Victoria. In storage Nymph-II Serial Number 21 Original owner – Gliding Club of Victoria Registered VH-GHU on 27 August 1957 Currently Bendick Murrell, N.S.W. In storage Nymph-II Serial Number 22 Original owner – Victorian Motorless Flight Group Registered VH-GFE on 5 March 1957 Currently Bacchus Marsh, Victoria Under restoration for display. The Museum’s exhibit is the ES56, serial number 22, registered as VH-GFE. The glider was flown by the VMFG in Victoria until approximately September 1968. GFA records show that it was transferred to Queensland in 1968, and it passed through several owners until the mid-1970s. Information received indicates that it was flown by the Leichardt Soaring Club at Mount Isa in the (late?) 1960s. The history from then is not presently known except to say that it has been kept in dry storage for many years. It is not known when the glider was last flown. What is Significant? The Schneider ES 56 Nymph single seat sailplane, serial number 22, designed and built in 1955-1956, by Edmund Schneider Ltd in Adelaide. It was delivered to its original owner, the Victorian Motorless Flight Group, in October 1956, and registered as VH-GFE on 5 March 1957. How it is Significant? The ES56 Nymph is of historical, aesthetic, scientific and research, and social significance to the Australian gliding community. Why it is Significant? The ES56 is of historical significance as it was designed and built by Edmund and Harry Schneider. The Schneiders immigrated to Australia after the end of the second world war bringing with them considerable expertise in relation to glider design and construction. Over the following decades they maintained a close association with the Gliding Federation of Australia and the gliding clubs and through their glider production made a major contribution to the sport. The ES56 is part of that story. The ES56 in its design and construction exhibits the glider construction technology of the time, which principally consisted of lightweight wooden framework skinned with ply and doped fabric. It exbibits design innovation, notably the use of a laminar flow wing profile in pursuit of better glide performance. Also, considerable attention was given to simplifying the structure in order to keeping cost and the weight low. The ES56 played a useful role at gliding clubs where it was operated, especially the late 1950s and early 1960s and is remembered well by pilots who flew her. The glider is in the course of restoration and provides an insight into the skills and workmanship that were involved in design, building and maintenance of these wooden aircraft. It is of aesthetic and scientific and research significance. Glider airframe of a traditional wood and fabric covered constructionNoneglider, sailplane, edmund schneider, harry schneider, es56, nymph, es57, kingfisher, victorian motorless flight group, gliding club of victoria, ran gliding association, port pirie gliding club, leichardt soaring club.