Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

A riveting account of the Marine Corps' worst known war crime in Vietnam and of its legal aftermath. Gary Solis throws valuable light on may little-known aspects of the Vietnam War and on the way the system of military justice operated there. vietnam war, 1961-1975, son thang incident, vietnam, 1970

One of the struggles between East and West is taking place in South Vietnam, an area whose culture has been virtually unknown to scholars. The author has used the small village of Khanh Hau, in the Mekong River delta southwest of Saigon, as a microcosm for the study of the rural physical setting, the beliefs and customs of the several religions that exist here side by side, the kinship and family pattern, the crops and agricultural methods, the economic, administrative, the legal systems, and the socioeconomic structure and mobility.ethnology -- vietnam, anthropology, cultural, mekong river, khanh hau

The overall objective of this report is to collate information about Aboriginal English in order to inform future staff training and resources for people working in the courts, including solicitors and magistrates. Features Radio National transcript from Lingua Franca program, and content by Diane Eades.tables, sample legal letters, pamphlets, information cardaustralia -- trials, litigation, etc. english language -- dialects -- australia. aboriginal australians -- social life and customs. law -- australia -- language -- handbooks, manuals, etc. aboriginal australians -- criminal justice system.

Introduction: The significance of international law /? Sarah Pritchard.-- Linking international standards with contemporary concerns of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples /? Mick Dodson.-- The UN Charter-based human rights system: The UN Charter-based human rights system: an overview /? Garth Nettheim.-- Working Group on Indigenous Populations: mandate, standard-setting activities and future perspectives /? Sarah Pritchard.-- The UN treaty-based human rights system and individual complaints: The UN treaty-based human rights system: an overview /? Hilary Charlesworth.-- Individual complaints: an overview and admissibility requirements /? Hilary Charlesworth.-- Individual complaints: historical perspectives and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights /? Philip Alston.-- Individual communications under the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Elizabeth Evatt.-- Individual communications: the Convention against Torture and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination /? Michael O'Flaherty.-- The UN treaty-based human rights system and periodic reporting: Periodic reporting: the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child /? Philip Alston.-- Periodic reporting: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women /? Elizabeth Evatt .-- The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: non-governmental input and the early warning and urgent procedure /? Michael O'Flaherty.-- Indigenous peoples and some relevant human rights standards: Substantive provisions of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination /? Michael O'Flaherty.-- The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Indigenous peoples /? Sarah Pritchard.united nations -- history. indigenous peoples -- legal status, laws, etc. aboriginal australians -- civil rights. aboriginal australians -- legal status, laws, etc. human rights.

Contents: 1: Introduction 2: Data on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander over-representation in the criminal justice system 3: Explanations for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander over-representation in the criminal justice system PART TWO : CASE STUDIES 4 : Poor Practice Case Studies - 5 : Best Practice Case Studies PART THREE: ANALYSIS OF THE RECOMMENDATIONS AND THEIR IMPLEMENTATION 6: Adequacy of Information -7: Aboriginal and Police Community Relations 8: Responding to Public Drunkenness 9: Police Practices and Procedures 10: Imprisonment as a Last Resort 11: Court Processes, Legislation and Aboriginal Legal Representation 12: Aboriginal Young People and the Juvenile Justice System PART FOUR 13: Conclusion APPENDIXES Appendix 1: The recommendations of the Royal Commission most proximate to reducing the over-representation of Aboriginal people in custody Appendix 2: Methodological issues in determining over-representation Appendix 3: Details of Federal funding related to State agencies for the implementation of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody recommendations.b&w illustrations, tablesaboriginal deaths in custody, criminal justice system

Response by Governments to the Royal Commission into Deaths in Custody. Looks at likely causes, bail, Legal Services, links with family and community, language and heritage.criminal justice system, australian law enforcement, police, aboriginal prisoners, race relations, racism, racial stereotyping

Victoria became a separate colony of the United Kingdom on 1 July 1851; however it took until 1864 for a workable system of weights and measures administration to be introduced. Standard of weights and measures were obtained and issued to local authorities to administer in their local areas. These standards were numbered, as were the Crown stamps used by inspectors to indicate that trade weights and measures had been checked and found to be legal to use in the day-to-day businesses of local traders. By the 1870's each local council had a set of standards that were used to test the scales, weights and measures of local merchants and businesses.Standard 28lb brass measure. Ball shaped weight with single handle on top. Front; Standard / lb / 28 AV / Potter / London / 25.8.1864 / 24.3.90 / 9.6.95 / 17.10.00 / 5.10.05 / 20.3.11 / 25.8.16 / 27.9.21 / 10.11.26 / 17.11.31 / 16.11.35 / 4.12.41 / 24.11.52city of greater bendigo commerce

Owned by long-time Australian Nursing and Midwifery Federation (Victorian Branch) Professional Officer Catherine Hutchings.1998 federal election campaign material by Victorian Trades Hall. Full colour bi-fold brochure, using images depicting 1998 Australian waterfront dispute. Text on front: 'Welcome to John Howard's Australia. In 1996, John Howard promised that under his industrial relations laws, 'no worker would be worse off'. In 1998, his government cheered on the illegal sacking of 2000 workers. His laws have changed our system from one of fairness and decency to a system that encourages conflict and division. John Howard's laws are undermining Australian wages and working conditions by attacking unions, encouraging individual contracts and dismantling the award system and the Industrial Relations Commission. On October 3rd [1998], use your vote wisely Your job may depend on it.' Text on rear: 'Five Facts About Industrial Relations Under John Howard Workers have lost award conditions and legal protections. Australian wages are being undermined by individual contracts and non-union agreements. Companies can use corporate law to sack workforces and not pay wages owed. Workers have been sacked because they belong to a Union. Conflict and Division in the workforce has increased. On October 3rd [1998], use your vote wisely. Your job may depend on it.'victoria, australia, john howard, liberal party, 1998 federal election, protest, industrial relations, unions, trade unions, trades hall, carlton, politics, political history, waterfront dispute, events, labour history, solidarity

In the first years after European settlement of Australia, a varied collection of international coins, tradesmen's tokens and promissory notes were used by European settlers, while soldiers participated in the notorious rum trade. In 1825, the British government made the English Pound the only form of legal currency in Australian colonies. With Federation in 1901 the Commonwealth government became the only body with the constitutional power to issue currency. In 1910, nine years after Australia federated as a nation, a national Australian currency was formed, based on the British money system of pounds, shillings and pence. The Australian penny was first minted in England from 1911 to 1915, then in India from 1916 to 1918. Australia started minting most of its own pennies from 1919 until the introduction of decimal currency in 1966. This collection was donated by Mr. Heinz Kaupert of Wodonga. He was an active member of the German-Austrian club of Wodonga. He died in Wodonga in 2014.These coins reflect developments in Australian currency and were donated by a member of the Wodonga Community.A collection of 20 penny and half penny coins mounted in a frame behind glass. They are divided into 3 sections - English currency used as Australian Currency before 1939, Australian coins used 1901 - 1939 and currency used from 1939 - 1966.australian coins pre-decimal, australian penny, australian halfpenny

Provides the basis for segregating road traffic from tram lines at intersections and along roadways and road markings applied.Yields information about the introduction of Fairways into Melbourne tramway streets during 1983, the first legal segregation of trams from road traffic.Set of two pamphlets regarding Tram Fairways. .1 - Three-section vertical fold-out pamphlet titled "How to drive the Fairway" printed on gloss paper showing the fairway system and how its works with the various signs in a cartoon manner. Notes the Fairway system was set up in 1983 and the basis of it. Has the VicRoads logos, name, and "Victoria Growing together? logos. .2 - Three-section, horizontal format pamphlet on plain paper, titled "Now there's a better way", giving details of the system, showing drawings and how they work at intersections. Issued by the Road Traffic Authority, has the RTA logo. .3 - Newspaper cutting, titled "The old way, the Fairway" giving advanced notice of the introduction of the Fairway system and the roads impacted. Has an AEC election advertisement on the rear for the March 1983 Federal Election.fairways, cartoons, rta, vicroads, traffic control, trams, tramways

Report - 170 pages approx., spiral wire bound, plastic front cover, card back cover with a c1925 photograph of Flinders St Station on the front cover, titled "Passenger Rail Franchising in Victoria an Overview", prepared by the Department of Treasury and Finance for the State Government, April 2000. Has a table of contents. Provides an introduction into the public transport system, reform, auditor general's recommendations, policy framework regarding privatisations and franchising, commercial issues and processes, employment restructuring, legal framework, outcomes, investments, costs, leases, risk transfer. Has annexures on payments to franchisees, rolling stock leases and final bid template.trams, tramways, public transport, franchising, ptc, privatisation, passengers, minister for transport

Newspaper - The City Weekly, issue 14, April 25 to May 1, 2002, containing an article titled "Tram Etiquette" and "Commuter fare blitz". Printed in full colour on gloss paper with a front cover in cartoon form of the things you should not do on a tram - Cartoon by Golding. Was a free newspaper. Magazine of Newspaper Covers City Real Estate, out on the town, Health and Beauty, entertainment, classifieds and careers. Page 6 - article titled "Commuter fare blitz" - about proposed checking of Metcards, but there were many complaints and issues with machines not working and legal challenges. Pages 8 and 9 - article "Tram Etiquette", with the sub-headings "in the absence of conductors, have we become confused about public behaviour on privatised trams". Looks at issues at how people use the tram system with photos of people using trams. Also has a side item with people's photographs titled "What's getting up people's noses on Melbourne trams?" Written by Bridget McManus, Pictures by Peter Weaving and Robert Hudson. Two copies held.trams, tramways, passengers, behaviour, trams, public transport, tickets, metcard, cartoons

Set of three printed foolscap documents, secured in the top left hand corner by a staple, giving standard "General Conditions of Contract" for the construction or provision of mechanical equipment to the Melbourne Tramways Trust, cable tram system. .1 - four page document - "General Construction" .2 - three page document - "Mechanical" .3 - two page document - has clause title on the left hand side.trams, tramways, mtt, cable trams, melbourne tramways trust, construction, mto co, contracts, specification, legal agreements

Set of 7 typed, some bound foolscap documents associated with the agreement with the promoter for the construction of the Essendon Tramway system during 1904. Only the top page has been imaged. .1 - 21 page (top page loose), "The Town of Essendon and The Borough of Flemington and Kensington with A. E. Morgans Esq Agreement" dated 26/9/1904, sets out routes, gauge, motive power, maximum speed, safety, tolls and charges, use, power house, default and various responsibilities. Last page has signature details. .2 - 8 pages bound with a clip, marked "A", dated 26/9/1904, Agreement of Delegation of Morgan's rights to the North Melbourne Electric Tramways and Lighting Co. Ltd. .3 - 15 page bound with a clip, marked "B" dated 26/9/1906, (1904?) agreement of Delegation of Morgan's rights for the transfer of order under Electric Light and Power Act 1896. Dated by the Governor Arthur Talbot 24/10/1904. .4 - 22 pages, bound with a clip, marked "C" copy of agreement annexed to the Deed of Covenant for the purposes of identification. .5 - 7 pages secured with a pin - "Extraction the Government Gazette May 11 1904 - Tramways in the Town of Essendon and Borough of Flemington and Kensington" .6 - approx. 30 pages cotton bound - copies of various Indentures and Covenants between the parties and approved by the Governor in Council. .7 - 9 pages, Deed of Covenant marked "D" between NMETL, A E Morgans, the City of Essendon and the City of Melbourne dated 21/6/1906, refers to the Tramway Act of 1890. Would have been needed following the absorption of the Borough by the City of Melbourne.trams, tramways, nmetl, new tramway, essendon, power station, safety, flemington, kensington

Before metric measurement was introduced land was measured by a tool of chains and links called a surveyor's chain. The first surveyor's chain was designed by the English clergyman and mathematician Edmund Gunter (1581-1626) and introduced in 1620. It comprised of a metal chain made up of 100 links measuring a precise overall length of 66 ft or 22 yards, with each link measuring 7.92 inches (201.168 mm). The Gunter's chain was originally intended to be used in the accurate laying out and measurement of plots of land, for legal and commercial purposes, but was subsequently widely used by surveyors throughout the British Empire and Europe, with an Imperial mile being 80 times the Gunter's chain length. A tool used to survey the land before the introduction of the metric system.Surveyor chain Gunter type, 100 links measuring 66 feet in length. Hand grips at each end of chain. Wire links are approximately eight inches long. Incised tags or markers are attached to each tenth link of chain to assist with the more accurate recording of intermediate distances.surveying tool

The photo depicts men dressed in formal suits and in bowler hats walking out the front of the Beechworth Court House. Beechworth became known as the legal headquarters of north-east Victoria after the establishment of the Circuit Court in 1857. This was later known as the Court of Assize and dealt with cases surpassing the reach of the General Sessions and County Courts. The Court House was built a year after for these proceedings and was extended in 1865. As the image is undated the year is not known, however it can be assumed it was taken after 1857 as the Court House is pictured.The photograph holds historic significance as it contributes to an understanding of the legal systems in Beechworth at that time. Specifically, the popularity of the Court House as a large number of people are pictured in the photo, which may represent the frequent use or interest in a signifiant trial that may have occurred at the place.Black and white landscape photograph printed on paper.beechworth courthouse, court house, beechworth, bowler hats, trial, legal, law, court, proceedings, circuit court, court of assize, assize, county courts, general sessions

Vintage legal documents for land division in Victoria, especially those predating the Torrens system (October 1862), are often found in the Public Record Office Victoria (PROV). These documents, like deeds and Crown grants, can help trace the history of land ownership and division. A letter from K.H. Scott, Shire Engineer of the Shire of Lillydale Victoria to M. H. Proctor Re: Planning Application P.S./833. It is typed on the blue elaborately printed Shire letterhead and dated 12th September, 1974. The application from Mr Proctor to subdivide land situated and described as C.C. 12 Sec B Queens Road., Wandin was granted. Conditions apply.Signed 'Yours faithfully K H Scott K.H. Scott Shire Engineer' 'In reply please quote 1832:74 MGE:DW'legal documents, contracts, documents, indentures

Vintage legal documents for land division in Victoria, especially those predating the Torrens system (October 1862), are often found in the Public Record Office Victoria (PROV). These documents, like deeds and Crown grants, can help trace the history of land ownership and division. A letter from the Melbourne and Metropolitan Board of Works stating the application by Mr M. H. Proctor of Wandin dated 23rd April, 1974 for a permit to subdivide land in Wandin Yallock has been approved by the Board on 23 April, 1974. There are conditions required. The letter is signed: 'Yours faithfully, (O.T. W. Cosgriff) Assistant Secretary' for 'Mr. M. H. Proctor, Queens Road, Wandin, 3139. 'Board's Reference: Appln No, TP 76484'legal documents, contracts, documents, indentures