At the end of World War II, the Federal Government decided to increase the strength of the post-war Regular Army and Cabinet gave approval for the establishment of a Staff College in Australia. On 27 February 1946, the Staff School (Australia) was re-named the Australian Staff College. Authority was given to raise the College and to locate it at Fort Queenscliff. Because the Fort was not ready for immediate occupation, a temporary home was found for the College, in June 1946, at the School of Infantry, Seymour Victoria. On 26 October 1946, the advance party of the College arrived at Fort Queenscliff and the first staff course to be conducted at the new College began in January 1947. Only in November 1979, after much thought and discussion, was it decided that the Australian Army Staff College would have a permanent home at Fort Queenscliff. On 1 January 1982, the College was renamed the Command and Staff College. This reflected the new aim of the Course which included both command and staff aspects. New support facilities were opened at Crow’s Nest Barracks in 1985 and work began in 1986 on the new instruction block at Fort Queenscliff. On 29 January 1988, the new Military Instructional Facility (MIF) was officially opened by the then Chief of the General Staff (CGS). The MIF features a lecture hall, a model room, syndicate rooms, computer centre, and library. Major rebuilding of the Officers Mess and Mess Accommodation was completed in mid-1990. By December 1996, 1224 officers had graduated from the Command and Staff College. The last course conducted under single service auspices, graduated in December 2000, thus bringing to a close a successful 62 years of Command and Staff College operation. http://www.fortqueenscliff.com.au/page11.htmWooden Plaque 15cm x 13cmAustralian Staff College Queenscliffe

Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders on the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. VIOSH had its first intake of students in 1979. At that time the Institution was known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1990 it became known as Ballarat University College, then in 1994 as University of Ballarat. It was 2014 that it became Federation University. VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree - on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge. Request for preliminary approval from Ballarat College of Advanced Education for Proposed Masters Degree in Risk Engineering (Occupational Hazard Management). Outlines the Course Aims, Outline of the Course - Sessions, Mode of Presentation, Relationship to other Courses, Enrolment Levels, Justification for Introduction of the Course. Over the years the College has engaged a number of recognised authorities and people who work in the area of occupational hazard management to work as visiting lecturers. Professor P Compes from the University of Wuppertal, Germany Professor D Klein (Fulbright Scholar) from Michigan State University E Wigglesworth, Executive Director, Menzies Foundation, Melbourne Professor R Vernon from Texas A&R University Dr D Else from University of Aston, Birmingham, UK Five A4 pages -m typed.Signature of Derek Woolley on first pageviosh, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, ballarat college of advanced education, proposed masters degree risk engineering, occupational hazard management, course aims, outline of course, justification for course, professor p compes, university of wuppertal germany, professor d klein, fulbright scholar, michigan state university, e wigglesworth, menzies foundation, director, professor r vernon, texas a&r university, dr d else, university of aston birmingham

The Ballarat College of Advanced Education was formed by the merging of the State College of Victoria at Ballarat (SCVB) and the Ballarat Institute of Advanced Education (BIAE). The parent body of BIAE was the Ballarat School of Mines, founded in 1870 to train personnel for mining activities. The first awards at diploma level were made in 1896 in the branches of English, Metallurgy and Geology. Over the years the range of courses broadened to include Art, Physics, Business Studies, Humanities and Librarianship. The tertiary division of the School of Mines was relocated to Mount Helen in 1970. The SCVB was established in 1925 by the Education Department as the Ballarat Teachers' College. It was one of two provincial teachers' colleges to be established. The first courses were concerned with primary teaching and manual arts but later the subject areas of Physical Education, Environmental Sciences, Music, Art and Craft became major strengths. The merger took place in 1976 and by 1980 all staff were located at the Mount Helen Campus. In 1988 Student accomdation included: * Mount Helen - 290 individual furnished study/bedrooms arranged in units of ten to fourten rooms. $64.05 including 4 evening meals * Gillies Street - 56 individaul study/bedrooms in two blocks each containing kitchen/dining room areas, a common room, as well as bathroom areas. Does not include meals. $37.80 per week. * Beaufort House - Managed by the Education Department, with BCAE playing a coordinating role in the placement of students. 75 single and shared accomodation with full board (14 meals per week) $73.80 per week * Nurses' Home - Ballarat Base Hospital authorities made approximately 100 individual study/bedrooms availabel to female students. (36.40 per week)White soft covered book with grey, blue, orange and green detail. It is the Ballarat College of Advanced Education Prospectus for 1988. It inclues admisson and application details, student services and facilities, open day, and undergraduate course information. ballarat college of advanced education, bcae, prospectus, vtac, international students, student accomodation, computer centre, library, childcare centre, campus shop, bean inn, applied science, arts, business, engineering, humanities, social sciences, librarianship, nursing, physical education, primary teaching, educaion, graduate diploma, sanyo micro-computers, apple iie computers, hewlett-packard 3000 model 70, hewlett-packard 9000/550 computer, cyber 180-835 at rmit, student union, gym, teacher resource centre

Margaret Stevens was the inaugural Head of Nursing at the Ballarat College of Advanced Education from June 1985 until her retirement in 1989. During the 1980s there was a growing acceptance around Australia that Nurse Education needed to be more science based to allow nurses to cope with the vastly increased appearance of technological devices in the hospital wards. The response was to shift such training into Higher Education institutions. The State Government decided that Nurse Training in Ballarat should move from the Hospital to Ballarat College of Advanced Education. in 1986. Margaret Stevens had been a senior Nurse Educator at the Ballarat Base Hospital for many years and was selected by mutual agreement between the two institutions to devise the new course and plan its implementation so that it would gain the approval of the Nurse Registration authority. In addition to consulting widely with other Nurse Education specialists and supporting departments in Ballarat College of Advanced Education, Margaret negotiated with over 70 medical establishments to work out arrangements by which the students would be placed in work experience as required by the course. She was also involved in the required additional staff appointments and in planning for a new building on Campus. The course was commenced in 1986 and the transition successfully achieved, thanks largely to Margaret's diligence. In 1987 the Review of Registration of Health Practitioners interim report was published by the Health Department Victoria. Margaret Stevens was appointed by the Health Minister to represent the College of Nursing, Australia. This was a landmark review with long-reaching implications. At the time of her death on 23 March 2015 she was a member of the Board of Ballarat Community Health, and was identified as follows R.N.; B.App.Sc (Nursing); Post Basic: DipEd(N); Kellogg Fellow (USA 1984-85), M.Ed. (USA) & 1st program of M.Ethics Grey lever arch folder of notes, faxes and timetables relating to the teaching of the Diploma pf Applied Science (Nursing) at Ballarat College of Advanced Education (now Federation University Australia). Includes a letter of Ballarat College on Advanced Education 10th Anniversary letterhead, student lists, student placement, timetablesnursing, anniverary, letterhead, ballarat college of advanced education, elaine duffy, jan drennan, university women

Instituted by King George V in 1919 to mark the end of World War I and record the service given. The British War Medal 1914-20 was awarded as follows: Navy: 28 days mobilised service in Australia, at sea or overseas during prescribed periods. Army: Entered theatres of war during specified periods or left places of residence and rendered approved service overseas. Mercantile Marine: Awarded to the men and women of the Mercantile Marine who served at least six months at sea between 4th August 1914 and 11th November 1918. Licensed Pilots, Fishermen and crews of Pilotage and Lighthouse Authorities' Vessels, and of Post Office Cable Ships were also eligible. Those eligible also included members of women's organisations; persons on the staffs of military hospitals and members of recognised organisations who handled sick and wounded; and members of other duly recognised or other authorised organisations as specified in medal regulations. The qualification period of service between 5 August 1914 and 11 November 1918 was later extended to cover post-war mine clearance and service in Russia during 1919 and 1920. The ribbon has a wide central watered stripe of orange, flanked by two narrow white stripes, which are in turn flanked by two black pin-stripes, further flanked by two outer stripes of blue. The colours have no particular significance. The medal is cupro-nickel with the effigy of George V on the obverse. The reverse has an image of St George on horseback trampling underfoot the eagle shield of the Central Powers, and a skull and cross-bones, the emblems of death. Above this is the risen sun of victory. The years 1914 and 1918 are contained on the outside edge medal.GEORGIVS V BRITT OMN:REX ET IND:IMP: 2186 FRASER, Thomasbritish war medal, medal, first world war, world war one, ww1

Melton Fire Brigade history In a letter to George Minns of 24th March 1942 from the Forests Commission the brigade was registered Class ‘F’ with the certificate of Registration N. 425. In December 1935 a public meeting was held with the purpose of forming a bush fire brigade. Constable Roy Corbett was elected Captain a position he held until 1941 and 1945 –1949. 1942 EW Barrie. 1st Lieut 2nd Lieut TL Barrie 1943 EW Barrie 2nd Lieut 1944 : : MELTON RURAL FIRE BRIGADE Established under CFA act 1944 1945- 1953 EW Barrie Apparatus Officer 1951- 1965 EW Barrie Captain 1967- 1979 EW Barrie elected Group Communication Officer of the Mt Cotterill Fire Brigades. RADIO In 1954 the Fire Brigade introduced 2 HF (high frequency) radios, one was installed in the Fire truck and the other in the Captains utility. 1956- 16th March Licence granted to the County Fire Authority Melton to establish a MOBILE transmitting and receiving station. Area of operation, Melton and District on the frequency (kc/s) 3836 for the exchange of messages relating to the fighting and prevention of fires during actual fires or periods of fire hazard with the CFA Bacchus Marsh base station VL3OX. 1958- 22nd May Commonwealth of Australia, Postmaster-General’s Department Special Licence No H 702 under the Wireless Telegraphy Act 1905-1950 is hereby transferred to Mr. E.W. Barrie, Captain, Melton Rural Fire Brigade to establish a MOBILE transmitting and receiving station. Call sign VL3 OX 6 and VL 3OX 7Group officer Bon Barrie's invitation to a Fire Brigade formal dinner emergency services

Original bell from the first Eltham Fire Station in Arthur Street erected on a tower in November 1928, the station opened in January 1929. In 1988 the bell was mounted beneath a wooden sign of Country Fire Authority, Eltham Fire Station, 909 Main Road, Eltham. As of September 2023 the bell is in the same location, with the signboard gone, suspended in a steel metal tower-like frame. The bell has seen service at the original Eltham Fire Station in Arthur Street (1928-1931), Henry Street beside the Rechabite Hall (1931-1935), Main Road (east side, site of present-day Coles 1935-1965) and 909 Main Road (1965-present). Samantha Robertson 1988 Entrant No. 1 Ref: Series 34 Items 1, 2, 42-45 SHIRE OF ELTHAM COMMUNITY PHOTOGRAPHIC SURVEY Photography is an artform which many of us practice, sometimes purely for artistic pursuit, sometimes to record the people and events in our lives. In 1988, as part of a local Bicentennial project, the Shire of Eltham conducted the Eltham Community Photographic Survey. Up to 100 entries were to be selected by a panel of photographers for entry into the Eltham Photographic Survey Exhibition. Entries had to be submitted by May 13, 1988. Entrants whose images were selected for the exhibition were contacted and requested to further submit an entry form providing entrant’s name, area of residence, age, and proposed captions. These details were then used to produce labels for the exhibition mounts. Where negatives had not been supplied, these were requested to support the display of printed enlargements mounted on 10” x 8” cardboard. The mounted prints were made available post exhibition for sale at $8.50 each for colour prints and $7.00 for B&W prints. Residents in the Shire were invited to collect a free roll of film and take a photograph of what they either liked or did not like about the area. A total of 160 entrants submitted multiple entries for the exhibition. Of those selected for exhibition, entrants ranged in age from 9 to 70 years. All custom colour and black and white printing for the exhibition was completed by Wattle Studios of Eltham. The Eltham Photographic Survey was jointly auspiced by the Shire of Eltham and Wattle Studios, of 953 Main Road, Eltham. The project was greatly assisted by: • David McRitchie, Media Studies Lecturer Victoria College, Rusden Campus. • Ian and Annette Toohill of Wattle Studios • Tracy Naughton, Eltham Community Arts Officer • Neville Emerson Pty. Ltd. • Superior Press, Eltham • Kodak Australasia Pty. Ltd. • Agfa Gevaert Ltd. • Townsend Colourtech Pty. Ltd. • The Australian Bicentennial Authority • Eleanor Bowers, Secretary, Eltham Arts Council The exhibition was placed on display in the Woolworths Arcade, Eltham between Monday June 6th and Saturday June 11, 1988. It was also intended to hold the exhibition at a venue in the Shire’s North Riding from Monday, June 20 to Friday June 24. It was then displayed at the Were Street Theatre, Montmorency from Friday, June 24 to Thursday, July 7. Series 34: Eltham Community Photographic Survey 1988 - Prints & Documentation Series consists of 117 photographs of Shire scenes taken by members of the community. Items I - 41 are larger photographs mounted on card, which were exhibited. Items 42 - 117 are unmounted copies, alternative takes and other entries. Corresponding negatives contained in Series 35: Eltham Community Photographic Survey 1988 – Negatives which consists of 267 colour and B&W negatives and one colour slide of Shire scenes taken by members of the community. The negatives are arranged by the entrant number of the photographer. The Eltham Community Photographic Survey collection is significant to the local community as it was curated by the local community - ordinary people of all ages - representing what they liked and did not like in the area where they lived. It represents an unfiltered representation of the Shire of Eltham as it was in 1988. It also represents one of many projects as part of the national programme of events and celebrations to commemorate the bicentenary. It is a time capsule of life in the 1980s of this urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north. Front: Entrant No. and name on printed label Rear: Entrant No., name and address on printed label; also 'Series 34' and the 'Item No.' in pencilshire of eltham archives, bicentennial project, country fire authority, eltham, eltham community photographic survey, eltham fire station, eltham photographic survey exhibition, film - ilford xp1 400, fire bell, main road, samantha robertson, scan - 35mm negative, series 34, series 35

This 236 page, full-colour hard copy reference work, catalogues the metal insignia embellishments used by all Corps and Schools of the Australian Army (including philanthropic organisations), from 1953 through to the present. The book provides images of the front and the back of a given (metal) insignia set for each Corps etc. Each image set depicts the relevant hat badge, collar badges and epaulette title and/or cloth shoulder title applicable. The book's images record three distinctly different 'generations' of insignia manufacturing methods/types, including the: gilt brass and white metal items used in the 1953 to 1964 period; and anodised aluminium 'StayBright' insignia introduced as from 1964[ and 'BriteShine' insignia introduced with effect from 1997 (running through to the present). The full colour photographic images in the book are complimented by written descriptions which cite each item's distinguishing characteristics... including measures of: typical weight, height, width and thickness (at a given point). A discussion of copies and faked items is also provided, including microscope resolution images of 'tell tale' signs to look for. The entries in the book are organised alphabetically and match those used in the Authors' 614 page eBook version of this work (the eBook is a separate edition which provides scalable images of all relevant insignia and many manufacturing variants).The hard copy and electronic editions of this work are able to be used either separately or concurrently, as and when users require. Regards Mark Corcoran & Arthur Butler The Authors charlibravobooks.com Re: Copyright As the original authors we hold the sole copyright authority to sell this work. This item does not infringe on any copyright, trademark and/or intellectual property rights and we hold specific written publication approval from the Australian Defence Force. Soft cover, spiral bound 235 pagesaustralian army, post ww2 insignia

Glen Eira has a long history of association with various heraldic forms. From its early years the municipality of Caulfield had used the armorial bearings of the Caulfield Family (the Charlemonts of Castle Caulfield) to represent the roads board and later the town and city. In 1969 Caulfield City Council began planning to apply for an official coat of arms for the City. In 1974 Horace Hall, a Balwyn North resident and member of the Heraldry Society in London advised Council that the current usage was illegal, and that the Houston family, current owners of the Caulfield Arms could take legal action against Council for 'usurping their arms'. Mr Hall was commissioned to develop new heraldry for the City, and in conjunction with J. P. Brooke Little at the College of Arms, London, he prepared an acceptable design for Caulfield's Coat of Arms. The Council paid an additional sum to have a standard painted on the Letters Patent and the municipality's new coat of arms was drawn up in June 1975. The Coat of Arms retains a number of heraldic elements from the original Caulfield family insignia, including the dragons, the colours and the elements of the shield. The newly registered coat of arms and Letters Patent document for the granting of arms was presented at a civic service to mark the granting of armorial ensigns and the city banner to the City of Caulfield on the 1st May 1977. Significant elements of the coat of arms granted by these Letters Patent are as follows: The motto 'Labore Vinces' translates to 'By our labours we will conquer'. The helmet represents the rank of the owner. Public authorities are granted an esquire's helmet. The brickwork on the crest is a recognised emblem of local government. The Letters Patent also display a banner and a badge, both official symbols of the City of Caulfield. The badge, which is displayed on the banner as well as on its own, features a bridled horse. This represents the importance of racing, the Caulfield racecourse and the Caulfield cup to the municipality. These letters patent officially proclaim the granting of the coat of arms to the City of Caulfield. They are highly significant to the City of Glen Eira as they are the primary document that signifies the official and ceremonial heraldic powers of the Coat of Arms of the City of Caulfield. Mounted Letters Patent illuminated document for the Grant of Arms to the City of Caulfield presented on 1st May, 1977. Hand written and hand painted on cream coloured parchment using different coloured inks, mainly black, blue, red and gouache and gold paint. The bottom edge is folded up over itself approx. 45mm revealing the flesh side of the parchment, which displays black ink signatures and three sets of two horizontal slits that hold three blue ribbon. The ribbons support three wax seals in round, gold coloured metal cases held by the wax through slots in the casing. Although covered by the cap top, each wax seal within displays a different flag emblem with a crown on top, surrounded by a ring of text (difficult to read), noted when the cases were opened during conservation treatment. See attached transcription.arms, symbol, heraldry, glen eira, council, caulfield

A photo of Professor Geoffrey Blainey speaking at a the public launch of Legacy Week at the ANZ Pavilion at the Victorian Arts Centre. The date is 23 August 1988. Also a photo of John Lady and Terry Hawksley. The attached label says: " Melbourne Legacy held its first official public launch - a luncheon for Melbourne's leading business community at the ANZ Pavilion at the Victorian Arts Centre to highlight 'Legacy Week'. Professor Geoffrey Blainey, AO, addressed the guests and was joined by Legacy's 1988 personality, Australia's first under 4 minute miler, John Lady." They were in a folio of photos from 1988. (see also 001042 to 01049) From Wikipedia: "Geoffrey Norman Blainey AC, FAHA, FASSA (born 11 March 1930) is an Australian historian, academic, philanthropist and commentator with a wide international audience. Biographer Geoffrey Bolton argues that he has played multiple roles as an Australian historian: He first came to prominence in the 1950s as a pioneer in the neglected field of Australian business history....He produced during the 1960s and 1970s a number of surveys of Australian history in which explanation was organized around the exploration of the impact of the single factor (distance, mining, pre-settlement Aboriginal society).... Blainey next turned to the rhythms of global history in the industrial period.... Because of his authority as a historian, he was increasingly in demand as a commentator on Australian public affairs." From the name badges the attendees included: 1. Geoffrey Blainey. 2. John Landy and Terry Hawksley. 3. A girl and L/ Geoff Swan. 4. L/ David Millie and Jim Madden. 5. John ? and L/ Colin Bannister. 6. Patsy Adam-Smith (?) and artist Geoffrey Mallett. 7. ? and Jim Dickson. 8. Peter Prior and Abe Birmingham. 9. President Chas Wilks speaking. 10. President Chas Wilks and Rupe Thomas.A record of celebrities being involved in promoting Legacy Week in 1988 and an official launch at Victorian Arts Centre.Colour photo x 10 of public launch of Legacy Week in 1988.Yellow paper label explaining the event in black type.legacy week, legacy promotion, speakers

"Centenary of Fnrst Mass at Ballarat Friday last marked the centenary of the arrival of the first priest and the celebration of the first Mass in Ballarat. The Rev. Patrick Dunne reached the diggings on October 17, and on Sunday, October 19, 1851, in a bark hut near Brown Hill, he celebrated Mass. Worshippers had to kneel on quartz gravel. The weather had been the worst experienced in Victoria for a number of years, and most of the creeks between Melbourne and Ballarat were flowing torrents, but Father Dunne (who came from the Coburg mission), carrying the barest necessities and the sacred vestments, set out for Ballarat on horseback. He had to ford and swim his horse across the creeks. When most of his congregation left for the Castlemaine diggings Father Dunne returned to Melbourne. In August, 1852, Rev. Matthew Downing became Ballarat's first resident priest. He built a large wooden structure with a canvas roof which served as a church, but later erected at the Gravel Pits the first permanent church. This church was the largest of any house of worship on any goldfield in the colony. It cost £ 100, contributed solely by Father Downing and his flock. Soon after he got the authorities to survey a large piece of land at the back of the township as a burial ground and procured a grant of £500 for fencing it. A grant of £250 was also obtained for the improvement of the chapel and fittings of a school, where Michael Campion Carey opened the first school. Rev. Patrick Smyth succeeded Father Downing, who was followed by Rev. P. Madden, who in 1857 began to plan the erection of St. Patrick's Church. The foundation stone of this was laid by Bishop Goold on February 12, 1858, and the church was opened for the first time on November 8, 1863." (Melbourne Advocate 25 October 1951)Two colour photographs showing the St Alipius' Catholic Church flag - a blue cross and border on white. st alipius, church, ballarat east, flag

This photograph was taken at Wooragee Hall on Wednesday the 28th of April 2004 called 'Queries about Quolls' and shows a Quoll Presentation by Andrew Murray at Mt Pilot, Chiltern Mt Pilot National Park. The photograph shows (L - R) Jerry Alexander, Unknown, Unknown, Mary Prowse, Tony Prowse. The event was hosted by the Wooragee Landcare Group and was led by Andrew Murray (of Parks Victoria), President of the South-East Forest Spotted-tailed Quoll Working Group and one of Victoria's leading authorities in quolls. As the name of the event would suggest, this session provided attendees with insight and general information on quolls, including the characteristics of quolls, the habitat of quolls and the techniques that can be used when searching for quolls which was part of a wider project aimed at protecting the endangered species of the tiger quoll, also known as the spotted-tailed quoll, an animal that once inhabited Mount Pilot-Chiltern National Park. This particular photo shows a group of attendees looking at a typical quoll nesting site in a rock crevice. According to an article included in the Wooragee Landcare group coordinators annual report 2004 and 2005 album (record 00001), Andrew Murray had been tasked to train a team of Department of Sustainability and Environment staff and volunteers from the local area (Beechworth and Wooragee) in the detection skills needed to establish whether the tiger quoll still inhabited the Mount Pilot-Chiltern National Park and had survived after a bush fire in 2003 had burned through the area where they would normally have been found. The Tiger Quoll is the largest of the quoll species. Largely resembling a cross between a possum and a cat, the quoll is distinctive due to the white spots that are often found all over its brown fur.This photograph is significant as it provides evidence of a project undertaken by the Wooragee Landcare Group to educate themselves and members of the public on the tiger quoll in the early 2000s in an attempt to better understand and protect the species. The Wooragee Landcare Group has been instrumental in the co-ordination of programs relating to biodiversity protection in the local area, providing great assistance to landholders.Landscape coloured photograph printed on gloss paperReverse: WAN NA 0ANA2N0 AN2 0 1636 / [PRINTED] (No.4) / 918wooragee, wooragee hall, wooragee landcare, wooragee landcare group, quoll, spotted-tailed quoll, tiger quoll, queries about quolls, south east forest spotted-tailed quoll working group, andrew murray quolls, mount pilot chiltern national park, quoll species, endangered quoll, andrew murray, beechworth, landcare group, mount pilot

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

The chair has been used since antiquity, although for many centuries it was a symbolic article of state and dignity rather than an article for ordinary use. "The chair" is still used as the emblem of authority in the House of Commons in the United Kingdom and Canada, and in many other settings. In keeping with this historical connotation of the "chair" as the symbol of authority, committees, boards of directors, and academic departments all have a 'chairman' or 'chair'. Endowed professorships are referred to as chairs. It was not until the 16th century that chairs became common. Until then, people sat on chests, benches, and stools, which were the ordinary seats of everyday life. The number of chairs which have survived from an earlier date is exceedingly limited; most examples are of ecclesiastical, seigneurial or feudal origin. Chairs were in existence since at least the Early Dynastic Period of Egypt (c. 3100 BC). They were covered with cloth or leather, were made of carved wood, and were much lower than today's chairs – chair seats were sometimes only 10 inches (25 cm) high. In ancient Egypt, chairs appear to have been of great richness and splendour. Fashioned of ebony and ivory, or of carved and gilded wood, they were covered with costly materials, magnificent patterns and supported upon representations of the legs of beasts or the figures of captives. Generally speaking, the higher ranked an individual was, the taller and more sumptuous was the chair he sat on and the greater the honour. On state occasions, the pharaoh sat on a throne, often with a little footstool in front of it.[ The average Egyptian family seldom had chairs, and if they did, it was usually only the master of the household who sat on a chair. Among the better off, the chairs might be painted to look like the ornate inlaid and carved chairs of the rich, but the craftsmanship was usually poor. The earliest images of chairs in China are from 6th-century Buddhist murals and stele, but the practice of sitting in chairs at that time was rare. It was not until the 12th century that chairs became widespread in China. Scholars disagree on the reasons for the adoption of the chair. The most common theories are that the chair was an outgrowth of indigenous Chinese furniture, that it evolved from a camp stool imported from Central Asia, that it was introduced to China by Christian missionaries in the 7th century, and that the chair came to China from India as a form of Buddhist monastic furniture. In modern China, unlike Korea or Japan, it is no longer common to sit at floor level. In Europe, it was owing in great measure to the Renaissance that the chair ceased to be a privilege of state and became a standard item of furniture for anyone who could afford to buy it. Once the idea of privilege faded the chair speedily came into general use. Almost at once the chair began to change every few years to reflect the fashions of the day. Thomas Edward Bowdich visited the main Palace of the Ashanti Empire in 1819, and observed chairs engrossed with gold in the empire. In the 1880s, chairs became more common in American households and usually there was a chair provided for every family member to sit down to dinner. By the 1830s, factory-manufactured “fancy chairs” like those by Sears, Roebuck, and Co. allowed families to purchase machined sets. With the Industrial Revolution, chairs became much more available. The 20th century saw an increasing use of technology in chair construction with such things as all-metal folding chairs, metal-legged chairs, the Slumber Chair,[ moulded plastic chairs and ergonomic chairs. The recliner became a popular form, at least in part due to radio and television. The modern movement of the 1960s produced new forms of chairs: the butterfly chair (originally called the Hardoy chair), bean bags, and the egg-shaped pod chair that turns. It also introduced the first mass-produced plastic chairs such as the Bofinger chair in 1966. Technological advances led to moulded plywood and wood laminate chairs, as well as chairs made of leather or polymers. Mechanical technology incorporated into the chair enabled adjustable chairs, especially for office use. Motors embedded in the chair resulted in massage chairs. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ChairThe chair is one of the most commonly used items providing comfort.Chair wooden varnished dark brown. Spokes for back support, front legs and spokes joining legs are patterned turned wood. Back rest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.Back rest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, chair, dining, carpentry

The chair has been used since antiquity, although for many centuries it was a symbolic article of state and dignity rather than an article for ordinary use. "The chair" is still used as the emblem of authority in the House of Commons in the United Kingdom and Canada, and in many other settings. In keeping with this historical connotation of the "chair" as the symbol of authority, committees, boards of directors, and academic departments all have a 'chairman' or 'chair'. Endowed professorships are referred to as chairs. It was not until the 16th century that chairs became common. Until then, people sat on chests, benches, and stools, which were the ordinary seats of everyday life. The number of chairs which have survived from an earlier date is exceedingly limited; most examples are of ecclesiastical, seigneurial or feudal origin. Chairs were in existence since at least the Early Dynastic Period of Egypt (c. 3100 BC). They were covered with cloth or leather, were made of carved wood, and were much lower than today's chairs – chair seats were sometimes only 10 inches (25 cm) high. In ancient Egypt, chairs appear to have been of great richness and splendour. Fashioned of ebony and ivory, or of carved and gilded wood, they were covered with costly materials, magnificent patterns and supported upon representations of the legs of beasts or the figures of captives. Generally speaking, the higher ranked an individual was, the taller and more sumptuous was the chair he sat on and the greater the honour. On state occasions, the pharaoh sat on a throne, often with a little footstool in front of it.[ The average Egyptian family seldom had chairs, and if they did, it was usually only the master of the household who sat on a chair. Among the better off, the chairs might be painted to look like the ornate inlaid and carved chairs of the rich, but the craftsmanship was usually poor. The earliest images of chairs in China are from 6th-century Buddhist murals and stele, but the practice of sitting in chairs at that time was rare. It was not until the 12th century that chairs became widespread in China. Scholars disagree on the reasons for the adoption of the chair. The most common theories are that the chair was an outgrowth of indigenous Chinese furniture, that it evolved from a camp stool imported from Central Asia, that it was introduced to China by Christian missionaries in the 7th century, and that the chair came to China from India as a form of Buddhist monastic furniture. In modern China, unlike Korea or Japan, it is no longer common to sit at floor level. In Europe, it was owing in great measure to the Renaissance that the chair ceased to be a privilege of state and became a standard item of furniture for anyone who could afford to buy it. Once the idea of privilege faded the chair speedily came into general use. Almost at once the chair began to change every few years to reflect the fashions of the day. Thomas Edward Bowdich visited the main Palace of the Ashanti Empire in 1819, and observed chairs engrossed with gold in the empire. In the 1880s, chairs became more common in American households and usually there was a chair provided for every family member to sit down to dinner. By the 1830s, factory-manufactured “fancy chairs” like those by Sears, Roebuck, and Co. allowed families to purchase machined sets. With the Industrial Revolution, chairs became much more available. The 20th century saw an increasing use of technology in chair construction with such things as all-metal folding chairs, metal-legged chairs, the Slumber Chair,[ moulded plastic chairs and ergonomic chairs. The recliner became a popular form, at least in part due to radio and television. The modern movement of the 1960s produced new forms of chairs: the butterfly chair (originally called the Hardoy chair), bean bags, and the egg-shaped pod chair that turns. It also introduced the first mass-produced plastic chairs such as the Bofinger chair in 1966. Technological advances led to moulded plywood and wood laminate chairs, as well as chairs made of leather or polymers. Mechanical technology incorporated into the chair enabled adjustable chairs, especially for office use. Motors embedded in the chair resulted in massage chairs. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ChairThe chair is one of the most commonly used items providing comfort.Chair wooden varnished dark brown. Spokes for back support, front legs and spokes joining legs are patterned turned' wood. Backrest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.Back rest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, chair, dining, carpentry

The chair has been used since antiquity, although for many centuries it was a symbolic article of state and dignity rather than an article for ordinary use. "The chair" is still used as the emblem of authority in the House of Commons in the United Kingdom and Canada, and in many other settings. In keeping with this historical connotation of the "chair" as the symbol of authority, committees, boards of directors, and academic departments all have a 'chairman' or 'chair'. Endowed professorships are referred to as chairs. It was not until the 16th century that chairs became common. Until then, people sat on chests, benches, and stools, which were the ordinary seats of everyday life. The number of chairs which have survived from an earlier date is exceedingly limited; most examples are of ecclesiastical, seigneurial or feudal origin. Chairs were in existence since at least the Early Dynastic Period of Egypt (c. 3100 BC). They were covered with cloth or leather, were made of carved wood, and were much lower than today's chairs – chair seats were sometimes only 10 inches (25 cm) high. In ancient Egypt, chairs appear to have been of great richness and splendour. Fashioned of ebony and ivory, or of carved and gilded wood, they were covered with costly materials, magnificent patterns and supported upon representations of the legs of beasts or the figures of captives. Generally speaking, the higher ranked an individual was, the taller and more sumptuous was the chair he sat on and the greater the honour. On state occasions, the pharaoh sat on a throne, often with a little footstool in front of it.[ The average Egyptian family seldom had chairs, and if they did, it was usually only the master of the household who sat on a chair. Among the better off, the chairs might be painted to look like the ornate inlaid and carved chairs of the rich, but the craftsmanship was usually poor. The earliest images of chairs in China are from 6th-century Buddhist murals and stele, but the practice of sitting in chairs at that time was rare. It was not until the 12th century that chairs became widespread in China. Scholars disagree on the reasons for the adoption of the chair. The most common theories are that the chair was an outgrowth of indigenous Chinese furniture, that it evolved from a camp stool imported from Central Asia, that it was introduced to China by Christian missionaries in the 7th century, and that the chair came to China from India as a form of Buddhist monastic furniture. In modern China, unlike Korea or Japan, it is no longer common to sit at floor level. In Europe, it was owing in great measure to the Renaissance that the chair ceased to be a privilege of state and became a standard item of furniture for anyone who could afford to buy it. Once the idea of privilege faded the chair speedily came into general use. Almost at once the chair began to change every few years to reflect the fashions of the day. Thomas Edward Bowdich visited the main Palace of the Ashanti Empire in 1819, and observed chairs engrossed with gold in the empire. In the 1880s, chairs became more common in American households and usually there was a chair provided for every family member to sit down to dinner. By the 1830s, factory-manufactured “fancy chairs” like those by Sears, Roebuck, and Co. allowed families to purchase machined sets. With the Industrial Revolution, chairs became much more available. The 20th century saw an increasing use of technology in chair construction with such things as all-metal folding chairs, metal-legged chairs, the Slumber Chair,[ moulded plastic chairs and ergonomic chairs. The recliner became a popular form, at least in part due to radio and television. The modern movement of the 1960s produced new forms of chairs: the butterfly chair (originally called the Hardoy chair), bean bags, and the egg-shaped pod chair that turns. It also introduced the first mass-produced plastic chairs such as the Bofinger chair in 1966. Technological advances led to moulded plywood and wood laminate chairs, as well as chairs made of leather or polymers. Mechanical technology incorporated into the chair enabled adjustable chairs, especially for office use. Motors embedded in the chair resulted in massage chairs. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ChairThe chair is one of the most commonly used items providing comfort.Chair varnished dark brown. Spokes for back support, front legs and spokes joining legs are patterned turned wood. Back rest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.Back rest has a floral emblem with a kangaroo in the centre.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, chair, dining, carpentry

TROVE : Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), Monday 17 January 1859, page 7 TO the PHYSICIANS of AUSTRALIA -WOLFE'S SCHIEDAM AROMATIC SCHNAPPS, A superlative Tonic, Diuretlc, Anti-Dyspepsic and invi-gorating Cordial,-This medical diet-drink is manufactured soley by the proprietor at his distillery, in Schiedam, in Holland, expressly for medicinal purposes. It Is the pure tincture of junlper, distilled from the best barley that can be selected in Europe at any cost. It is flavored and medicated, not by the common harsh berry, but by the choice botanical variety of tho aromatic Italian juniper berry, whose more vinous ex-tract is distilled and rectified with its spirituous sol-vent. and thus it becomes a concentrated tincture of exquisite flavor and aroma, altogether transcendant in Its cordial and medicinal properties to any alcoholic stimulant now in use In the world. It has been submitted to all the first chemists and physicians in the United States, who endorse it over their own signatures as one of tho great essentials of the materia medica. It is now proscribed with great success In gravel, grout, rheumatism, obstruction of the bladder and kidneys, dyspepsia, whether acute or chronic, in general debility, sluggish circulation of the blood, inadequate assimilation of food, and exhausted energy, are acknowledged by the whole medical faculty and attested in their highest written authorities. Put up in quart and pint bottles, enveloped In yellow paper, with tho proprietor's name on tho bottle-, cork, and label. For sale by all the respectable druggists and merchants. UDOLPHO WOLFE WILKINSON BROTHERS and Co., sole agents for Australia. Depots at Melbourne and Sydney. TROVE : Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), Wednesday 19 November 1941, page 4 WOLFE'S Aromatic SCHNAPPS Wolfe's Schnapps is now distilled in Australia from the original formula of Udolpho Wolfe. It remains, as before, a beverage of unique medicinal properties — Appetising, Re-freshing, , Stimulat-ing — as good for women as for men. -Wolfe's 'Schnapps for j your health's sake FOR VICTORY-buy War Bonds Now . W.B.157.13 Olive green glass bottle, square in section, slightly tapering toward the base, text embossed on three sides, circular ring embossed in shallow pontil shaped impression on base.Side 1 : UDOLPHO WOLFE'S'. Side 2 : 'SCHIEDAM'. Side 3 : 'AROMATIC SCHNAPPS'.schnapps, schiedam, gin

Son of Jessie and Charles Ernest Barrie of Darlingsford Melton Married Marion Ferris at Christ Church Melton on 11th May 1939. They lived on the family farm at Ferris Road Melton. They had one son, Ian who has continued in farming in Melton. He served the community in the following – Shire of Melton Councillor Member for 32 years 1941 – 1970 Elected as Councillor for Melton South 1970 – 1973 Councillor for Rockbank 1943 – 1944 Shire President for three terms 1958 – 1959 ditto 1964 – 1965 ditto Council Representative: Bacchus Marsh High School and Western Suburbs Municipalities. Representative on delegation to prevent Melton post primary students being sent to Deer Park prior to the establishment of Melton High School. Melton Bush Fire Brigade 1941 Member Melton Bush Fire Brigade Registered No. 425 1942 1942 2nd Lieutenant 1943 – 1944 4th Lieutenant Country Fire Authority Rural Services Award 1963 20 Years Long Service Badge Scots Presbyterian Church Melton Member of the Board of Management 1947 – 1969 information from Annual Reports Tom farmed the family property with his father and brothers, and later the Ferris Road property which continued with his son Ian. His childhood interest in horses began with the draft horses kept at the bluestone stable and barn at Darlingsford. When the stables were empty in the late 1980s visit, he vividly recalled the names of the horses he had handled in his youth. When the draft horse became obsolete with the introduction of tractors and trucks this interest continued with the breeding and training of harness racers. Darlingsford Drafts and Ponies. Order of Stalls Clydesdales – Dick, Dolly, Flower, Nugget, Blossom, Lofty, Prince. Roger, Rose, Violet, Don, Beauty, Baldy, Diamond. Cart and Mounts Creamy, Digger, Popsy Black and white photographs of Tom Barrielocal identities

Birthday greetings sent by Mary and Ada Shillinglaw from their home, 'Wattle Brae' at Eltham to their sister Carrie (Watson). Carrie was born 29 Feb 1876. Whilst the postcard was dated 1917, the actual photo is dated between 1906 and 1907. ""Wattle Brae" Eltham 28/2/17 Dear Carrie Wishing you a Bright and a happy birthday. With love from Mary & Ada" See also SEPP_0624 Looking south along Main Road from the south side of the intersection of Bridge Street with Main Road. Anne Hunniford's Post Office and Burgoyne's store on left. Miss Harriet (Minnie) Williams's Cash Drapery Mart (est. 1902 and enlarged in 1906), also known as Eltham House on the right. Harriet (Minnie) Williams was born London, 1857, the daughter of George John Williams (1812-1895) and Jane Mansfield (1812-1895). In September 1885 she was operating Williams’s Drapery Establishment in premises on Main Road owned by R. Wallis who advertised them to let in September 1885. In 1902 she opened Williams’s Cash Drapery Mart at the southwest corner of Bridge Street and Main Road (opposite the Post Office), owned by W.J. Taylor. In 1906 she bought the premises and one quarter acre of land and expanded the business with a re-opening in April 1906. Harriet was also well-known and esteemed as an active worker in Methodist circles and also Superintendent of the Sunday School. Harriet fell ill in August 1907 and died 15 August. She is buried in Eltham Cemetery with her good friend Ada Ford. Evelyn Observer and Bourke East Record (Vic. : 1902 - 1917), Friday 30 March 1906, page 5 ________________________________________ ELTHAM. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) For over three years Miss Williams has carried on a drapery business in very small and inconvenient premises opposite the Eltham post-office. Recently she bought the building and a quarter-acre of land from Mr. W. J. Taylor. Thus having a free hand, she at once matured plans to enlarge and improve the premises to make them suitable for her growing business. The result being that she consulted Mr Roach, contractor, of Heidelberg, put the matter in his hands, and now he has completed in a very satisfactory manner and up-to-date style extensive improvements. A large addition, of very neat and attractive design, with three large windows, has been built right along the front of the old building, and the counters and inside fittings are very neat and convenient, harmonizing well with the attractive outside appearance. Miss Williams has now got in a large now stock of goods, and is making extensive arrangements for a “reopening week," commencing 2nd April, during which time she will make 10 per cent reduction on all cash purchases in the form of gifts of that value. Miss Williams has gone to considerable expense and liability both, in the enlargement and improvement of the premises and in purchasing additional stock. We therefore trust that the public will stand by her by heartily and en masse patronizing her re-opening effort to show their appreciation of pluck in this advance movement. Google Street View Feb 2017: https://www.google.com.au/maps/@-37.7191341,145.1462046,3a,50.5y,191.91h,88.27t/data=!3m6!1e1!3m4!1sARwwqEQfMSfH9oTWWapPgQ!2e0!7i13312!8i6656 POSTCARD 1905-1940s Like the carte-de-visite, postcards enjoyed a collecting craze by large numbers of people, and were often kept in albums through which the interested visitor could browse. Postcards were posted or exchanged in huge numbers. Postal authorities in Australia only allowed the private printing of postcards from 1898. At this time the back of the card was reserved for the address and postage stamp, and the front was used for the message and a picture. In 1902 British authorities allowed a "divided back", so that the left side could be used for the message, the right side for the address and stamp, and the whole of the front was devoted to the picture. France followed suit in 1904, Germany and Australia in 1905, and the United States in 1907. - Frost, Lenore; Dating Family Photos 1850-1920; Valiant Press Pty. Ltd., Berwick, Victoria 1991marg ball collection, postcard, 1906, 1917, ada maria chrisfield (nee shillinglaw) 1889-1974, ada maria shillinglaw (1889-1974), caroline (carrie) watson (nee shillinglaw 1876-1956), cash drapery mart, eltham, eltham hotel, main road, mary ann shillinglaw (1880-1963), shillinglaw cottage, watsons hotel, wattle brae

Numerous letters of different sizes relating to the Ballarat School of Mines in 1943. .16) Education Department Correspondence requesting registration of all male teachers for military service. List of those registered are Heseltine, Allsop, Yates, Pound, Lambert, Richards, Cornell, Sutherland, Goldsmith, Mein, Hillman, Gordon, Mullins, Wilkinson, Ferguson, Jeffrey, Paterson, Mayo, Whitla, Cotton, Warson, Bergin, Gilpin, Johnston, Trengrove, Proctor, Brew, Rowlands, Gardiner .31) Special Leave arrangements for defence Training instructors and staff on Education Training Branch letterhead. The leave relates to the Ballarat SChool of Mines' A. J. Murdock .32) Ballarat School of Mines COuncil Members, statistics, student numbers, Staff Members and salary, etc .33) R.H. Parsons of Footscray nominated as the representative of Technical School Councils .34) Edward James Quick, Maxwell Donald Gilbert and John Alexander McBride qualify for the Young Patriotic Guild .35) Ballarat School of Mines recommending increase in rates of pay for female Clerical Workers (Ruby H. Lonie, Annie A. Jones) .37) Ballarat School of Mines requesting authority for part-time appointments (William J. Meinhardt, Alan J. Murdoch, D. Metcalfe) .38) Cromwell George Bray is recommended for the Young Workers Patriotic Guild Certificate. He raised 1 pound, 2 shillings, 4 pence by selling oilcloth scraps, catching mice and doing odd jobs, cleaning drains and taps. .39) Stanley Robert Marshall is recommended for the Young Workers Patriotic Guild Certificate. He raised 1 pound by running messages and doing odd jobs. .40) Extension of J.M. Sutherland's appointment at the Ballarat School of Mines .41) Pre-Nursing Education Course for Girls' School .42) Douglas Philip Campbell and Raymond George Colbourne are recommended for the Young Workers Patriotic Guild Certificate. .43) Report on holders of Senior Technical Scholarships attending the Ballarat School of Mines (Geoffrey Biddington, Bill Carroll, Douglas George Dean, Robert James Egginton, Percival David Fisher, Norman Ludbrook, Maxwell Pescott, Ernest J. Poppins, Lindsay Wallis, Joy Martin) .44) Visit to the Ballarat School of Mines concerning proposed new workshop units .45) Promotion of G.W. Cornelleducation department defence training branch, world war two, a.j. murdoch, fred l. gray, william baragwanath, t.a.l. farr, h.b. george, b.a. john, a.w. lynch, f. middleton, a.w. nicholson, g.k. sutton, m.g. beanland, v.c. jones, m.b. john, d. maxwell, n. mchutchison, j. smail, l.j. wilson, technical education, ballarat school of mines, george m. downing, geoffrey w. crouch, douglas e. hale, amel r. gordon, alan h. gilpin, jack w. sandall, harold j. hassell, andrew j.e. campbell, dressmaking, ballarat junior technical school, art courses, edward james quick, maxwell donald gilbert, john alexander mcbride, young patriotic guild, f.w. ferguson, ruby h. lonie, annie a. jones, william j. meinhardt, alan j. murdoch, d. metcalfe, cromwell george bray, stanley robert marshall, young workers patriotic guild certificate, j.m. sutherland, nursing, douglas philip campbell, raymond george colbourne, g.w. cornell, geoffrey biddington, bill carroll, douglas george dean, robert james egginton, percival david fisher, norman ludbrook, maxwell pescott, ernest j. poppins, lindsay wallis, joy martin, heseltine, allsop, yates, pound, lambert, richards, cornell, sutherland, goldsmith, mein, hillman, gordon, mullins, wilkinson, ferguson, jeffrey, paterson, mayo, whitla, cotton, warson, bergin, gilpin, johnston, trengrove, proctor, brew, rowlands, gardiner, airforce, ballarat school of mines, f.g. procter, gladstone procter, military service, annie jones

Newspaper cutting from Bendigo Advertiser, dated Saturday, December 3, 1988 - Page 14. Photo on left is captioned: ABOVE: John Meredith and Peter Ellis prepare traditional dance music for the National Library archives. Top right picture is captioned: ABOVE: Peter Ellis plays and 80-year-old celluloid penny whistle. Ellis' 'Collector's Choice' will be launched today at the National Trust chambers in View St at 3 pm. LEFT: Peter Ellis demonstrates the one string fiddle and collection of various instruments. Article reads: Duo's work an insight to music over the years. Local musical identity and Australian social dance authority Peter Ellis, co-author of the Bicentennial publication 200 Dancing Years, has completed his series on dance music entitled 'Collector's Choice'. Noted Australian folklorist John Meredith will launch volume three of Collector's Choice today at the National Trust chambers in View St at 3 pm. A photographic display by John Meredith can be seen at the chambers between 2pm and 5pm. The display is called Pioneers of Performers and it exhibits a cross section of traditional musicians from all over Australia. Fifty superb black and white toned prints will also be on display. John Meredith is one of Australia's foremost folklorists and has many publications to his credit including Folk Songs of Australia, Frank the Poet and The Wild Colonial Boy. Peter and John have just returned from the third national folklore conference in Canberra. Collector's Choice has more than 300 popular tunes written in a clear single melody line with guitar chords provided. Forty different dances are represented with music including the Pride of Erin, Parma Waltz, Evening Three-step, Swing Waltz, Barn Dance, Progressive Jive and Old Time Medley. A detailed introduction provides handy advice on choice, presentation and suitable tunes plus historical details on the evolvement of colonial, modern ballroom, old time and new vogue dances and music. Illustrations on the social history of the bands and individual musicians can be found throughout the book. Bendigo bands of old which are illustrated including Cyril Sawyer's Swingsters. As part of the launch the Sandhurst Dance Club will host a free dance from 8pm at the Marong Public Hall.Bendigo advertiserperson, individual, peter ellis oam

This photo was taken in the 1960s from a northeast position looking down towards Lake Sambell, the caravan park, and the surrounding area. This photo was taken during a period of rejuvenation for the lake area including the opening of the caravan park in 1959 and the swimming pool area in 1961 (this pool is just visible in the centre of the photo). The popularity of caravanning in Australia exploded during this post-war period of the late 1950s and 1960’s. This popularity was driven by multiple factors, including: the stopping of fuel rations, the accessibility of car ownership through the manufacturing of affordable cars, technological developments in caravan design, and the increase in prosperity and leisure time for many Australians. Lake Sambell is an artificial lake that was developed on the previous site of the Rocky Mountain Mining Company workings and was officially opened by Minister for Lands, Mr Baily, on October 5, 1928. The disused and unattractive remains of the mine were converted into a recreational area intended for swimming, boating, and fishing. The lake is named after Mr L.H. Sambell, shire engineer and secretary of the Forward Beechworth Committee, who advocated for the enhancement of Beechworth into a tourist destination and was central to the planning and establishment of the lake. Funding for the project was raised by both competition funds and donations. Since the construction in 1928 several engineering issues have arisen. In 1939 the water levels were low, and the lake was considered both an eyesore and ‘mudhole’, Beechworth Shire Council sort funding to raise the height of the lake six feet to improve the quality of water. Throughout the 1940s the Beechworth Swimming Club tried to raise awareness and funds to address the structural engineering issues and improve swimming facilities at the lake. R.E. Carter, similar to L.H. Sambell, was a shire engineer who advocated the importance of positioning Beechworth as a tourist destination. Carter held the position from 1954-63 and organised many improvements to the Lake Sambell area including the caravan park in 1959, the lake swimming pool in 1961, water skiing and boating facilities, and increased the lake surface are in 1964. These improvements were financed mainly by grants from the Tourist Development Authority. This photograph is of historical significance as it documents Lake Sambell and the surrounding area in the 1960s after a phase of enhancements to improve the appearance and usability for both the people of Beechworth and tourists. It is also of social significance in providing an insight into the increase in leisure time and access to travel during a period of post-war prosperity.Black and white rectangle photograph printed on matte photographic paper and unmounted.Reverse: 1 / [logo KODAK/ VELOX/ PAPER] / C798 / 3535lake sambell, lake sambell caravan park, lake sambell swimming pool, caravan park, caravanning 1960s, rocky mountain mining company, l.h. sambell, r.e. carter, beechworth swimming club, forward beechworth committee, minister of lands, tourist development authority, lake swimming, swimming, boating, fishing, water skiing, beechworth 1960s, lake sambell fishing, lake sambell boating