Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders in the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. VIOSH had its first intake of students in 1979. At that time the Institution was known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1990 it became known as Ballarat University College, then in 1994 as University of Ballarat. It was 2014 that it became Federation University. VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree - on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge. Document is General Information on the Graduate Diploma in Occupational Hazard Management. Sections are from a larger fully detailed document. Outlines the structure of the course, Unit Descriptions, Staff, Student Workloads. Student Enrolment Statistics for 1979 to 1985 show the numbers from each state and overseas, employments areas such as government, industry, manufacturing, health, and associations, plus the total applications and enrolments. Thirteen A4 sheets - typed on both sides.viosh, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, ballarat college of advanced education, graduate diploma in occupational hazard management, pg1, objectives of course, admission requirements, structure of course, unit descriptions, student workloads, assessment methods, k brown, dennis else, r gillis, tom norwood, max brooke, r kemp, j harvey, p kelly, l roberts, m torode, derek viner, eric wigglesworth, g fernandez, b lees, r maud, p swan, j blitvich, g bradley, j castleman, r lang, j lowinger, p reid

An 8 page article by Peter Esdale summarising the history of Burnley College and giving details about the changes in course structure and current state of courses offered. Many illustrations. "Burnley looks to the future" 3 pagee article by GM Moore. Present and future course structure.Photocopy of 8-page article by Peter Esdale, and 3-page article by G. M. Moore, from Australian Horticulture, March 1991peter esdale, g.m. moore, australian horticulture, burnley gardens, horticultural course structure, history of the college, courses offerred

Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders on the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. VIOSH had its first intake of students in 1979. At that time the Institution was known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1990 it became known as Ballarat University College, then in 1994 as University of Ballarat. It was 2014 that it became Federation University. VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree - on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge. Due to recent pronouncements concerning Mining Engineering Education and the possibilities of other institutions wishing to introduce it, Brian Coles and Peter McCarthy submitted a draft outline of a proposal for a PGI Graduate Diploma in Mining Engineering to Derek Woolley.The outline of this was passed on to allow other to consider and comment on. It outlines the rationale, course structure, course content - core and options, student demand and resource implications. ".... view is that this course should be pursued in order that the momentum of mining engineering at Ballarat C.A.E be kept going". PGI - Post Graduate Institute.Four A4 pages - 3 typed, 1 with newspaper articleThe Weekend Australian May 7-8 1983 RMIT advertisementviosh, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, ballarat college of advanced education, derek woolley, director, brian coles, peter mccarthy, pgi, graduate diploma in mining engineering, post graduate institute, mining engineering education, proposal

Black and white photograph mounted on grey frame. 17men pose for photograph in forma suits in 3 row structure (front ones hold hats on their laps). *Most of them wear Freemansonry waistcoast chain. Photograph was taken during King George time - VPRG They stand in terrace of open brick building (on the back), with large windows and some plants.Printed above photograph: POLICE COLLEGE << Course No.1 -- November, 1958 - June 1959 >> Printed bellow photograph: Left to Right, Back Row: Stn. Officer Mooney, Sgt. Sheather, Det-Sgt. Carter, Sgt. Poulter, Sgt. Mooring, Sgt. Pearson, Sgt. Comrie, Sgt. Sharkey, Det.Sgt. McKnight. Centre Row: Sgt. Scotney, Insp. Hynes, Sgt. Long, Sgt. Payne, Insp. Houghton, Sgt. Peach, Sgt. Moore, Sgt. Heath, Sgt. Rose. Front Row (Directing Staff): Mr. C. H. Smith, Det-Sgt. Warne, Insp. Quill, Insp. DeLany, Insp. Milner, Det-Sgt. Braybrook, Mr. R. Crowling.victoria police museum, police officers, police academy, police force, freemasonry, masons, free masons

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Eltham Courthouse Officially Reopened (Jim Connor, EDHS Newsletter No. 263 April 2022) In the Conservation Management Plan prepared in 2006 for the Eltham Justice Precinct there is mention that more than 350 court houses have been built by the Public Works Department since 1856, when the Department was established. It also states Eltham was in an early group of 'Victorian Free Classical' structures, featuring a projecting entry porch and gabled roof. Characteristically, this group shares a simple, rectangular shape, central placement of the court room with smaller-scale offices set back at the sides or rear of the court room, arched openings, and decorative string courses. The Statement of Significance listed in the Victorian Heritage Register states: ‘The Eltham Court House dates from the time when the town was largely self-contained. It was initiated in response to itinerant gold prospectors who turned to crime when their quest was unsuccessful. This type of localised solution is characteristic of the self reliance preserved in Eltham today. The court house is an important symbol of the spirit which makes Eltham distinctive as a community.’ It also states: ‘The Eltham Court House, built in 1860, is one of only two intact examples in the state of this simple design with projecting entry.’ So with this background it is most appropriate this valued historic building has recently been the subject of a total restoration, as detailed in previous newsletters. This was a major project undertaken by Nillumbik Shire Council. At a small function in the Eltham Courthouse, on 23rd March 2022, Nillumbik Shire Council Mayor Fran Eyre declared the fully restored building officially reopened. In doing so the Mayor spoke about the earlier law and order function of the court and the importance of this building to the Eltham community. Wingrove Ward Councillor Geoff Paine then highlighted the importance of historical societies and groups within the shire and their valued activities in recording and preserving their local history. EDHS president Jim Connor thanked everyone involved with the project and provided an overview of the history of the courthouse. Michael Ioannides, Council’s project manager, spoke about how the restoration process proceeded and those involved in undertaking the works required. Cr. Natalie Duffy, various council officers, EDHS executive committee members, as well as representatives of the head contractor Ducon Building Services and the heritage advisors, RBA architects and Conservation Consultants, were also in attendance, as was a representative of Nillumbik U3A. After the formal part there was some light hearted interpretation of how past legal proceedings may, or may not have, occurred within this courthouse, before some refreshments were shared in the former second courthouse at the rear, which is now utilised by Nillumbik U3A. This was a successful celebration of a very worthwhile project.Born digital image (38)conservation consultants, cr. geoff paine, cr. natalie duffy, ducon building services, eltham courthouse, eltham district historical society, eltham justice precinct, jim connor, mayor cr. fran eyre, michael ioannides, nillumbik shire council, nillumbik u3a, opening ceremony, rba architects, restoration project

ES 56 Nymph Following the successful introduction of the ES 52 Kookaburra two-seater in mid-1954, Edmund Schneider Ltd designed a higher performance single seat sailplane of similar construction and with similar handling qualities. It was designated the ES 56 and became known as the ES56 “Nymph”. The ES56 Nymph was a success in that it delivered the anticipated performance and was found to have satisfactory flying characteristics. However, only the prototype (“Nymph -I”) and three production examples (“Nymph-II”) were built. Schneiders made some changes to the design before building the production version. The wing chord at the tip on the prototype measured 650 mm. This was reduced to 500 mm for subsequent builds. The explanation is that provision was made in the original design for the possible lengthening of the tapered wing to 13 metres. However, apparently it was decided to retain the 11.900 metre span which allowed the tip chord to be reduced slightly. Other changes included the installation of scissor type air brakes in the wing instead of simple hinged flap spoilers and the addition of a landing wheel behind the skid on the fuselage. On one of the Nymph-II a dorsal was added on top of the fuselage forward of the vertical fin when repairs were made rectifying damage incurred as a result of an accident at Benalla on 31 March 1963. Even before these ES56 gliders were finished, Edmund Schneider Ltd decided to offer a less expensive single seat design to cater in particular for newly solo pilots, the ES57 Kingfisher. With the Kingfisher, Schneiders reverted to a traditional airfoil (Gott 549) for the wing instead of the laminar flow section that was chosen for the Nymph in the pursuit of performance. As such, the Kingfisher was more appropriately characterised as a single seat version of the Kookaburra in comparison to the Nymph. Schneiders continued for a time to offer the ES56 Nymph as a high-performance sailplane. However, its place in the market was soon overtaken by imported designs with superior performance, such as the Schleicher KA6, which Schneiders also imported and built under license. Nymph-I was test flown in December 1955 and entered by Harry Schneider into the gliding championships held at Waikerie from 5th to 16th of that month. Harry finished 12th in the individual placing out of a field of approximately 24. The capabilities of the Nymph were further demonstrated by Harry Schneider in January 1956 with a Gold C flight of 193 miles from Gawler in South Australia to Walpeup in Victoria. Nymph-I was acquired by the Port Pirie Gliding Club in South Australia. It has been saved and restored and is a regular feature at vintage glider rallies in Victoria and New South Wales. See Museum Newsletter No 35 Winter Edition 2017 pages 3 -6, for that story. The Nymph-II production models were delivered by Edmund Schneider Ltd in October 1956 to the Gliding Club of Victoria, the Victorian Motorless Flight Group and the Royal Australian Navy Gliding Association. The VMFG flew its Nymph in the First National Gliding Championships at Tocumwal, NSW, in December 1956 and all three were flown at the Second National Gliding Championships at Benalla in 29th December 1958 to 8th January 1959, delivering competitive performances based on handicap. Nymph-I Serial Number 17 Original owner – Port Pirie Gliding Club, S.A. Registered VH-GHG on 20 August 1957 Re-registered VH-GHA on 11 October 2016 Currently Raywood, Victoria Believed airworthy Nymph-II Serial Number 20 Original owner – R.A.N. Gliding Association Registered VH-GDX on 20 May 1957 Currently Locksley, Victoria. In storage Nymph-II Serial Number 21 Original owner – Gliding Club of Victoria Registered VH-GHU on 27 August 1957 Currently Bendick Murrell, N.S.W. In storage Nymph-II Serial Number 22 Original owner – Victorian Motorless Flight Group Registered VH-GFE on 5 March 1957 Currently Bacchus Marsh, Victoria Under restoration for display. The Museum’s exhibit is the ES56, serial number 22, registered as VH-GFE. The glider was flown by the VMFG in Victoria until approximately September 1968. GFA records show that it was transferred to Queensland in 1968, and it passed through several owners until the mid-1970s. Information received indicates that it was flown by the Leichardt Soaring Club at Mount Isa in the (late?) 1960s. The history from then is not presently known except to say that it has been kept in dry storage for many years. It is not known when the glider was last flown. What is Significant? The Schneider ES 56 Nymph single seat sailplane, serial number 22, designed and built in 1955-1956, by Edmund Schneider Ltd in Adelaide. It was delivered to its original owner, the Victorian Motorless Flight Group, in October 1956, and registered as VH-GFE on 5 March 1957. How it is Significant? The ES56 Nymph is of historical, aesthetic, scientific and research, and social significance to the Australian gliding community. Why it is Significant? The ES56 is of historical significance as it was designed and built by Edmund and Harry Schneider. The Schneiders immigrated to Australia after the end of the second world war bringing with them considerable expertise in relation to glider design and construction. Over the following decades they maintained a close association with the Gliding Federation of Australia and the gliding clubs and through their glider production made a major contribution to the sport. The ES56 is part of that story. The ES56 in its design and construction exhibits the glider construction technology of the time, which principally consisted of lightweight wooden framework skinned with ply and doped fabric. It exbibits design innovation, notably the use of a laminar flow wing profile in pursuit of better glide performance. Also, considerable attention was given to simplifying the structure in order to keeping cost and the weight low. The ES56 played a useful role at gliding clubs where it was operated, especially the late 1950s and early 1960s and is remembered well by pilots who flew her. The glider is in the course of restoration and provides an insight into the skills and workmanship that were involved in design, building and maintenance of these wooden aircraft. It is of aesthetic and scientific and research significance. Glider airframe of a traditional wood and fabric covered constructionNoneglider, sailplane, edmund schneider, harry schneider, es56, nymph, es57, kingfisher, victorian motorless flight group, gliding club of victoria, ran gliding association, port pirie gliding club, leichardt soaring club.

Wattle Gully, at Chewton was first worked in 1853 albeit initially only to a depth of 10 metres. An exploratory drilling in 1934, that deflected off course, discovered new rich gold seams and by 1937 large amounts of gold were being extracted. The mine closed in 1969 because high water levels and the low price of gold made it unprofitable at the time. It has operated intermittently since then.Horwood Collection - Wattle Gully. Wattle Gully Mine, Chewton. Much of the buildings and other structures still remain. Markings Wattle Gully Chewton. DEC65MKodakmine, gold, walltle gully, horwood collection - wattle gully. wattle gully mine, chewton. much of the buildings and other structures still remain

Community information booklet issued by City of Ringwood for 1988 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. Cover photographs: Front - Floral displays at Clock Tower and a scene at Council nursery; Back - Activities at Ringwood Festival held at Ringwood Lake in April each year.CONTENTS: (page no.) After School Activities Programme 23 Aged Services 21 Bicentennial 15 Building Information 29 By-Laws and Traffic Regulations 31 Caravans/Mobile Homes 31 Chief Executive's Message 10 Children's Services 22 Churches 40 Civic Centre 4 Committees of Council 5 Community Plan 15 Community Services 35 Corporate Management Structure 11 Council Meeting Dates 4 Council Representatives 8 Councillors 6 & 7 Disabled Persons Facilities 42 Dogs 31 Domiciliary Care 24, 25 & 26 Elderly Day Care 44 Elderly Persons Units 29 Emergency Telephone Numbers 53 Employment Opportunities in Ringwood 26 European Wasps 28 Family Day Care 22 Finances 17 Fire Hazards 31 Future Leaders 16 Golf Course 34 Home Handyman Services 25 Home Help 26 Immunisation Programme 27 Incinerators 32 Knaith Road Child Care Centre 22 & 23 Library 30&31 Maternal & Child Health Centre 30 Mayoral Message – Cr. John R. Caffyn 3 Meals on Wheels 24 Members of Parliament 9 Playgroups 33 Pre-Schools 53 Primary Arterial Road Network in Ringwood 13 Rates—New Collection Service 18 & 19 Ringwood Aquatic Centre 14 & 15 Ringwood Bypass Road 12 Ringwood Convention & Performing Arts Centre 33 Ringwood District Centre Structure Plan 12 Rubbish Collection Service 35 & 36 Schools 56 Youth Outreach Worker 20 rinx

The City of Ringwood and the City of Croydon merged in December 1994 and became the City of Maroondah.Community information book issued by City of Ringwood for 1994 - covering the facilities and activities of the Ringwood Council and other local organisations and associations. Includes Ringwood Public Golf Course discount vouchers and two Ringwood Aquatic Centre bonus entry vouchers.CONTENTS: (page no.) Contents A Message from the Mayor - Cr. Margaret Cheevers 3 Your Council 4 Local State and Federal MPs 5 Council Meetings and Elections 6 History of Ringwood 7 City Manager's Report 8 Organisational structure 9 Human Services 10-19 Environmental Health 20-21 Ringwood Library 22 Parks and Gardens 23 Ringwood's Parks and Reserves 24 Building 25 Engineering Planning Services 26-28 Waste Management 29 Town Planning 30 Traffic and Local Laws 31-33 Roads, Drainage and Major Works 38-39 Halls and Facilities 40-41 Aquatic Centre 42 Convention Centre/Karralika Theatre 43 Golf Course 44 Free Swim & Golf Discount Vouchers 45 Community Organisations 46-64 Finance 65-66 Administration 67 Community Liaison 68 Information Systems 69 Personnel 70-71 Risk Management 71 Rates and Valuations 72 rinx

In 1980 M.B.John was Council President. In 1980 the School of Arts moved into their new building, 1870 Founders Hall was financed - at a cost of $800,000 - from the proceeds of the SMB Centenary Appeal, and was completed late in 1980. Extensive work was carried out on the Student Residences and the former Education Department Hostel in Victorian Street. The amphitheatre adjacent to the eastern side of the Education Buildings was constructed, together with the nearby disabled ramp. Negotiations with the Shire of Buninyong were continued for access to the campus from the Green Hill Road. Following the creation by Act of Parliament in 1978 of the Victorian Post-Secondary Education Commission (VPSEC) amendments to the same Act early in 1980 made provision for the repeal of the VIC and SCV Acts. From mid-December 1980 these latter two bodies ceased to exist when the provisions for repeal of their Acts were proclaimed. The Victorian Institute of Colleges had been set up in 1965 to aid in the co-ordination and development of a number of non-university tertiary institutions that affiliated with it from 1965 on to become Colleges of Advanced Education. In taking up this role which had been spelt out in 1964 by the martin Committee, the VIC broke new ground in a whole range of operations. It became responsible for the physical development of new building programmes and new campuses from many of its colleges, for the procurement of operating funds from the Commonwealth, for the accreditation of new courses of study, for the first non-university degrees to be awarded in Australia and so on. The Former Ballarat Institute of Advanced Education (the tertiary division of the School of Mines) was affiliated with the VIC from the outset and its progress towards a new status, rapid growth and vastly improved physical resources was closely linked to and dependent upon the efforts of the VIC. The similar co-ordinating authority - The State College of Victoria - was established in 1973 to similarly foster the autonomous development of the former teachers colleges. its early work was highly influential in the transition of the Ballarat Teachers' College into the State College of Victoria at Ballarat. On the merging of the BIAE and the SCVB in 1976, the new college continued under the co-ordination of the Victorian Institute of Colleges. The major contribution made to the progress and stature of became the Ballarat College of advanced Education by both the VIC and SCV, and their Councils and officers, over the formative years of rapid change and evolution is acknowledged and recorded with appreciation. Such efforts by the two central authorities have markedly assisted in bringing the College to the present point where its accumulated experiences and traditions provide a sound basis on which it can confidently and responsibly exercise the greater autonomy gradually passing it. Purple soft covered book of 47 pages. Contents include: development of a Nurse education course, College organisational Structure, Role of Head of School, resignation of Norman Baggaley, appointment of R. Macgowan, opening of Business Resource Centre, Librarianship, resignation of M.J. Sandow-Quirk, E.A. Widdop, J. Leeuwenburg, Thelma Rungkat, Erica Myers, former Acting Head of School John Mildren elected to the Federal seat of Ballarat, Ray Watson, Resignation of A.C. Burrow, return of W.J. Vermeend, P.L. McCarthy, P.R. Calder, J.A. Fulcher, L.E. Taylor, L.J. McGrath, Teaching Resource Centreballarat college of advanced education, bcae, mt helen, mount helen, sandow-quirk, widdop, leeuwenburg, rungkat, myers, burrow, vermeend, mccarthy, calder, fulcher, taylor, victoria street

Heidelberg Golf Bowling Club: Annual Report for season 2015-2016. Note change of title: "Heidelberg Golf Club. Bowls section annual report for season 2015-2016". The integration of the Bowling Club into the management structure of the Golf Club took place during this year. The Bowling Club was formed in 1958 to enable members no longer able to walk the hills of the golf course to have a sporting involvement with the club.Annual reports found in this collection begin in 1959-60. Numbering of Annual Reports begins with the Eighth report in 1965-66.16 pages, stapled. Typed and copied report. 2 copiesannual reports, financial reports, heidelberg golf club bowling club

Dr Elizabeth “Betty” Nankivell (1907-2003), later Mrs Forward, graduated in 1937 from Melbourne University with a degree in medicine. She worked at Queen Victoria and Royal Adelaide Hospitals. During WWII, she practised medicine in Morwell, and in 1945 joined the Royal Australian Army Medical Corp (R.A.A.M.C.). Betty lived and worked in many South East Asian countries, including 10 years of private practise in Kuala Lumpur, before retiring in 1970 to live in Melbourne. Photographer notations on slide: "Vic Women's Golf Ch'ship B98" Published: The Age 3 September 1935 p. 7 Published title: "EXCITING GOLF DUEL." Published caption: MISS B. NANKIVELL, whose victory over Miss Pam Barton was the outstanding feature of the play in the Australian Championship yesterday. Trove article identifier: http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article203852987 Description: Action shot of golfer Betty Nankivell putting on golf course. She wears a checked cardigan, straight skirt, stockings, heeled shoes and a tie, no hat. The clubhouse structure is blurred in the background. Research by project volunteer, Fiona Collyer: Dr Elizabeth “Betty” Nankivell, Mrs Forward Betty Nankivell (1907 – 2003) was a champion Victorian golfer and medical doctor. She competed in the Australian Women’s Golf Championship at Royal Melbourne in 1935 against the visiting British Team. She eliminated 18 year old British champion Pam Barton, but was defeated by the eventual winner of the tournament, Mrs J B Walker in the semi finals. In 1938, Betty won the SA Golf Championships at Kooyonga SA. Betty graduated from Melbourne University with a degree in medicine in 1937 and worked at Queen Victoria Hospital and at Royal Adelaide Hospital as R.M.O. (Resident Medical Officer). During the war years, Betty practised medicine in Morwell, Victoria, and in 1945 joined the R.A.A.M.C. (Royal Australian Army Medical Corp) for the Malaya Medical Service. In 1946, she married Alan Forward OBE, a Colonel in the British Army and later the Commissioner of Road Transport in Malaya, and lived and worked in many S E Asian countries including 10 years in private practice in Kuala Lumpur. Betty continued to play golf throughout her life, retiring in 1970, and died in Melbourne in 2003. Sources: Melbourne University: Journal of the University of Melbourne Medical Society: vol. 2, no. 1Photographer notations on slide: "Miss Nankivell B98".golf, women golfers, royal melbourne golf club

Allied Flour & Starch|Photocopy Newspaper Article Advocate 30 May 1990 Darling Flour Mill to Close|Photograph John Darling Mill|Photograph John Darling Mill|Photograph John Darling Building in Melbourne|Photocopy of Newspaper Article The Argus 25 Feburay 1926 Great fire near Sunshine Flour Mills Destroyed|Type written report Revision of the Flour Mill Process|Labels Goodman Fielder Mills Ltd Flour Mill|Packing Instruction 22 December 1980|Interoffice Memo 27 April 1979|Daily Delivery Sheet 21 November 1985|Notice dated 29 June 1983 to Federated Millers and Mill Employees Association Workers Compensation Benefit Payable upon incapacity of death of a worker|Certificate of Registration of a Boiler Pressure Vessel|Weighbridge Ticket 30 June|Delivery Advice|Type written Letter dated 7 July 1980|MEA Journal June 1984 Volume 32 No 2|Type written Letter Dated 2 July 1980 Reference Joe Spiteri|Type written Letter dated 30 June 1980 Don Wallis|Type written Letter dated 30 June 1980 from Don Wallis|Type written Letter dated 17 July 1980 Course Physical Distribution Management|Information Sheet NAASRA Permits|Master Specification for Raw Material Transportation Packing Branding and Quality Hazards dated 28 May 1984|Inter Office Memo Gross Truck Weights Dated 27 January 1983|Memorandum dated 15 April 1980 COD Van|Examination questions Fork lift Truck operators Training Course|Photocopy of Newspaper Article Brimbank Independent 25 November 1997 Flour mill offers breathtaking views of Melbourne and its past|Type written letter dated 5 November 1987 Dividend Share Plan|Brochure Goodman Fielder Wattie Limited Employee Share Plan|Public Weighbridges having current registration on|Flour Pack details|New Roster System 1983 Trial Basis Commencing 4 January|Demurrage Charges|Management of Distribution Objectives and Methods|John Darling Flour Mills Organisation Structure May 1980|Allied Mills Limited Personal Injury Report Pad|Newspaper Article The Advocate 24th July 1991 - John Darling & Son Flour Mill Bulding's future uncertain|Collection of docments and newspaper articles trying to save the mill from developersjohn darling flour mill, sydney street, albion

Illustrated book. Mid blue cover with large darker blue rectangles on front back and spine. Title and author's name printed in white and yellow on front and spine rectangles. Publishers mark printed in white at base of spine. Back cover has summary of book along with biography and photo of author.non-fictionThis book, covering the period from 1788 to Federation is Volume 1 of the first comprehensive history of nursing in Australia. The author traces the development of traditions and structures that have helped shape the course of nursing and the evolution of a profession.nursing-australia-history, nursing profession

White card with blue text and decorative border.non-fictioncongregational church, pilots

This consultation draft is a sketch grammar of Wergaia, incorporating a revised Wergaia Wordlist (version 1), now renamed Wergaia dictionary, which was developed from recent and historical sources, and funded by the Victorian Aboriginal Corporation for Languages. It is not intended for use as a language course. To fully understand its contents, the reader will need a high level of knowledge about the structure of Australian languages. Rather, it is intended for use as an adjunct to a course in Wergaia, such as the VCE Study Design Indigenous Languages of Victoria: Revival and Reclamation - Wergaia.colour photographs, b&w photographs, word listswergaia, wotjobaluk, barengi gadyin land council inc, grammar, language learning

65 Albert Road. the land was first owned by George Bull when he bought it in 1860. The house was built around 1862. Members of the family owned it until 1893 when it was sold to William Johnson. Johnson died in 1897 and Catherine Sara Ryan nee Hain bought it and lived there until she died in 1927. The cottage was then sold to the Coffey family who retained the property until 1974. The cottage is conventional coursed limestone building with bluestone quoins, gabled roof, chimneys at each end and a skillion on the western side, added at a later date. It was originally a two-roomed dwelling with kitchen. Behind the cottage is a slab-sided wooden gable ended shed, containing a large limestone rubble chimney and a sleeping area within the south facing skillion section. It is unlikely that it is older than the cottage, but it is an unusual, crude structure, presumably for general farming purposes.Coloured photographcottage, building, home, house, coffey's cottage, albert road, ryan, hain, johnson, george bull

In the report on the work of Legacy in 1953 (see item 01491) it was mentioned that the education of Legatees was seen as something that needed to be addressed and a formal induction process with proper training would be necessary. A two page report was included as attachment 'C'. This is the report. It mentions the Board of Management decided to inaugurate a course of classes, over six Monday evenings. The topics covered: 1) The structure of Legacy and the nature of contact work. 2) Welfare Committee and Welfare assistance available from statutory sources. 3) Education and Employment Committee 4) Residences, Housing and Accommodation, Camp and Holidays Committees. 5) The Medical, Dental, Boys' and Girls' Group Committees. 6) Personnel and Comradeship. The notation H20 in red pen shows that it was part of the archive project that was trying to capture the history of Legacy. A report covering the need to train Legatees and how it was proposed to be achieved by a course of lectures.White foolscap paper with black type x 2 pages of recommendations of training of new Legatees.Handwritten H20 in red pen. Handwritten 'C' in top right corner.history, organisation structure, rules