John O'LOUGHLIN Born Snowtown, South Australia In 1980 John O'Loughlin's life changed when he started wheel throwing ceramic vessels. During this time he discarded the superfluous and unnecessary clutter collected on the journey of life, yet retaining the essence of what mattered to him. John O’Loughlin's later artworks, such as 'Reliquary No. 20' engages with the way in which organised religion, specifically the Catholic Church, deals with the translation of the spiritual into the material. Informed by his extensive travels and studies, O’Loughlin’s ceramics reference the reliquaries and church artefacts that connect the life of this world with that of faith in another world. Completing undergeduate and post graduate works at Federation University John O'Loughlin's honours thesis was entitled "Ways and Means of Meaning, The Use of Symbol and Surface as Expressive Media in Ceramic Sculpture". The University provided a serious ceramic studio equipped with all the research tools for advanced ceramic exploration. Access to raw materials and a variety of kilns combined with excellent lecturers, mentors and technicians inspired, motivated and challenged him to push his accumulating knowledge to higher levels. O'Loughlin's working method in the studio is one of quiet, determined interaction with clay, idea and content. Experimentation with a variety of temperatures, firing methods and atmospheric conditions has produced a broad tonal and textural palette. He has worked with various clay bodies overlaid with coloured oxides, slips and engobes as the foundation for many of his works. O'Loughlin ufilised raised surfaces from old cemetery tombstones using the impressed forms and textures in his constructions. This research led him to the use of dry engobes to create a sense of antiquity, with crusty and distressed surfaces that resemble objects neglected in the oceans. These objects seem covered with the accretions and accumulations of history when re-discovered and brought to the surface as miraculous objects of mystery and magic. (https://www.thefreelibrary.com/John+O%27Loughlin%3A+a+man+re-invented.-a0216897107, accessed 12 September 2020) This item is part of the Federation University Art Collection. The Art Collection features over 2000 works and was listed as a 'Ballarat Treasure' in 2007.Four wheel thrown goblets, two with decorative stems. art, artwork, john o'loughlin, ceramics, goblets

John O'LOUGHLIN Born Snowtown, South Australia In 1980 John O'Loughlin's life changed when he started wheel throwing ceramic vessels. During this time he discarded the superfluous and unnecessary clutter collected on the journey of life, yet retaining the essence of what mattered to him. John O’Loughlin's later artworks, such as 'Reliquary No. 20' engages with the way in which organised religion, specifically the Catholic Church, deals with the translation of the spiritual into the material. Informed by his extensive travels and studies, O’Loughlin’s ceramics reference the reliquaries and church artefacts that connect the life of this world with that of faith in another world. Completing undergeduate and post graduate works at Federation University John O'Loughlin's honours thesis was entitled "Ways and Means of Meaning, The Use of Symbol and Surface as Expressive Media in Ceramic Sculpture". The University provided a serious ceramic studio equipped with all the research tools for advanced ceramic exploration. Access to raw materials and a variety of kilns combined with excellent lecturers, mentors and technicians inspired, motivated and challenged him to push his accumulating knowledge to higher levels. O'Loughlin's working method in the studio is one of quiet, determined interaction with clay, idea and content. Experimentation with a variety of temperatures, firing methods and atmospheric conditions has produced a broad tonal and textural palette. He has worked with various clay bodies overlaid with coloured oxides, slips and engobes as the foundation for many of his works. O'Loughlin ufilised raised surfaces from old cemetery tombstones using the impressed forms and textures in his constructions. This research led him to the use of dry engobes to create a sense of antiquity, with crusty and distressed surfaces that resemble objects neglected in the oceans. These objects seem covered with the accretions and accumulations of history when re-discovered and brought to the surface as miraculous objects of mystery and magic. (https://www.thefreelibrary.com/John+O%27Loughlin%3A+a+man+re-invented.-a0216897107, accessed 12 September 2020) This item is part of the Federation University Art Collection. The Art Collection features over 2000 works and was listed as a 'Ballarat Treasure' in 2007.Lidded ceramic form.art, artwork, john o'loughlan, ceramics, available, available ceramics

Lou HUBBARD (1957 -) Born Brisbane, Queensland After a career in the film and television, Melbourne based artist Lou Hubbard completed a Master of Fine Art at RMIT University in 2001. She works primarily with video and installation, and has exhibited widely throughout Australia and internationally, Lou Hubbard is currently the Head of Photography at the Victorian College of the Arts. In announcing the award 2015 Guiguis New Art Award the judges applauded Lou Hubbard on her compelling installation, which comprised a deflated, disembowelled latex horse collapsed over a Coalbrookdale patio chair, table and bench seat situated over a skateboard and plastic dog. “Occupying a space between the traditions of equine, assemblage and unmonumental sculpture, Lou Hubbard’s Dead Still Standing confounds and compels viewers in its uncanny play of materials and movement,” senior curator, contemporary art, National Gallery of Victoria and judge Max Delany said. “In this elaborate yet concise work, Hubbard has created a form of surprising and unsettling effect that reflects our experience of a world in translation.” The win came as a surprise for Hubbard, who said she was overwhelmed at the talent of all 15 finalists. “I was so surprised, because I was in good company with the other artists, who were all quite extraordinary,” she said. “In the nature of the competition, I feel very lucky.” With multi-layer meanings to her piece, Hubbard said it was actually Ballarat’s rich history that inspired her work. She said it was the Ballarat goldfields and the idea of what horses might have gone through during those years that gave her a concept to work with. But that wasn’t the only source of ideals portrayed in the piece – Hubbard also explored the effect training had on horses. “The horse stands in a way that portrays (how) the human exhorts the way of training,” she said. “The horse is edging like it wants to move, which is impossible, and the furniture acts in lots of ways. The chair, for example, is like the horse’s ribs, which are being ripped out.” It was these multiple meanings that also had the curator of the Post Office Gallery, Shelley Hinton, impressed with the work. “The work challenges us ethically and culturally, in a way that pleads for analysis, as we do in our complex daily lives,” she said. Lou Hubbard's 'Dead Still Standing' won the was awarded the prestigious $20,000 Guirguis New Art Prize in 2015. The Federation University Guirguis New Art Prize was a national biennial and aquisitive contemporary art prize. The $20,000 biennial acquisitive prize was sponsored by Ballarat surgeon Mark Guirguis, administered by Federation University Australia and presented in partnership with the Art Gallery of Ballarat.The genesis of the prize was to raise the profile and encourage the Art School of what was then Ballarat University. lou hubbard, guirguis, guirguis new art prize, sculpture, horse, animal, installation artwork

The text on reverse translates Kikaha toilet department. There is also the printed image of a swallow on the back, which suggests that it was taken by the S. N. Banshiudo Studio in Shiba Park, Tokyo. Geisha Sakae was an extremely popular postcard model shortly after the Russo-Japanese war 1904-05, people used to line up early in the morning whenever a new postcard was released at the postcard shop in Ginza. The beauty of her gait was so widely admired that her walk inspired many of the leading Onnagata (male Kabuki actors in female roles) of the day. She went on to marry Ichikawa Sadanji II, one of the most popular Kabuki actors in Japan, who worked hard to promote new plays and revive long-forgotten classical dramas. [Ref: https://www.flickr.com/photos/blue_ruin_1/8448420741] During the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), the Japanese government sent postcards of beautiful Japanese women, bijin ehagaki (美人絵葉書), to soldiers to motivate them. Publishers continued to print them well into the 1920s. [Ref: Duits, Kjeld (February 21, 2022). 1910s: Geisha Postcards, OLD PHOTOS of JAPAN. Retrieved on March 31, 2024 (GMT) from https://www.oldphotosjapan.com/photos/883/vintage-geisha-postcards-early-20th-century] See also: Sakae さかえ - Meiji / Taishō Era Geisha https://www.flickr.com/groups/1988804@N22/pool/ The photochrom process Photochroms are not photographs but actual prints, produced using 6 to 15 colors and the lithography printing process. The technique was invented by the Swiss Hans Jakob Schmid during the 1880s. The fascinating aspect of these prints is that they are created from black and white photographs. It required quite some work and talent to create these images. The photographer would usually make notes about the colors in the image he shot. These enabled a painter to create a painting that served as a color guide for the litho stone maker. This artisan would then create multiple exposures of the original black-and-white negative, changing the exposure time, development settings, and using dodge and burn techniques to create the required set of 6 to 15 stones that would each be used to print one specific color. By combining all these colors you get the prints [Ref: https://www.prepressure.com/printing/history/photochrome-prints]This item, a souvenir from Japan from between the wars (circa 1923) was brought home to Research, Victoria by Bill Teagle who was serving in the Royal Australian Navy (1919-1945). Bill Teagle's sister Violet Amelda Teagle had married Theodore (Curly) Feldbauer in 1933. Bill's brother-in-law Curly was taken as a Prisoner of War by the Japanese and died at Sandakan in March 1945. The family did not learn of Curly’s death till months later and Bill's sister, Violet, herself could never forgive the Japanese for what happened to Curly. Curly is remembered on the Eltham Roll of Honour Board and his son, Albert Feldbauer (Bill’s nephew and youngest child of the children of the soldier fathers attending a school in the district), was given the honour of turning the first sod for the Eltham War Memorial Infant Welfare Centre Building. Despite this, the family maintained this cherished souvenir from a time of previous foreign friendship with Japan. The item was possibly given by Bill Teagle to his sister Margaret Rose (formerly Ingram) who later married Richard Edward (Eddie) Fielding in early 1948. (Eddie had been engaged to someone else before he went to war, but his fiancée broke it off before his return to Australia.) It was cared for by the Teagle/Fielding family for approximately one hundred years. It is of particular significance given the family's connection to the Eltham War Memorial and the significance of that memorial to the local community and represents that despite the horrors of war, former friends then foes can become friends again.tom fielding collection, geisha sakae, japanese postcard, postcard

The text on reverse translates to Kikaha toilet department. There is also the printed image of a swallow on the back, which suggests that it was taken by the S. N. Banshiudo Studio in Shiba Park, Tokyo. Geisha Sakae was an extremely popular postcard model shortly after the Russo-Japanese war 1904-05, people used to line up early in the morning whenever a new postcard was released at the postcard shop in Ginza. The beauty of her gait was so widely admired that her walk inspired many of the leading Onnagata (male Kabuki actors in female roles) of the day. She went on to marry Ichikawa Sadanji II, one of the most popular Kabuki actors in Japan, who worked hard to promote new plays and revive long-forgotten classical dramas. [Ref: https://www.flickr.com/photos/blue_ruin_1/8448420741] During the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), the Japanese government sent postcards of beautiful Japanese women, bijin ehagaki (美人絵葉書), to soldiers to motivate them. Publishers continued to print them well into the 1920s. [Ref: Duits, Kjeld (February 21, 2022). 1910s: Geisha Postcards, OLD PHOTOS of JAPAN. Retrieved on March 31, 2024 (GMT) from https://www.oldphotosjapan.com/photos/883/vintage-geisha-postcards-early-20th-century] See also: Sakae さかえ - Meiji / Taishō Era Geisha https://www.flickr.com/groups/1988804@N22/pool/ The photochrom process Photochroms are not photographs but actual prints, produced using 6 to 15 colors and the lithography printing process. The technique was invented by the Swiss Hans Jakob Schmid during the 1880s. The fascinating aspect of these prints is that they are created from black and white photographs. It required quite some work and talent to create these images. The photographer would usually make notes about the colors in the image he shot. These enabled a painter to create a painting that served as a color guide for the litho stone maker. This artisan would then create multiple exposures of the original black-and-white negative, changing the exposure time, development settings, and using dodge and burn techniques to create the required set of 6 to 15 stones that would each be used to print one specific color. By combining all these colors you get the prints [Ref: https://www.prepressure.com/printing/history/photochrome-prints]This item, a souvenir from Japan from between the wars (circa 1923) was brought home to Research, Victoria by Bill Teagle who was serving in the Royal Australian Navy (1919-1945). Bill Teagle's sister Violet Amelda Teagle had married Theodore (Curly) Feldbauer in 1933. Bill's brother-in-law Curly was taken as a Prisoner of War by the Japanese and died at Sandakan in March 1945. The family did not learn of Curly’s death till months later and Bill's sister, Violet, herself could never forgive the Japanese for what happened to Curly. Curly is remembered on the Eltham Roll of Honour Board and his son, Albert Feldbauer (Bill’s nephew and youngest child of the children of the soldier fathers attending a school in the district), was given the honour of turning the first sod for the Eltham War Memorial Infant Welfare Centre Building. Despite this, the family maintained this cherished souvenir from a time of previous foreign friendship with Japan. The item was possibly given by Bill Teagle to his sister Margaret Rose (formerly Ingram) who later married Richard Edward (Eddie) Fielding in early 1948. (Eddie had been engaged to someone else before he went to war, but his fiancée broke it off before his return to Australia.) It was cared for by the Teagle/Fielding family for approximately one hundred years. It is of particular significance given the family's connection to the Eltham War Memorial and the significance of that memorial to the local community and represents that despite the horrors of war, former friends then foes can become friends again.tom fielding collection, geisha sakae, japanese postcard, postcard

This Japanese journal features a photographic article on Boyd's Walsh Street home. It was written by a Japanese architecture student who visited Walsh Street with a group of 6 such students in 1961. A translation of the text follows. ________________________________________________________ "An Architect’s House in Melbourne, Australia Author: Tamon Okubo This house was built by architect Robin Boyd as an experimental work. Although in a residential area of Melbourne, the site is a 40 x 126 ft rectangle in a corner of a former park with high rise buildings on either side. Due to its location, the design focuses on protecting the privacy of the house from the outside and on the composition of the interior space, creating a somehow introverted plan. However, the interior is not completely closed from the outside; it is cleverly designed to provide both views of the rooves of nearby houses as well as the mountains in the distance. Firstly, the couple’s room and the children’s rooms are in separate buildings. These two independent structures are connected by a courtyard. The ceiling of the courtyard is partly open, so one can look out from the second-floor terrace of the couple’s room. The walls on both sides of the courtyard are of opaque glass to ensure privacy from outside. In both buildings brick walls with three-inch steel pipe inserted into the brick cavities form the structure and separate each room. The roof is connected to pairs of 3/4-inch thick cables, spaced four feet apart, attached to the brick walls of both buildings and supported by wooden posts that separate the glass panels in the rooms. The cables are not tightly strung together but are loosely suspended from the front structure, where the entrance is, to the rear one. The upper cable in the courtyard is covered with vine. The materials used are insulation board for the roof, raw timber for the structural materials, native jarrah for the timber sections of the interior walls and white eucalyptus for the joints. Robin Boyd – A Brief Personal History 1919 Born in Melbourne, Australia 1947 As an architect, was the first director of the Small Homes Service, a public housing research institute established to provide homes for needy Australians. 1960 Wins the American Institute Architects Prize (the Japanese architect, Kenzo Tange, was awarded the same prize in 1959). In the same year he was elected an honorary member of the Institute. Mr Robin Boyd is currently writing a book on the history of Australian architecture, The Walls Around Us, as well as a book on Kenzo Tange. He is a frequent visitor to Japan to exchange ideas with Japanese architects and is quite a Japanophile. " This is a photocopy of the article from Japan Interior Design No 17. Pages 4-5 are glued together, and pages 6-7 are glued together, p8 p9, p10 are separate. There is writing on it (not Robin Boyd's hand). Geoffrey Serle, Robin Boyd's biographer, may have given it to Patricia Boyd.walsh st library

Australian Policy Activism in Language and Literacy presents the dynamics of language and literacy policy activism in Australia by capturing accounts of many of those most deeply engaged in Australia?s distinctive practice of Language and Literacy policy-making and its effects. This book describes how policy texts came about. 1. From policy to anti-policy: how fear of language rights took policy-making out of community hands /? Joseph Lo Bianco 2. Australia's language /? Paul Brock 3. Politics, activism and processes of policy production: adult literacy in Australia /? Rosie Wickert 4. Although it wasn't broken, it certainly was fixed: interventions in the Australian Adult Migrant English Program 1991-1996 /? Helen Moore 5. Advocating the sustainability of linguistic diversity /? Michael Singh 6. The cost of literacy for some /? Anthea Taylor 7. (E)merging discourses at work: bringing together new and old ways to account for workplace literacy policy /? Geraldine Castleton 8. The melody changes but the dance goes on - tracking adult literacy education in Western Australia from 'learning for life' to 'lifelong learning': policy impacts on practice 1973-1999 /? Margaret McHugh, Jennifer Nevard and Anthea Taylor 9. Sleight of hand: job myths, literacy and social capital /? Ian Falk 10. National literacy benchmarks and the outstreaming of ESL learners /? Penny McKay 11. Open for business: the market, the state and adult literacy in Australia up to and beyond 2000 /? Peter Kell 12. Inventiveness and regression: interpreting/?translating and the vicissitudes of Australian language policy /? Uldis Ozolins 13. Deafness and sign language in government policy documents 1983-1990 /? Des Power 14. Imprisoned by a landmark narrative? Student/?teacher ratios and the making of policy /? Merilyn Childs 15. Ideologies, languages, policies: Australia's ambivalent relationship with learning to communicate in 'other' languages /? Angela Scarino and Leo Papademetre 16. Reconciled to what? Reconciliation and the Norther Territory's bilingual education program, 1973-1998 /? Christine Nicholls 17. Sing out that song: the textual activities of social technologies in an Aboriginal community /? Jack Frawley.language activism, linguistic diversity, adult literacy, education, sign language, reconciliation, esl programs

The Bentwood chair has been called ‘the world’s most popular chair’. The original Bentwood chair, was designed by German-Austrian cabinet maker and Master Joiner, Michael Thonet (b.1796 - d.1871) and introduced to the market in 1859. Thonet started his business in his home town of Boppard as an independent cabinet maker in 1819. In the 1830’s he began trying to make furniture from glued (laminated) and bent wooden slats. Over the next few years his attempts to patent this process failed in Germany, Great Britain, France, and Russia. He then began using lightweight, strong wood and bending it into elegant, comfortable furniture. The Bentwood technology took Thonet years to perfect. In simple terms, the wooden rods or lengths were wet by soaking or steaming, bent into shape and then held in place until they hardened into the moulded curved shape or pattern. The wood usually chosen for the bentwood chairs was maple or beech. Thonet had revolutionised an older process by industrialising the process. The dowels of wood were cut and prepared as components of furniture, treated by the ‘bentwood’ process, then ready immediately for assembling with very little extra workmanship needed. Thonet held 2 patents for this process, the second one ended on 10th July 1869 and was non-renewable. At the Trade Fair at Koblenz of 1841 Prince Klemens Wenzel von Mettemich was very impressed with Thonet’s furniture, especially the chairs. In 1842 Thonet sold his Boppard business and emigrated to Vienna, and began working, along with his sons, on the interior decoration of the Palais Leichtenstein, for the Carl Leistler establishment. In 1849 he began his own business again, the Gebruder Thonet to include his sons (translated “Brothers Thonet”). He produced the “No. 1” Bentwood chair. He received a bronze medal for his Vienna bentwood chairs at the World Fair in London in 1851, and a silver medal in Paris in 1855. In 1856 he opened a new factory in Koritchan (Moravia), where there were extensive woods of beech trees available for his enterprise. In the next years, five more Eastern European production sites were established in Bystritz (1862), Nagy-Ugrócz (1866), Wsetin (1867), Hallenkau(1867) and Nowo-Radomsk(1880). Thonet’s 1859 No. 14 “chair of chairs” (or “Konsumstuhl Nr. 14” – coffee shop chair no. 14) was the most famous of all of Thonet’s Bentwood chairs. In 1867 he received a gold medal at the Paris World Fair. This new style of furniture making became very popular. Up until 1830 50 million of these chairs had been produced. By the 1870’s Thonet owned offices in almost 20 countries, with sales locations across Europe, in Chicago and New York. In 1889 he set Thonet set up a head office in Frankenberg, Hesse. Bentwood models designed in the mid to late 19th century featured hand-caned or laminated wood seats and were usually stamped with the country of origin. The Bentwood elements were the backrest, seat rim and legs. Typically the seat was covered with ‘bucket’ leather. After the Patent ran out in 1869, companies such as Jacob & Josef Kohn began the production of bentwood furniture.The popularity of the Bentwood chair that was introduced by Michael Thonet in the 1850s is due to its versatility and timeless quality. Its style, whether varnished or painted, suits any room in the house. The lightweight chairs are also popular for café and restaurant seating, as well as for public gatherings. They can be easily moved around and grouped in a variety of ways to suit any occasion.Chair, bentwood, pair of two. Backrest has full length inverted U inside frame. Support rail and wire reinforcing between legs. 3692.01 seat has floral pattern pressed into wood 3692.02 seat is plain (replacement seat). Made by Harnison & Co.3692.01 chair's marks; Label ""HARNISON & CO./ NEUSOL / BUDAPEST" and "WIENER NOBEL" and "(symbol) N inside circle, under Crown" flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, domestic furniture, dining furniture, bentwood chair, harnison & co., neusol, budapest, wiener nobel

This hat and hat box was donated to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village by the family of Doctor William Roy Angus, Surgeon and Oculist. It is part of the “W.R. Angus Collection” that includes historical medical equipment, surgical instruments and material once belonging to Dr Edward Ryan and Dr Thomas Francis Ryan, (both of Nhill, Victoria) as well as Dr Angus’ own belongings. The Collection’s history spans the medical practices of the two Doctors Ryan, from 1885-1926 plus that of Dr Angus, up until 1969. McDade is the surname of Dr Angus’ daughter Berry (Berenice) McDade nee Angus. This had belonged to her father Dr William Roy Angus, Surgeon and Oculist (1901 –1970), who wore it on the ship T.S.S. LARGS BAY when travelling from Australia to Scotland for extended studies to be a “Fellow” of the Royal College of Surgeons in Edinburgh in the 1929. This bicorn cocked hat was worn with the narrow points towards front and back. It is decorated with flat gold braid or ‘lace’ with a geometrical design. Regimental lace was worn on the uniform and headdress of regimental officers in the 19th century. Gold lace chevrons were worn on coats to signify rank. Drummers and Foot Guards also wore regimental lace on their garments to distinguish them from other military personnel. In the late 19th century the English and Welsh infantry officers’ uniforms displayed a rose-pattern lace. The gold bullion and underlying crimson ‘eyes’ have been used to signify the rank of the owner. The crimson eyes were used for military, blue eyes for naval personnel. Different numbers and colours of the bullion and eyes may have been used to represent different military ranks. The Regulations specify nine tassels and eleven underlying eyes but there could have been variations. We have not yet been able to identify the rank for this particular hat. The gold button’s emblem has a cross with five stars, a crown, and the motto “AUT PACE AUT BELLO”, translated “either in peace or in war”. Museum Victoria has a similar button and writes that buttons with this design were used in the nineteenth century by the Victorian Volunteers. The Australian War Memorial Curator of Military Heraldry advised Museum Victoria that these buttons dated from 1880-1892 and were worn by regular, unranked soldiers. The Australian War Memorial has a hat that is very similar in design, described as an “Artillery Staff Officer’s cocked had with plume, worn by Volunteer Artillery Staff in the Victorian Colonial Military Forces”. That hat is different in that it has a plume and the braid and button are silver. Berry MdDade, the donor, has used the hat many times as a dress-up hat but doesn’t know the origin of it. The hat seems to fit the design of the Staff Officers in Victorian Volunteers in Colonial times, but the button on this hat was used for unranked volunteers. Also, military uniforms usually have very clear manufacturer’s labels, as they are made by reputable companies under contract to the Defence Department. The manufacturer’s mark is not discernible on this hat. The origin, original wearer and use of this particular hat is unclear. The military bicorn cockade hat belonged to Dr William Roy Angus and is part of the W.R. Angus Collection. It is significant for still being located at the site where it is connected with, Doctor Angus being the last Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool. The collection of medical instruments and other equipment is culturally significant, being an historical example of medicine from late 19th to mid-20th century. Dr Angus assisted Dr Tom Ryan, a pioneer in the use of X-rays and in ocular surgery. Black bicorn cocked hat and case. It appears to be part of a 19th century Colonial full dress military uniform. The long, narrow crescent-shaped hat is made of beaver fabric and the crown is lined with crimson silk and finished with a hand stitched leather sweatband. On one flat side there is a pleated black silk, lace cockade woven in the pattern of oak leaves and acorns. The cockade is overlaid with a double row of gold lace braiding secure with a Victorian Volunteer’s gold button. Wide diagonal bands of black lace braid trim are on each side of the gold braiding. The other side of the hat is plain. The front and back points of the hat each have seven gold bullion tassels with nine underlying twists of crimson ‘eyes’. The fitted metal carry case has a catch and a metal plaque on one side. The button bears a crown and cross with five stars and a motto. Inside the hat is a white name tag with clear adhesive over it, with black printed text with the name “Mc Dade”. The hat is part of the W.R. Angus Collection. The hat has no maker’s marks although there is a darker colour in the centre where there could have been a label. Inside the hat is taped a printed label; “Mc DADE 801 1032” Button’s emblem- a cross with five stars, under a crown, all within a buckled belt with the motto “AUT PACE AUT BELLO”. The plaque on the case has no legible marks. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, dr w r angus, t.s.s. largs bay, berry mcdade, 19th century colonial military uniform, artillery staff officer’s cocked had, victorian volunteers, victorian colonial military forces, colonial militia, aut pace aut bello, cocked hat, cockade hat, bicorn hat, military bullion, oak leaves and acorns pattern, gold bullion tassels, military heraldry, w.r. angus collection.

This small label badge carries the symbol of the World Council of Churches (WCC), which was established in 1948. The WCC states on its website "The World Council of Churches (WCC) is the broadest and most inclusive among the many organized expressions of the modern ecumenical movement, a movement whose goal is Christian unity. " The 'V' on the back of the badge possibly stands for Victoria. The word on the logo of this badge has the spelling "OIKUMENE" but in many other WCC logos, the Greek word "Oikoumene" is used. The term is translated as "inhabited earth" and is used fifteen times in the original Greek New Testament, including in Matthew 24:14, which says "And the gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world for a witness unto all nations and then shall the end come." The WCC explains that the logo uses early Christian symbols to portray its message, with the church portrayed as a boat afloat on the sea of the world with the mast in the form of a cross. This badge is part of a set of eleven badges collected from the 1920s to the 1940s by Dr W. R. Angus. The set represents various organisations that he had interests in. It was donated to Flagstaff Hill Maritime Village by the family of Doctor Angus, Surgeon and Oculist. The set of badges is part of the “W.R. Angus Collection” which includes historical medical equipment, surgical instruments and material once belonging to Dr Edward Ryan and Dr Thomas Francis Ryan, (both of Nhill, Victoria) as well as Dr Angus’ own belongings. The Collection’s history spans the medical practices of the two Doctors Ryan, from 1885-1926 plus that of Dr Angus, up until 1969. ABOUT THE “W.R.ANGUS COLLECTION” Doctor William Roy Angus M.B., B.S., Adel., 1923, F.R.C.S. Edin.,1928 (also known as Dr Roy Angus) was born in Murrumbeena, Victoria in 1901 and lived until 1970. He qualified as a doctor in 1923 at the University of Adelaide, was Resident Medical Officer at the Royal Adelaide Hospital in 1924 and for a period was a house surgeon to Sir (then Mr.) Henry Simpson Newland. Dr Angus was briefly an Assistant to Dr Riddell of Kapunda, then commenced private practice at Curramulka, Yorke Peninsula, SA, where he was a physician, surgeon and chemist. In 1926, he was appointed as the new Medical Assistant to Dr Thomas Francis Ryan (T.F. Ryan, or Tom), in Nhill, Victoria, where his experiences included radiology and pharmacy. In 1927 he was Acting House Surgeon in Dr Tom Ryan’s absence. Dr Angus married Gladys in 1927 at Ballarat, the nearest big city to Nhill where he began as a Medical Assistant. He was also Acting House surgeon at the Nhill hospital where their two daughters were born. During World War II He served as a Military Doctor in the Australian Defence Forces. Dr Angus and his family moved to Warrnambool in 1939, where Dr Angus operated his own medical practice. He later added the part-time Port Medical Officer responsibility and was the last person appointed to that position. Both Dr Angus and his wife were very involved in the local community, including the planning stages of the new Flagstaff Hill and the layout of the gardens there. Dr Angus passed away in March 1970.This religious lapel badge of the World Council of Churches represents one of the organisations in which Dr Angus had an interest. The set of badges is significant for connecting Doctor Angus with Australian organisations of the early-to-mid 20th century, including those relating to military service support. The W.R. Angus Collection is significant for still being located at the site it is connected with, Doctor Angus being the last Port Medical Officer in Warrnambool. The Collection includes historical medical objects that date back to the late 1800s.Lapel badge; a small round blue enamel badge with gold image and text. The image contains the symbol of a cross above a small boat on waves. The image is the logo of the World Council of Churches.This badge is part of a set of badges collected by Dr W R Angus. the set represents organisations that he was involved in, and is part of the W.R. Angus Collection.Test above Logo: “OIKUMENE” Logo; [cross] above [small boat] above [waves] Text under clip; “V” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, maritime village, great ocean road, shipwreck coast, oikumene, w.r. angus, metal badge, enamel badge, organisation badges, religious badge, lapel badge, oikoumene, world council of churches, wcc, christian unity

Professor Alan Merry commissioned the work from New Zealand artist Heke Collier as a gift to the College at his retirement from Council. This artwork was carved by Heke Collier in May-July 2016. It is made from native New Zealand Rimu timber. Heke named this carving Mauri Ora which translates to vitality, well-being or the healing life-force. Tihei Mauri Ora (breath of life) is a well-known Māori saying that was uttered by the first human being. Māori believe that all people and all things have mauri. This carving symbolises the many shapes and forms of mauri with reference to the Māori creation story, and the spiritual and natural worlds. Māori refer to the heavens as Ranginui the sky-father and according to the Māori creation story, Ranginui was pressed against Papatūānuku the earth mother. Their children did not like living in the cramped, dark space between them. One of their sons Tāne separated Ranginui and Papatūānuku to allow light and life into the world. The central male figure carved into Mauri Ora (above) is Tāne. To his right (far right) is his mother Papatūānuku and to his left (far left) is his father Ranginui. Papatūānuku gives birth to all things including human kind and provides the physical and spiritual basis for life. The takarangi (spiral) design in the carving (to the left of Tāne) symbolises the life cycle. Whenua, the word for land also means placenta - organ that nourishes the baby in the womb. Women are associated with the land (whenua) because the land gives birth to people and so do women. In tribal history women have had influence over land and men. Papatūānuku is depicted in the carving to the right of Tāne. Ranginui played a pivotal role in the birth of the sun, moon, planets, stars and constellations – collectively called Te Whānau Mārama (the family of light). Human life and knowledge were said to originate in the realm of Ranginui. Tāne ascended the heavens to retrieve three baskets of knowledge: te kete-tuatea (basket of light), te kete-tuauri (basket of darkness) and te kete-aronui (basket of pursuit). Ranginui is depicted in the carving to the left of Tāne. Tāne had many different roles, and he was given different names to reflect these roles. He is called Tāne-mahuta as god of the forest, Tāne-te-wānanga as the bringer of knowledge, and Tāne-te-waiora as the bringer of life, prosperity, and welfare. His teachings and knowledge are relevant in contemporary times, and the cell-phone carved into his left hand represents this. Tuatara feature in the Māori creation story and some tribes view Tuatara as kaitiaki (guardians) of knowledge. Given that they have lived for more than 220million years. There are birds or manu surrounding Tāne in the carving, who represent Tane’s voice or the voice of the forest. The flax or harakeke depicted in the carving represent the family unit and reinforce the importance of kinship ties. There are plants, ferns, and birds carved into Mauri Ora play an integral role in the life-cycle which represent rongoa Māori or Māori medicine. Traditional Māori carving in Rimu, a native New Zealand wood, with paua insets.merry, alan, anzca council, collier, heke, kaiwhakairo, master carver, rimu

This Great Britain one shilling coin is dated 1883, which is during the reign of Queen Victoria. There were over 7 million of these coins minted. Queen Victoria succeeded King William IV to the British Throne in 1837 – she was only 18 years old at the time – and she ruled until 1901. British coins such as this one shilling were in circulation in the colony of Australia until 1910, when the Commonwealth of Australia began producing its own coinage. This one shilling coin was minted by the Royal Mint at Royal Mint Court, in Little Tower Hill, London, England. Coins for circulation in the Kingdom of England, Great Britain and most of the British Empire were produced here until the 1960’s when the Royal Mint shifted location to Wales. There are three main groups of shillings produced during Queen Victoria’s reign:- - The Young Head; 1837-1887, in 8 different versions, on the obverse showing the Queen’s maturing face over 50 years. - The Junior Head; 1887-1892, minted when Queen Victoria had been reigning for 50 years. Her head was smaller on the coins minted 1887-1889 than on those shillings minted 1889-1892. - The Old Head; 1893-1901, shows the veiled head of Queen Victoria. The obverse side of the coin’s inscription translation is “Victoria by the Grace of God, Queen of the British territories, Defender of the Faith”. The engraver of the obverse image was William Wyon. The reverse side of the coin is inscribed "ONE SHILLING. The engraver of the reverse image was Jean Baptiste Merlen. AUSTRALIAN CURRENCY The early settlers of Australia brought their own currency with them so a wide variety of coins, tokens and even ‘promissory’ notes (often called IOU’s) were used in the exchange of goods and services. In 1813 40,000 silver Spanish dollars, purchased by the English government, were delivered to Sydney to help resolve the currency problem reported by Governor Macquarie. The coins were converted for use by punching a hole in the centre of the coin. Both the outer ring, called the holey dollar, and the punched out ‘hole’, called the dump, were then used as the official currency. The holey dollars hold the place of being the first distinctively Australian coins. In 1825 the British Government passed the Sterling Silver Currency Act, making the British Pound the only legal form of currency in the Australian colonies. Not enough British currency was imported into the colony so other forms of currency were still used. In the mid 1800’s Australia entered the Gold Rush period when many made their fortunes. Gold was used for trading, often shaped into ingots, stamped with their weight and purity, and one pound tokens. In 1852 the Adelaide Assay Office, without British approval, made Australia’s first gold coin to meet the need for currency in South Australia after the Gold Rush began. In 1855 the official Australian Mint opened in Sydney, operating as a branch of the Royal Mint in London, and the gold was turned into coins called ‘sovereigns’. Other branches also opened in Melbourne and Perth. Up to the time of Australia becoming a federation in 1901 its currency included British copper and silver coins, Australian gold sovereigns, locally minted copper trade tokens, private banknotes, New South Wales and Queensland government treasury notes and Queensland government banknotes. After Federation the Australian government began to overwrite privately issued notes and prepared for the introduction of its own currency. In 1910 a National Australian Currency was formed, based on the British currency of ‘pounds, shillings and pence’ and the first Commonwealth coining was produced. In 1966, on February 14th, Australia changed over to the decimal currency system of dollars and cents. Australia did not have its own currency in the colonial times. Settlers brought money from other countries and they also traded goods such as grain when currency was scarce. For a long time there was no standardised value for the different currencies. In 1825 British currency became the only official currency in the colony of Australia and coins such as this silver shilling were imported into Australia to replace the mixture of foreign currency. Australia became a Federated nation on 1st January 1901. In 1910 National Australian Currency was formed and Australia produced its own currency, based on the British ‘pounds, shillings and pence’. The British currency was no longer valid. This silver shilling is of national significance as it represents the British currency used in Australia from 1825-1910. Coin, Great Britain Shilling, 1883. Silver coin, round. Obverse; Queen Victoria head, ‘Young Head’, looking left. Reverse; crown on top of wreath. Inscriptions on both sides of coin.Obverse “VICTORIA DEI GRATIA BRITANNIAR: REG: F: D :” Reverse “ONE SHILLING, 1883” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, coin, currency, money, legal tender, australian currency history, royal mint, great britain shilling 1883, queen victoria currency, colonial australia currency, wlliam wyon, jean baptiste merlen, numismatics

This Great Britain one shilling coin is dated 1885, which is during the reign of Queen Victoria. There were over 3 million of these coins minted. Queen Victoria succeeded King William IV to the British Throne in 1837 – she was only 18 years old at the time – and she ruled until 1901. British coins such as this one shilling were in circulation in the colony of Australia until 1910, when the Commonwealth of Australia began producing its own coinage. This one shilling coin was minted by the Royal Mint at Royal Mint Court, in Little Tower Hill, London, England. Coins for circulation in the Kingdom of England, Great Britain and most of the British Empire were produced here until the 1960’s when the Royal Mint shifted location to Wales. There are three main groups of shillings produced during Queen Victoria’s reign:- - The Young Head; 1837-1887, in 8 different versions, on the obverse showing the Queen’s maturing face over 50 years. - The Junior Head; 1887-1892, minted when Queen Victoria had been reigning for 50 years. Her head was smaller on the coins minted 1887-1889 than on those shillings minted 1889-1892. - The Old Head; 1893-1901, shows the veiled head of Queen Victoria. The obverse side of the coin’s inscription translation is “Victoria by the Grace of God, Queen of the British territories, Defender of the Faith”. The engraver of the obverse image was William Wyon. The reverse side of the coin is inscribed "ONE SHILLING. The engraver of the reverse image was Jean Baptiste Merlen. AUSTRALIAN CURRENCY The early settlers of Australia brought their own currency with them so a wide variety of coins, tokens and even ‘promissory’ notes (often called IOU’s) were used in the exchange of goods and services. In 1813 40,000 silver Spanish dollars, purchased by the English government, were delivered to Sydney to help resolve the currency problem reported by Governor Macquarie. The coins were converted for use by punching a hole in the centre of the coin. Both the outer ring, called the holey dollar, and the punched out ‘hole’, called the dump, were then used as the official currency. The holey dollars hold the place of being the first distinctively Australian coins. In 1825 the British Government passed the Sterling Silver Currency Act, making the British Pound the only legal form of currency in the Australian colonies. Not enough British currency was imported into the colony so other forms of currency were still used. In the mid 1800’s Australia entered the Gold Rush period when many made their fortunes. Gold was used for trading, often shaped into ingots, stamped with their weight and purity, and one pound tokens. In 1852 the Adelaide Assay Office, without British approval, made Australia’s first gold coin to meet the need for currency in South Australia after the Gold Rush began. In 1855 the official Australian Mint opened in Sydney, operating as a branch of the Royal Mint in London, and the gold was turned into coins called ‘sovereigns’. Other branches also opened in Melbourne and Perth. Up to the time of Australia becoming a federation in 1901 its currency included British copper and silver coins, Australian gold sovereigns, locally minted copper trade tokens, private banknotes, New South Wales and Queensland government treasury notes and Queensland government banknotes. After Federation the Australian government began to overwrite privately issued notes and prepared for the introduction of its own currency. In 1910 a National Australian Currency was formed, based on the British currency of ‘pounds, shillings and pence’ and the first Commonwealth coining was produced. In 1966, on February 14th, Australia changed over to the decimal currency system of dollars and cents. Australia did not have its own currency in the colonial times. Settlers brought money from other countries and they also traded goods such as grain when currency was scarce. For a long time there was no standardised value for the different currencies. In 1825 British currency became the only official currency in the colony of Australia and coins such as this silver shilling were imported into Australia to replace the mixture of foreign currency. Australia became a Federated nation on 1st January 1901. In 1910 National Australian Currency was formed and Australia produced its own currency, based on the British ‘pounds, shillings and pence’. The British currency was no longer valid. This silver shilling is of national significance as it represents the British currency used in Australia from 1825-1910. Coin, Great Britain Shilling, 1885. Silver coin, round. Obverse; Queen Victoria head, ‘Young Head’, looking left. Reverse; crown on top of wreath. Inscriptions on both sides of coin.Obverse “VICTORIA DEI GRATIA BRITANNIAR : REG : F : D :” Reverse “ONE SHILLING, 1885” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, coin, currency, money, legal tender, australian currency history, royal mint, great britain shilling 1885, queen victoria currency, colonial australia currency, wlliam wyon, jean baptiste merlen, numismatics

Rev Robert Hodgson: His father was Robert Hodgson Snr, of Congleton, and Mildred (née Porteus) in early 1773. He was baptised on 22 September 1773 at St Peter's Church, Congleton. Hodgson was a close relative (by marriage on his father's side and by blood on his mother's side) of Beilby Porteus, Bishop of London of whom Hodgson wrote a biography of Porteus. On his mother's side, he was a descendant of Augustine Warner Jnr., who presided as the Speaker of the Virginia House of Burgesses during the time of Bacon's Rebellion (Warner served before the Rebellion in 1676, and after the Rebellion in 1677.) Hodgson was educated at Macclesfield School and Peterhouse, Cambridge, where he graduated with a BA as 14th Wrangler in 1795. He was appointed rector of St George's, Hanover Square for over forty years, from 1803 until his death in 1844. Bishop Beilby Porteus: Beilby Porteus 8 May 1731 – 13 May 1809), successively Bishop of Chester and London was a Church of England reformer and a leading abolitionist in England. He was the first Anglican in a position of authority to seriously challenge the Church's position on slavery. Porteus was born in York on 8 May 1731, the youngest of the 19 children of Elizabeth Jennings and Robert Porteus ( 1758/9), a planter. Although the family was of Scottish ancestry, his parents were Virginian planters who had returned to England in 1720 as a result of the economic difficulties in the province and for the sake of his father's health. Educated at York and Ripon Grammar School, he was a classics scholar at Christ's College, Cambridge, becoming a fellow in 1752. In 1759 he won the Seatonian Prize for his poem Death: A Poetical Essay, a work for which he is still remembered. He was ordained as a priest in 1757, and in 1762 was appointed as domestic chaplain to Thomas Secker, Archbishop of Canterbury, acting as his assistant at Lambeth Palace for six years. It was during these years that it is thought he became more aware of the conditions of the enslaved Africans in the American colonies and the British West Indies. He corresponded with clergy and missionaries, receiving reports on the appalling conditions facing the slaves from Rev James Ramsay in the West Indies and from Granville Sharp, the English lawyer who had supported the cases of freed slaves in England. In 1769 Beilby Porteus was appointed as chaplain to King George III. He was also Rector of Lambeth (a living shared between the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Crown) from 1767 to 1777, and later Master of St Cross, Winchester (1776–77). He was concerned about trends within the Church of England towards what he regarded as the watering-down of the truth of Scripture and stood for doctrinal purity. He was, however, happy to work with Methodists and dissenters and recognised their major contributions in evangelism and education. In 1776, Porteus was nominated as Bishop of Chester, taking up the appointment in 1777. He was Renowned as a scholar and a popular preacher, it was in 1783 that the young bishop was to first come to national attention by preaching his most famous and influential sermon. In 1787, Porteus was translated to the bishopric of London on the advice of Prime Minister William Pitt, a position he held until his death in 1809. As is customary, he was also appointed to the Privy Council, and Dean of the Chapel Royal. In 1788, he supported Sir William Dolben's Slave Trade Bill from the bench of bishops, and over the next quarter-century, he became the leading advocate within the Church of England for the abolition of slavery, lending support to such men as Wilberforce, Granville Sharp, Henry Thornton, and Zachary Macaulay to secure the eventual passage of the Slave Trade Act in 1807.Beilby Porteus was one of the most significant, albeit under-rated church figures of the 18th century. His sermons continued to be read by many, and his legacy as a foremost abolitionist was such that his name was almost as well known in the early 19th century as those of Wilberforce and Thomas Clarkson but 100 years later he had become one of the 'forgotten abolitionists', and today his role has largely been ignored and his name has been consigned to the footnotes of history. His primary claim to fame in the 21st century is for his poem on Death and, possibly unfairly, as the supposed prototype for the pompous Mr. Collins in Jane Austen's novel ”Pride and Prejudice”. But, ironically, Porteus' most lasting contribution was one for which he is little-known, the Sunday Observance Act of 1781 (a response to what he saw as the moral decay of England), which legislated how the public were allowed to spend their recreation time at weekends these laws continued for the following 200 years until the passing of the Sunday Trading Act of 1994.Book of sermons cover is brown with gold border and decoration Beilby Porteus (or Porteous; 8 May 1731 – 13 May 1809), successively Bishop of Chester and of London, was a Church of England reformer and a leading abolitionist in England. He was the first Anglican in a position of authority to seriously challenge the Church's position on slavery. The Works of The Right Reverend Beilby Porteus Vol 2” . Spine has “Porteus’ Works, Vol. II Sermons”. The works of the Right Reverend Beilby Porteus, D.D., late Bishop of London; with his life, by the Rev. Robert Hodgson, A.M.F.R.S. and one of the Chaplains in Ordinary to His Majesty. A New Edition in Six Volumes. Vol. II – Sermons. Published in 1811 for T. Cadell and W., Davies, in The Strand, London. Printed by G. Sidney, Northumberland-street. flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, right reverend beilby porteous, sermons, london reverend

This Great Britain one shilling coin is dated 1887, which is during the reign of Queen Victoria. There were over 4 million of these coins minted. Queen Victoria succeeded King William IV to the British Throne in 1837 – she was only 18 years old at the time – and she ruled until 1901. This 1887 Great Britain shilling was struck as part of new coinage of gold and silver commemorating the Golden Jubilee of Queen Victoria 1837-1887. This design continued until 1893. The obverse image of Queen Victoria, called the ‘Junior Head’, was engraved by Joseph Edgar Boehm and adapted from his engraving for the Jubilee Medal. The design on the reverse is based on the design of the George IV shilling, 1823-1825. Inscription translations: - Obverse side: “Victoria by the Grace of God, Queen of the British territories, Defender of the Faith”. - Reverse side "Evil to him who evil thinks”. British coins such as this one shilling were in circulation in the colony of Australia until 1910, when the Commonwealth of Australia began producing its own coinage. This one shilling coin was minted by the Royal Mint at Royal Mint Court, in Little Tower Hill, London, England. Coins for circulation in the Kingdom of England, Great Britain and most of the British Empire were produced here until the 1960’s when the Royal Mint shifted location to Wales. There are three main groups of shillings produced during Queen Victoria’s reign:- - The Young Head; 1837-1887, in 8 different versions, on the obverse showing the Queen’s maturing face over 50 years. - The Junior Head; 1887-1892, minted when Queen Victoria had been reigning for 50 years. Her head was smaller on the coins minted 1887-1889 than on those shillings minted 1889-1892. - The Old Head; 1893-1901, shows the veiled head of Queen Victoria. AUSTRALIAN CURRENCY The early settlers of Australia brought their own currency with them so a wide variety of coins, tokens and even ‘promissory’ notes (often called IOU’s) were used in the exchange of goods and services. In 1813 40,000 silver Spanish dollars, purchased by the English government, were delivered to Sydney to help resolve the currency problem reported by Governor Macquarie. The coins were converted for use by punching a hole in the centre of the coin. Both the outer ring, called the holey dollar, and the punched out ‘hole’, called the dump, were then used as the official currency. The holey dollars hold the place of being the first distinctively Australian coins. In 1825 the British Government passed the Sterling Silver Currency Act, making the British Pound the only legal form of currency in the Australian colonies. Not enough British currency was imported into the colony so other forms of currency were still used. In the mid 1800’s Australia entered the Gold Rush period when many made their fortunes. Gold was used for trading, often shaped into ingots, stamped with their weight and purity, and one pound tokens. In 1852 the Adelaide Assay Office, without British approval, made Australia’s first gold coin to meet the need for currency in South Australia after the Gold Rush began. In 1855 the official Australian Mint opened in Sydney, operating as a branch of the Royal Mint in London, and the gold was turned into coins called ‘sovereigns’. Other branches also opened in Melbourne and Perth. Up to the time of Australia becoming a federation in 1901 its currency included British copper and silver coins, Australian gold sovereigns, locally minted copper trade tokens, private banknotes, New South Wales and Queensland government treasury notes and Queensland government banknotes. After Federation the Australian government began to overwrite privately issued notes and prepared for the introduction of its own currency. In 1910 a National Australian Currency was formed, based on the British currency of ‘pounds, shillings and pence’ and the first Commonwealth coining was produced. In 1966, on February 14th, Australia changed over to the decimal currency system of dollars and cents. Australia did not have its own currency in the colonial times. Settlers brought money from other countries and they also traded goods such as grain when currency was scarce. For a long time there was no standardised value for the different currencies. In 1825 British currency became the only official currency in the colony of Australia and coins such as this silver shilling were imported into Australia to replace the mixture of foreign currency. Australia became a Federated nation on 1st January 1901. In 1910 National Australian Currency was formed and Australia produced its own currency, based on the British ‘pounds, shillings and pence’. The British currency was no longer valid. This silver shilling is of national significance as it represents the British currency used in Australia from 1825-1910. This silver shilling is also of significance to Australia as part one of the British Colonies ruled by Queen Victoria. It is part of the special silver and gold coins minted 1887-1893 to celebrate the 50 years Jubilee of Queen Victoria’s reign 1837-1887. Coin, Great Britain Shilling, 1887. Silver coin, round. Obverse; Queen Victoria head, ‘Junior Head’, looking left. Reverse; crown on quartered shield within band of text, above year. Shield has 2 quarters with 3 lions on each, one quarter with a lion, one quarter with a harp. Inscriptions on both sides of coin.Obverse “VICTORIA DEI GRATIA BRITT REGINA F : D :” Reverse “HONI . SOIT . QUI . MAL . Y . PENSE” and “1887” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, coin, currency, money, legal tender, australian currency history, royal mint, great britain shilling 1887, queen victoria currency, queen victoria 50 years golden jubilee shilling, colonial australia currency, joseph edgar boehm, numismatics

This Great Britain one shilling coin is dated 1887, which is during the reign of Queen Victoria. There were over 4 million of these coins minted. Queen Victoria succeeded King William IV to the British Throne in 1837 – she was only 18 years old at the time – and she ruled until 1901. This 1887 Great Britain shilling was struck as part of new coinage of gold and silver commemorating the Golden Jubilee of Queen Victoria 1837-1887. This design continued until 1893. The obverse image of Queen Victoria, called the ‘Junior Head’, was engraved by Joseph Edgar Boehm and adapted from his engraving for the Jubilee Medal. The design on the reverse is based on the design of the George IV shilling, 1823-1825. Inscription translations: - Obverse side: “Victoria by the Grace of God, Queen of the British territories, Defender of the Faith”. - Reverse side "Evil to him who evil thinks”. British coins such as this one shilling were in circulation in the colony of Australia until 1910, when the Commonwealth of Australia began producing its own coinage. This one shilling coin was minted by the Royal Mint at Royal Mint Court, in Little Tower Hill, London, England. Coins for circulation in the Kingdom of England, Great Britain and most of the British Empire were produced here until the 1960’s when the Royal Mint shifted location to Wales. There are three main groups of shillings produced during Queen Victoria’s reign:- - The Young Head; 1837-1887, in 8 different versions, on the obverse showing the Queen’s maturing face over 50 years. - The Junior Head; 1887-1892, minted when Queen Victoria had been reigning for 50 years. Her head was smaller on the coins minted 1887-1889 than on those shillings minted 1889-1892. - The Old Head; 1893-1901, shows the veiled head of Queen Victoria. AUSTRALIAN CURRENCY The early settlers of Australia brought their own currency with them so a wide variety of coins, tokens and even ‘promissory’ notes (often called IOU’s) were used in the exchange of goods and services. In 1813 40,000 silver Spanish dollars, purchased by the English government, were delivered to Sydney to help resolve the currency problem reported by Governor Macquarie. The coins were converted for use by punching a hole in the centre of the coin. Both the outer ring, called the holey dollar, and the punched out ‘hole’, called the dump, were then used as the official currency. The holey dollars hold the place of being the first distinctively Australian coins. In 1825 the British Government passed the Sterling Silver Currency Act, making the British Pound the only legal form of currency in the Australian colonies. Not enough British currency was imported into the colony so other forms of currency were still used. In the mid 1800’s Australia entered the Gold Rush period when many made their fortunes. Gold was used for trading, often shaped into ingots, stamped with their weight and purity, and one pound tokens. In 1852 the Adelaide Assay Office, without British approval, made Australia’s first gold coin to meet the need for currency in South Australia after the Gold Rush began. In 1855 the official Australian Mint opened in Sydney, operating as a branch of the Royal Mint in London, and the gold was turned into coins called ‘sovereigns’. Other branches also opened in Melbourne and Perth. Up to the time of Australia becoming a federation in 1901 its currency included British copper and silver coins, Australian gold sovereigns, locally minted copper trade tokens, private banknotes, New South Wales and Queensland government treasury notes and Queensland government banknotes. After Federation the Australian government began to overwrite privately issued notes and prepared for the introduction of its own currency. In 1910 a National Australian Currency was formed, based on the British currency of ‘pounds, shillings and pence’ and the first Commonwealth coining was produced. In 1966, on February 14th, Australia changed over to the decimal currency system of dollars and cents. Australia did not have its own currency in the colonial times. Settlers brought money from other countries and they also traded goods such as grain when currency was scarce. For a long time there was no standardised value for the different currencies. In 1825 British currency became the only official currency in the colony of Australia and coins such as this silver shilling were imported into Australia to replace the mixture of foreign currency. Australia became a Federated nation on 1st January 1901. In 1910 National Australian Currency was formed and Australia produced its own currency, based on the British ‘pounds, shillings and pence’. The British currency was no longer valid. This silver shilling is of national significance as it represents the British currency used in Australia from 1825-1910. This silver shilling is also of significance to Australia as part one of the British Colonies ruled by Queen Victoria. It is part of the special silver and gold coins minted 1887-1893 to celebrate the 50 years Jubilee of Queen Victoria’s reign 1837-1887. Coin, Great Britain Shilling, 1887. Silver coin, round. Obverse; Queen Victoria head, ‘Junior Head’, looking left. Reverse; crown on quartered shield within band of text, above year. Shield has 2 quarters with 3 lions on each, one quarter with a lion, one quarter with a harp. Inscriptions on both sides of coin.Obverse “VICTORIA DEI GRATIA BRITT REGINA F : D :” Reverse “HONI . SOIT . QUI . MAL . Y . PENSE” and “1887” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, coin, currency, money, legal tender, australian currency history, royal mint, great britain shilling 1887, queen victoria currency, queen victoria 50 years golden jubilee shilling, colonial australia currency, joseph edgar boehm, numismatics

This Great Britain one shilling coin is dated 1888, which is during the reign of Queen Victoria. There were over 4 million of these coins minted. Queen Victoria succeeded King William IV to the British Throne in 1837 – she was only 18 years old at the time – and she ruled until 1901. This 1888 Great Britain shilling was struck as part of new coinage of gold and silver commemorating the Golden Jubilee of Queen Victoria 1837-1887. This design continued until 1893. The obverse image of Queen Victoria, called the ‘Junior Head’, was engraved by Joseph Edgar Boehm and adapted from his engraving for the Jubilee Medal. The design on the reverse is based on the design of the George IV shilling, 1823-1825. Inscription translations: - Obverse side: “Victoria by the Grace of God, Queen of the British territories, Defender of the Faith”. - Reverse side "Evil to him who evil thinks”. British coins such as this one shilling were in circulation in the colony of Australia until 1910, when the Commonwealth of Australia began producing its own coinage. This one shilling coin was minted by the Royal Mint at Royal Mint Court, in Little Tower Hill, London, England. Coins for circulation in the Kingdom of England, Great Britain and most of the British Empire were produced here until the 1960’s when the Royal Mint shifted location to Wales. There are three main groups of shillings produced during Queen Victoria’s reign:- - The Young Head; 1837-1887, in 8 different versions, on the obverse showing the Queen’s maturing face over 50 years. - The Junior Head; 1887-1892, minted when Queen Victoria had been reigning for 50 years. Her head was smaller on the coins minted 1887-1889 than on those shillings minted 1889-1892. - The Old Head; 1893-1901, shows the veiled head of Queen Victoria. AUSTRALIAN CURRENCY The early settlers of Australia brought their own currency with them so a wide variety of coins, tokens and even ‘promissory’ notes (often called IOU’s) were used in the exchange of goods and services. In 1813 40,000 silver Spanish dollars, purchased by the English government, were delivered to Sydney to help resolve the currency problem reported by Governor Macquarie. The coins were converted for use by punching a hole in the centre of the coin. Both the outer ring, called the holey dollar, and the punched out ‘hole’, called the dump, were then used as the official currency. The holey dollars hold the place of being the first distinctively Australian coins. In 1825 the British Government passed the Sterling Silver Currency Act, making the British Pound the only legal form of currency in the Australian colonies. Not enough British currency was imported into the colony so other forms of currency were still used. In the mid 1800’s Australia entered the Gold Rush period when many made their fortunes. Gold was used for trading, often shaped into ingots, stamped with their weight and purity, and one pound tokens. In 1852 the Adelaide Assay Office, without British approval, made Australia’s first gold coin to meet the need for currency in South Australia after the Gold Rush began. In 1855 the official Australian Mint opened in Sydney, operating as a branch of the Royal Mint in London, and the gold was turned into coins called ‘sovereigns’. Other branches also opened in Melbourne and Perth. Up to the time of Australia becoming a federation in 1901 its currency included British copper and silver coins, Australian gold sovereigns, locally minted copper trade tokens, private banknotes, New South Wales and Queensland government treasury notes and Queensland government banknotes. After Federation the Australian government began to overwrite privately issued notes and prepared for the introduction of its own currency. In 1910 a National Australian Currency was formed, based on the British currency of ‘pounds, shillings and pence’ and the first Commonwealth coining was produced. In 1966, on February 14th, Australia changed over to the decimal currency system of dollars and cents. Australia did not have its own currency in the colonial times. Settlers brought money from other countries and they also traded goods such as grain when currency was scarce. For a long time there was no standardised value for the different currencies. In 1825 British currency became the only official currency in the colony of Australia and coins such as this silver shilling were imported into Australia to replace the mixture of foreign currency. Australia became a Federated nation on 1st January 1901. In 1910 National Australian Currency was formed and Australia produced its own currency, based on the British ‘pounds, shillings and pence’. The British currency was no longer valid. This silver shilling is of national significance as it represents the British currency used in Australia from 1825-1910. This silver shilling is also of significance to Australia as part one of the British Colonies ruled by Queen Victoria. It is part of the special silver and gold coins minted 1887-1893 to celebrate the 50 years Jubilee of Queen Victoria’s reign 1837-1887. Coin, Shilling, Great Britain, 1888. Silver coin, round. Obverse; Queen Victoria head, ‘Junior Head’, looking left. Reverse; crown on quartered shield within band of text, above year. Shield has 2 quarters with 3 lions on each, one quarter with a lion, one quarter with a harp. Inscriptions on both sides of coin.Obverse “VICTORIA DEI GRATIA BRITT REGINA F : D :” Reverse “HONI . SOIT . QUI . MAL . Y . PENSE” and “1888” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, coin, currency, money, legal tender, australian currency history, royal mint, great britain shilling 1888, queen victoria currency, queen victoria 50 years golden jubilee shilling, colonial australia currency, joseph edgar boehm, numismatics

This Great Britain one shilling coin is dated 1890, which is during the reign of Queen Victoria. There were over 4 million of these coins minted. Queen Victoria succeeded King William IV to the British Throne in 1837 – she was only 18 years old at the time – and she ruled until 1901. This 1890 Great Britain shilling was struck as part of new coinage of gold and silver commemorating the Golden Jubilee of Queen Victoria 1837-1887. This design continued until 1893. The obverse image of Queen Victoria, called the ‘Junior Head’, was engraved by Joseph Edgar Boehm and adapted from his engraving for the Jubilee Medal. The design on the reverse is based on the design of the George IV shilling, 1823-1825. Inscription translations: - Obverse side: “Victoria by the Grace of God, Queen of the British territories, Defender of the Faith”. - Reverse side "Evil to him who evil thinks”. British coins such as this one shilling were in circulation in the colony of Australia until 1910, when the Commonwealth of Australia began producing its own coinage. This one shilling coin was minted by the Royal Mint at Royal Mint Court, in Little Tower Hill, London, England. Coins for circulation in the Kingdom of England, Great Britain and most of the British Empire were produced here until the 1960’s when the Royal Mint shifted location to Wales. There are three main groups of shillings produced during Queen Victoria’s reign:- - The Young Head; 1837-1887, in 8 different versions, on the obverse showing the Queen’s maturing face over 50 years. - The Junior Head; 1887-1892, minted when Queen Victoria had been reigning for 50 years. Her head was smaller on the coins minted 1887-1889 than on those shillings minted 1889-1892. - The Old Head; 1893-1901, shows the veiled head of Queen Victoria. AUSTRALIAN CURRENCY The early settlers of Australia brought their own currency with them so a wide variety of coins, tokens and even ‘promissory’ notes (often called IOU’s) were used in the exchange of goods and services. In 1813 40,000 silver Spanish dollars, purchased by the English government, were delivered to Sydney to help resolve the currency problem reported by Governor Macquarie. The coins were converted for use by punching a hole in the centre of the coin. Both the outer ring, called the holey dollar, and the punched out ‘hole’, called the dump, were then used as the official currency. The holey dollars hold the place of being the first distinctively Australian coins. In 1825 the British Government passed the Sterling Silver Currency Act, making the British Pound the only legal form of currency in the Australian colonies. Not enough British currency was imported into the colony so other forms of currency were still used. In the mid 1800’s Australia entered the Gold Rush period when many made their fortunes. Gold was used for trading, often shaped into ingots, stamped with their weight and purity, and one pound tokens. In 1852 the Adelaide Assay Office, without British approval, made Australia’s first gold coin to meet the need for currency in South Australia after the Gold Rush began. In 1855 the official Australian Mint opened in Sydney, operating as a branch of the Royal Mint in London, and the gold was turned into coins called ‘sovereigns’. Other branches also opened in Melbourne and Perth. Up to the time of Australia becoming a federation in 1901 its currency included British copper and silver coins, Australian gold sovereigns, locally minted copper trade tokens, private banknotes, New South Wales and Queensland government treasury notes and Queensland government banknotes. After Federation the Australian government began to overwrite privately issued notes and prepared for the introduction of its own currency. In 1910 a National Australian Currency was formed, based on the British currency of ‘pounds, shillings and pence’ and the first Commonwealth coining was produced. In 1966, on February 14th, Australia changed over to the decimal currency system of dollars and cents. Australia did not have its own currency in the colonial times. Settlers brought money from other countries and they also traded goods such as grain when currency was scarce. For a long time there was no standardised value for the different currencies. In 1825 British currency became the only official currency in the colony of Australia and coins such as this silver shilling were imported into Australia to replace the mixture of foreign currency. Australia became a Federated nation on 1st January 1901. In 1910 National Australian Currency was formed and Australia produced its own currency, based on the British ‘pounds, shillings and pence’. The British currency was no longer valid. This silver shilling is of national significance as it represents the British currency used in Australia from 1825-1910. This silver shilling is also of significance to Australia as part one of the British Colonies ruled by Queen Victoria. It is part of the special silver and gold coins minted 1887-1893 to celebrate the 50 years Jubilee of Queen Victoria’s reign 1837-1887. Coin, Great Britain Shilling, 1890. Silver coin, round. Obverse; Queen Victoria head, ‘Junior Head’, looking left. Reverse; crown on quartered shield within band of text, above year. Shield has 2 quarters with 3 lions on each, one quarter with a lion, one quarter with a harp. Inscriptions on both sides of coin.Obverse “VICTORIA DEI GRATIA BRITT REGINA F : D :” Reverse “HONI . SOIT . QUI . MAL . Y . PENSE” and “1890” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, coin, currency, money, legal tender, australian currency history, royal mint, great britain shilling 1890, queen victoria currency, queen victoria 50 years golden jubilee shilling, colonial australia currency, joseph edgar boehm, numismatics

This Great Britain one shilling coin is dated 1891, which is during the reign of Queen Victoria. There were over 4 million of these coins minted. Queen Victoria succeeded King William IV to the British Throne in 1837 – she was only 18 years old at the time – and she ruled until 1901. This 1891 Great Britain shilling was struck as part of new coinage of gold and silver commemorating the Golden Jubilee of Queen Victoria 1837-1887. This design continued until 1893. The obverse image of Queen Victoria, called the ‘Junior Head’, was engraved by Joseph Edgar Boehm and adapted from his engraving for the Jubilee Medal. The design on the reverse is based on the design of the George IV shilling, 1823-1825. Inscription translations: - Obverse side: “Victoria by the Grace of God, Queen of the British territories, Defender of the Faith”. - Reverse side "Evil to him who evil thinks”. British coins such as this one shilling were in circulation in the colony of Australia until 1910, when the Commonwealth of Australia began producing its own coinage. This one shilling coin was minted by the Royal Mint at Royal Mint Court, in Little Tower Hill, London, England. Coins for circulation in the Kingdom of England, Great Britain and most of the British Empire were produced here until the 1960’s when the Royal Mint shifted location to Wales. There are three main groups of shillings produced during Queen Victoria’s reign:- - The Young Head; 1837-1887, in 8 different versions, on the obverse showing the Queen’s maturing face over 50 years. - The Junior Head; 1887-1892, minted when Queen Victoria had been reigning for 50 years. Her head was smaller on the coins minted 1887-1889 than on those shillings minted 1889-1892. - The Old Head; 1893-1901, shows the veiled head of Queen Victoria. AUSTRALIAN CURRENCY The early settlers of Australia brought their own currency with them so a wide variety of coins, tokens and even ‘promissory’ notes (often called IOU’s) were used in the exchange of goods and services. In 1813 40,000 silver Spanish dollars, purchased by the English government, were delivered to Sydney to help resolve the currency problem reported by Governor Macquarie. The coins were converted for use by punching a hole in the centre of the coin. Both the outer ring, called the holey dollar, and the punched out ‘hole’, called the dump, were then used as the official currency. The holey dollars hold the place of being the first distinctively Australian coins. In 1825 the British Government passed the Sterling Silver Currency Act, making the British Pound the only legal form of currency in the Australian colonies. Not enough British currency was imported into the colony so other forms of currency were still used. In the mid 1800’s Australia entered the Gold Rush period when many made their fortunes. Gold was used for trading, often shaped into ingots, stamped with their weight and purity, and one pound tokens. In 1852 the Adelaide Assay Office, without British approval, made Australia’s first gold coin to meet the need for currency in South Australia after the Gold Rush began. In 1855 the official Australian Mint opened in Sydney, operating as a branch of the Royal Mint in London, and the gold was turned into coins called ‘sovereigns’. Other branches also opened in Melbourne and Perth. Up to the time of Australia becoming a federation in 1901 its currency included British copper and silver coins, Australian gold sovereigns, locally minted copper trade tokens, private banknotes, New South Wales and Queensland government treasury notes and Queensland government banknotes. After Federation the Australian government began to overwrite privately issued notes and prepared for the introduction of its own currency. In 1910 a National Australian Currency was formed, based on the British currency of ‘pounds, shillings and pence’ and the first Commonwealth coining was produced. In 1966, on February 14th, Australia changed over to the decimal currency system of dollars and cents. Australia did not have its own currency in the colonial times. Settlers brought money from other countries and they also traded goods such as grain when currency was scarce. For a long time there was no standardised value for the different currencies. In 1825 British currency became the only official currency in the colony of Australia and coins such as this silver shilling were imported into Australia to replace the mixture of foreign currency. Australia became a Federated nation on 1st January 1901. In 1910 National Australian Currency was formed and Australia produced its own currency, based on the British ‘pounds, shillings and pence’. The British currency was no longer valid. This silver shilling is of national significance as it represents the British currency used in Australia from 1825-1910. This silver shilling is also of significance to Australia as part one of the British Colonies ruled by Queen Victoria. It is part of the special silver and gold coins minted 1887-1893 to celebrate the 50 years Jubilee of Queen Victoria’s reign 1837-1887.Coin, Great Britain Shilling, 1891. Silver coin, round. Obverse; Queen Victoria bust, ‘Junior Head’, looking left. Reverse; crown on quartered shield within band of text, above year. Shield has 2 quarters with 3 lions on each, one quarter with a lion, one quarter with a harp. Inscriptions on both sides of coin.Obverse “VICTORIA DEI GRATIA BRITT REGINA F : D :” Reverse “HONI . SOIT . QUI . MAL . Y . PENSE” and “1891” flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, coin, currency, money, legal tender, australian currency history, royal mint, great britain shilling 1891, queen victoria currency, queen victoria 50 years golden jubilee shilling, colonial australia currency, joseph edgar boehm, numismatics

Social Engineering and Indigenous Settlement: Policy and demography in remote Australia John Taylor In recent years neo-liberals have argued that government support for remote Aboriginal communities contributes to social pathology and that unhindered market engagement involving labour mobility provides the only solution. This has raised questions about the viability of remote Aboriginal settlements. While the extreme view is to withdraw services altogether, at the very least selective migration should be encouraged. Since the analytical tools are available, one test of the integrity of such ideas is to consider their likely demographic consequences. Accordingly, this paper provides empirically based speculation about the possible implications for Aboriginal population distribution and demographic composition in remote areas had the advice of neo-liberal commentators and initial labour market reforms of the Northern Territory Emergency Response been fully implemented. The scenarios presented are heuristic only but they reveal a potential for substantial demographic and social upheaval. Aspects of the semantics of intellectual subjectivity in Dalabon (south-western Arnhem Land) Ma�a Ponsonnet This paper explores the semantics of subjectivity (views, intentions, the self as a social construct etc.) in Dalabon, a severely endangered language of northern Australia, and in Kriol, the local creole. Considering the status of Dalabon and the importance of Kriol in the region, Dalabon cannot be observed in its original context, as the traditional methods of linguistic anthropology tend to recommend. This paper seeks to rely on this very parameter, reclaiming linguistic work and research as a legitimate conversational context. Analyses are thus based on metalinguistic statements - among which are translations in Kriol. Far from seeking to separate Dalabon from Kriol, I use interactions between them as an analytical tool. The paper concentrates on three Dalabon words: men-no (intentions, views, thoughts), kodj-no (head) and kodj-kulu-no (brain). None of these words strictly matches the concept expressed by the English word mind. On the one hand, men-no is akin to consciousness but is not treated as a container nor as a processor; on the other, kodj-no and kodj-kulu-no are treated respectively as container and processor, but they are clearly physical body parts, while what English speakers usually call the mind is essentially distinct from the body. Interestingly, the body part kodj-no (head) also represents the individual as a social construct - while the Western self does not match physical attributes. Besides, men-no can also translate as idea, but it can never be abstracted from subjectivity - while in English, potential objectivity is a crucial feature of ideas. Hence the semantics of subjectivity in Dalabon does not reproduce classic Western conceptual articulations. I show that these specificities persist in the local creole. Health, death and Indigenous Australians in the coronial system Belinda Carpenter and Gordon Tait This paper details research conducted in Queensland during the first year of operation of the new Coroners Act 2003. Information was gathered from all completed investigations between December 2003 and December 2004 across five categories of death: accidental, suicide, natural, medical and homicide. It was found that 25 percent of the total number of Indigenous deaths recorded in 2004 were reported to, and investigated by, the Coroner, in comparison to 9.4 percent of non-Indigenous deaths. Moreover, Indigenous people were found to be over-represented in each category of death, except in death in a medical setting, where they were absent. This paper discusses these findings in detail, following the insights gained from the work of Tatz (1999, 2001, 2005) and Morrissey (2003). It also discusses a further outcome of this situation - the over-representation of Indigenous people in figures for full internal autopsy. Finding your voice: Placing and sourcing an Aboriginal health organisation?s published and grey literature Clive Rosewarne It is widely recognised that Aboriginal perspectives need to be represented in historical narratives. Sourcing this material may be difficult if Aboriginal people and their organisations do not publish in formats that are widely distributed and readily accessible to library collections and research studies. Based on a search for material about a 30-year-old Aboriginal health organisation, this paper aims to (1) identify factors that influenced the distribution of written material authored by the organisation; (2) consider the implications for Aboriginal people who wish to have their viewpoints widely available to researchers; and (3) assess the implications for research practice. As part of researching an organisational history for the Central Australian Aboriginal Congress, seven national and regional collections were searched for Congress?s published and unpublished written material. It was found that, in common with other Aboriginal organisations, most written material was produced as grey literature. The study indicates that for Aboriginal people and their organisations? voices to be heard, and their views to be accessible in library collections, they need to have an active program to distribute their written material. It also highlights the need for researchers to be exhaustive in their searches, and to be aware of the limitations within collections when sourcing Aboriginal perspectives. Radiocarbon dates from the Top End: A cultural chronology for the Northern Territory coastal plains Sally Brockwell , Patrick Faulkner, Patricia Bourke, Anne Clarke, Christine Crassweller, Daryl Guse, Betty Meehan, and Robin Sim The coastal plains of northern Australia are relatively recent formations that have undergone dynamic evolution through the mid to late Holocene. The development and use of these landscapes across the Northern Territory have been widely investigated by both archaeologists and geomorphologists. Over the past 15 years, a number of research and consultancy projects have focused on the archaeology of these coastal plains, from the Reynolds River in the west to the southern coast of the Gulf of Carpentaria in the east. More than 300 radiocarbon dates are now available and these have enabled us to provide a more detailed interpretation of the pattern of human settlement. In addition to this growing body of evidence, new palaeoclimatic data that is relevant to these northern Australian contexts is becoming available. This paper provides a synthesis of the archaeological evidence, integrates it within the available palaeo-environmental frameworks and characterises the cultural chronology of human settlement of the Northern Territory coastal plains over the past 10 000 years. Ladjiladji language area: A reconstruction Ian Clark and Edward Ryan In this reconsideration of the Ladjiladji language area in northwest Victoria, we contend that while Tindale?s classical reconstruction of this language identified a fundamental error in Smyth?s earlier cartographic representation, he incorrectly corrected that error. We review what is known about Ladjiladji and through a careful analysis demonstrate not only the errors in both Smyth and Tindale but also proffer a fundamental reconstruction grounded in the primary sources.ladjiladji, social engineering, dalabon, indigenous health, coronial system, radiocarbon dating

This compressor was part of the E.G. Ward Collection. It is connected to the diving suit and boots also in our collection. Siebe Gorman & Company Ltd was a British company that developed diving equipment and breathing equipment and worked on commercial diving and marine salvage projects. The company advertised itself as 'Submarine Engineers'. It was founded by Augustus Siebe, a German-born British engineer chiefly known for his contributions to diving equipment. Siebe Gorman traded as an engineering firm for over 180 years from 1819 to 1999. The early success of the business was due to its founder, the Prussian immigrant Christian 'Augustus' Siebe (1788-1872). For business reasons, he applied for and was granted British citizenship in 1856. He was a gifted engineer who was able to translate theoretical problems into practical, working products. During the industrial Victorian period, the business traded as 'A. Siebe' at 145 High Street Holborn London, but in 1828 new premises were acquired at 5 Denmark Street, Soho. The family firm produced a wide range of manufactured goods including paper-making machinery, measuring machinery, water-pumps, refrigeration equipment and diving apparatus. Augustus Siebe specialised in submarine engineering early on and the company gained a reputation for the manufacture of safe, reliable diving apparatus. Augustus Siebe is best remembered for the development and manufacture of the ‘closed’ Diving Dress based on the ideas of Charles and John Deane, George Edwards and Charles Pasley. Apart from some small modifications to valves and diver communications, the basic 12 bolt ‘closed’ diving dress remained relatively unchanged after the 1870s. Later company successes were also based on innovation, with new products that could be successfully developed and manufactured to high standards. This was largely attributed to the inventive nature, foresight, engineering and entrepreneurial skills of Robert Henry Davis (1870-1965). In 1882, RH Davis joined the company of 'Siebe & Gorman' as a young 11-year-old office boy and he was to remain with the company until he died in 1965. Augustus Siebe retired in 1869 and handed over the company to a new partnership of Henry H. Siebe (1830-1885) and William A. O'Gorman (1834-1904). The new firm traded as 'Siebe & Gorman' (1870-1879) from premises in and around Mason Street, Westminster Bridge Road, Lambeth, London. The two partners soon recognised the potential of R.H. Davis and in 1894, aged 24, he became General Manager of Siebe & Gorman. Davis increasingly ran the company until the surviving partner (W.A. Gorman) died in 1904. The firm was disposed of to the Vickers (armaments) family and a new company 'Siebe Gorman & Co. Ltd.' (1905-1998) was formed. Under the chairmanship of Albert Vickers, R.H. Davis was kept on as Managing Director, and the company forged ahead. However, after WW1, the Great Depression caused manufacturing output and share prices to slump. In 1924 Robert Davis made a deal with the Vickers Board and acquired control of the company through majority shares. Under his leadership, the Siebe Gorman Company flourished and within time, four of his sons also joined the firm. The company gained a worldwide reputation for the manufacture of diving apparatus, decompression and observation chambers, and safety breathing apparatus of all types for use on the land, in the air and under the sea (including mine rescue, tunneling, aircraft, diving, submarine escape and in other hazardous environments). Close research and development links with the MOD (especially the Admiralty), also provided a lucrative outlet for the company products. In 1932, Robert Davis was knighted by King George V, principally for his invention of the ‘Davis Submerged Escape Apparatus’ (D.S.E.A.). Siebe Gorman essentially remained a family firm from the beginning (under A Siebe) until it became a public company for the first time in 1952. However, following WW2, British manufacturing stagnated through stifled investment and post-war austerity, and there was little innovation. Siebe Gorman fortunes began to decline as an ageing Sir Robert Davis failed to invest, or change the company business and management practices. In 1959, Siebe Gorman was acquired by the “Fairy Group” and the ailing Sir Robert was made Life President. Consequently, nothing changed and the slow decline continued until Sir Robert's death in March 1965. Around 1960, Siebe Gorman acquired the diving apparatus manufacturer C E Heinke, and for a brief period, it manufactured some diving equipment under the combined name of Siebe Heinke. Around 1964, Mr. E. 'Barry' Stephens was appointed as the new Managing Director to modernise Siebe Gorman. Changes were made, including a move to a new factory in Wales in 1975. The new company concentrated on fire fighting breathing apparatus and escape equipment, and the move coincided with the loss of many of the older, traditional craft skills. Between 1985 and 1998, Siebe expanded through acquisitions, and several other companies were acquired. The Siebe Gorman (diving apparatus) company has therefore traded as A. Siebe (1819-1870); Siebe & Gorman (1870-1879); Siebe Gorman & Co (1880-1904); Siebe Gorman & Co. Ltd (1905-1998).The compressor is a very significant item as it gives a snapshot into marine history and the development of diving equipment generally especially that used for salvage operations before and during WW2. Siebe & Gorman the company that made the equipment was a leading inventor, developer and innovator of marine equipment with its early helmets and other items eagerly sought after today for collections around the world. The items in the Flagstaff Hill collection give us an insight as to how divers operated and the dangers they faced doing a very necessary and dangerous job during the early days of marine exploration.A single cylinder divers' pump by Siebe Gorman & Co Ltd, London, eccentric hand cranked in brass mounted mahogany case with instructions to the underside of the lid, brass covered pressure gauge and air outlet, brass makers plaque to the front, water inlet and outlet to the rear, green painted lifting rings. Machinery has some blue painted areas on the metal.Plate on the back 'WATER SUPPLY" "WATER OVERFLOW" "WATER DRAIN-IN" Pressure gauge dial "BOURDON'S PRESSURE GAUGE" STEBE GORMAN & CO. LONDON", "LBS PRESSURE" "FEET OF SALT WATER" Plate on the front " PATENT, Siebe Gorman & Co Ltd Submarine Engineers" below emblem (Lion, Crown, Horse)flagstaff hill, warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, maritime-museum, diving compressor, london, siebe gorman & co ltd, marine technology, life saving, deep sea diving, maritime museum, maritime village, manine history

This diving suit with helmet, boots and weight is part of the E.G.Ward collection, along with the diving compressor and a photograph of a diver in this equipment. Siebe Gorman & Company Ltd was a British company that developed diving equipment and breathing equipment and worked on commercial diving and marine salvage projects. The company advertised itself as 'Submarine Engineers'. It was founded by Augustus Siebe, a German-born British engineer chiefly known for his contributions to diving equipment. Siebe Gorman traded as an engineering firm for over 180 years from 1819 to 1999. The early success of the business was due to its founder, the Prussian immigrant Christian 'Augustus' Siebe (1788-1872). For business reasons, he applied for and was granted British citizenship in 1856. He was a gifted engineer who was able to translate theoretical problems into practical, working products. During the industrial Victorian period, the business traded as 'A. Siebe' at 145 High Street Holborn London, but in 1828 new premises were acquired at 5 Denmark Street, Soho. The family firm produced a wide range of manufactured goods including paper-making machinery, measuring machinery, water pumps, refrigeration equipment and diving apparatus. Augustus Siebe specialised in submarine engineering early on and the company gained a reputation for the manufacture of safe, reliable diving apparatus. Augustus Siebe is best remembered for the development and manufacture of the ‘closed’ Diving Dress based on the ideas of Charles and John Deane, George Edwards and Charles Pasley. Apart from some small modifications to valves and diver communications, the basic 12-bolt ‘closed’ diving dress remained relatively unchanged after the 1870s. Later company successes were also based on innovation, with new products that could be successfully developed and manufactured to high standards. This was largely attributed to the inventive nature, foresight, engineering and entrepreneurial skills of Robert Henry Davis (1870-1965). In 1882, RH Davis joined the company of 'Siebe & Gorman' as a young 11-year-old office boy and he was to remain with the company until he died in 1965. Augustus Siebe retired in 1869 and handed over the company to a new partnership of Henry H. Siebe (1830-1885) and William A. O'Gorman (1834-1904). The new firm traded as 'Siebe & Gorman' (1870-1879) from premises in and around Mason Street, Westminster Bridge Road, Lambeth, London. The two partners soon recognised the potential of R.H. Davis and in 1894, aged 24, he became General Manager of Siebe & Gorman. Davis increasingly ran the company until the surviving partner (W.A. Gorman) died in 1904. The firm was disposed of to the Vickers (armaments) family and a new company 'Siebe Gorman & Co. Ltd.' (1905-1998) was formed. Under the chairmanship of Albert Vickers, R.H. Davis was kept on as Managing Director, and the company forged ahead. However, after WW1, the Great Depression caused manufacturing output and share prices to slump. In 1924 Robert Davis made a deal with the Vickers Board and acquired control of the company through majority shares. Under his leadership, the Siebe Gorman Company flourished and within time, four of his sons also joined the firm. The company gained a worldwide reputation for the manufacture of diving apparatus, decompression and observation chambers, and safety breathing apparatus of all types for use on the land, in the air and under the sea (including mine rescue, tunnelling, aircraft, diving, submarine escape and in other hazardous environments). Close research and development links with the MOD (especially the Admiralty), also provided a lucrative outlet for the company products. In 1932, Robert Davis was knighted by King George V, principally for his invention of the ‘Davis Submerged Escape Apparatus’ (D.S.E.A.). Siebe Gorman essentially remained a family firm from the beginning (under A.Siebe) until it became a public company for the first time in 1952. However, following WW2, British manufacturing stagnated through stifled investment and post-war austerity, and there was little innovation. Siebe Gorman fortunes began to decline as an ageing Sir Robert Davis failed to invest, or change the company business and management practices. In 1959, Siebe Gorman was acquired by the “Fairy Group” and the ailing Sir Robert was made Life President. Consequently, nothing changed and the slow decline continued until Sir Robert's death in March 1965. Around 1960, Siebe Gorman acquired the diving apparatus manufacturer C E Heinke, and for a brief period, it manufactured some diving equipment under the combined name of Siebe Heinke. Around 1964, Mr E. 'Barry' Stephens was appointed as the new Managing Director to modernise Siebe Gorman. Changes were made, including a move to a new factory in Wales in 1975. The new company concentrated on fire-fighting breathing apparatus and escape equipment, and the move coincided with the loss of many of the older, traditional craft skills. Between 1985 and 1998, Siebe expanded through acquisitions, and several other companies were acquired. The Siebe Gorman (diving apparatus) company has therefore traded as A. Siebe (1819-1870); Siebe & Gorman (1870-1879); Siebe Gorman & Co (1880-1904); Siebe Gorman & Co. Ltd (1905-1998).The items are very significant as a snapshot into marine history and the development of diving equipment generally especially that used for salvage operations before and during WW2. The company that made the equipment was a leading inventor,developer and innovator of marine equipment with its early helmets and other items eagerly sought after today for collections around the world. The items in the Flagstaff Hill collection give us an insight as to how divers operated and the dangers they faced doing a very necessary and dangerous job.Diving suit including helmet, boots and a weight. Diving suit is made of canvas with knitted cuffs. The helmet is metal. The boots have a thick sole and thick leather upper that is held on with leather straps and buckles. The toe of the boot is heavy metal. The weight is worn next to the trunk of the diver and it has an inscription to mark the front. It is worn with straps and buckles holding it in place. Royal Navy Admiralty Pattern 6 bolt No 3 light Siebe Gorman light diving helmet circa 1960 used by the Royal Navy before and after World War 2"Siebe Gorman & Co Ltd Marine Engineers London. Patent" with "E G Ward" on front and back plate. On weight "FRONT"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, diving suit, siebe gorman and co ltd., siebe gorman and co ltd marine engineers london, marine engineers, diving helmet, diving boots, diving weight, marine diving, maritimemuseum, maritime village, maritime history, marine technology, life saving, deep sea diving

Siebe Gorman & Company Ltd was a British company that developed diving equipment and breathing equipment and worked on commercial diving and marine salvage projects. The company advertised itself as 'Submarine Engineers'. It was founded by Augustus Siebe, a German-born British engineer chiefly known for his contributions to diving equipment. Siebe Gorman traded as an engineering firm for over 180 years from 1819 to 1999. The early success of the business was due to its founder, the Prussian immigrant Christian 'Augustus' Siebe (1788-1872). For business reasons, he applied for and was granted British citizenship in 1856. He was a gifted engineer who was able to translate theoretical problems into practical, working products. During the industrial Victorian period, the business traded as 'A. Siebe' at 145 High Street Holborn London, but in 1828 new premises were acquired at 5 Denmark Street, Soho. The family firm produced a wide range of manufactured goods including paper-making machinery, measuring machinery, water pumps, refrigeration equipment, and diving apparatus. Augustus Siebe specialised in submarine engineering early on and the company gained a reputation for the manufacture of safe, reliable diving apparatus. Augustus Siebe is best remembered for the development and manufacture of the ‘closed’ Diving Dress based on the ideas of Charles and John Deane, George Edwards, and Charles Pasley. Apart from some small modifications to valves and diver communications, the basic 12 bolt ‘closed’ diving dress remained relatively unchanged after the 1870s. Later company successes were also based on innovation, with new products that could be successfully developed and manufactured to high standards. This was largely attributed to the inventive nature, foresight, engineering, and entrepreneurial skills of Robert Henry Davis (1870-1965). In 1882, RH Davis joined the company of 'Siebe & Gorman' as a young 11-year-old office boy and he was to remain with the company until he died in 1965. Augustus Siebe retired in 1869 and handed over the company to a new partnership of Henry H. Siebe (1830-1885) and William A. O'Gorman (1834-1904). The new firm traded as 'Siebe & Gorman' (1870-1879) from premises in and around Mason Street, Westminster Bridge Road, Lambeth, London. The two partners soon recognised the potential of R.H. Davis and in 1894, aged 24, he became General Manager of Siebe & Gorman. Davis increasingly ran the company until the surviving partner (W.A. Gorman) died in 1904. The firm was disposed of to the Vickers (armaments) family and a new company 'Siebe Gorman & Co. Ltd.' (1905-1998) was formed. Under the chairmanship of Albert Vickers, R.H. Davis was kept on as Managing Director, and the company forged ahead. However, after WW1, the Great Depression caused manufacturing output and share prices to slump. In 1924 Robert Davis made a deal with the Vickers Board and acquired control of the company through majority shares. Under his leadership, the Siebe Gorman Company flourished and within time, four of his sons also joined the firm. The company gained a worldwide reputation for the manufacture of diving apparatus, decompression and observation chambers, and safety breathing apparatus of all types for use on the land, in the air, and under the sea (including mine rescue, tunneling, aircraft, diving, submarine escape and in other hazardous environments). Close research and development links with the MOD (especially the Admiralty), also provided a lucrative outlet for the company products. In 1932, Robert Davis was knighted by King George V, principally for his invention of the ‘Davis Submerged Escape Apparatus’ (D.S.E.A.). Siebe Gorman essentially remained a family firm from the beginning (under A.Siebe) until it became a public company for the first time in 1952. However, following WW2, British manufacturing stagnated through stifled investment and post-war austerity, and there was little innovation. Siebe Gorman's fortunes began to decline as an aging Sir Robert Davis failed to invest, or change the company's business and management practices. In 1959, Siebe Gorman was acquired by the “Fairy Group” and the ailing Sir Robert was made Life President. Consequently, nothing changed and the slow decline continued until Sir Robert's death in March 1965. Around 1960, Siebe Gorman acquired the diving apparatus manufacturer C E Heinke, and for a brief period, it manufactured some diving equipment under the combined name of Siebe Heinke. Around 1964, Mr E. 'Barry' Stephens was appointed as the new Managing Director to modernise Siebe Gorman. Changes were made, including a move to a new factory in Wales in 1975. The new company concentrated on fire-fighting breathing apparatus and escape equipment, and the move coincided with the loss of many of the older, traditional craft skills. Between 1985 and 1998, Siebe expanded through acquisitions, and several other companies were acquired. The Siebe Gorman (diving apparatus) company has therefore traded as A. Siebe (1819-1870); Siebe & Gorman (1870-1879); Siebe Gorman & Co (1880-1904); Siebe Gorman & Co. Ltd (1905-1998). (For information regards the diving helmet & Frank King see Notes Section at the end of this document)The items are very significant as a snapshot into marine history and the development of diving equipment generally especially that used for salvage operations before and during WW2. The company that made the equipment was a leading inventor,developer and innovator of marine equipment with its early helmets and other items eagerly sought after today for collections around the world. The items in the Flagstaff Hill collection give us an insight as to how divers operated and the dangers they faced doing a very necessary and dangerous job. Frank Kings' diving helmet and compressor (communication pipe stored separately). Compressor is hand cranked. US Navy diving helmet, Mark V. Two maker's plates attached. Made in 1944.On rear "WATER SUPPLY" On front 'PATENT" " Logo: Images (Lion, Crown, Horse, Shield within an oval) "SIEBE, GORMAN & Co. Ltd. SUBMARINE ENGINEERS, LONDON.flagstaff hill, warrnambool, maritime museum, great ocean road, us navy diving helmet, commonwealth government salvage, diving helmet, marine salvage, frank king, diver, siebe. gorman & co ltd, submarine equipment, diving equipment, communication under water, hand cranked, diving compressor

1. Musical and linguistic perspectives on Aboriginal song Allan Marett and Linda Barwick Song brings language and music together. Great singers are at once musicians and wordsmiths, who toss rhythm, melody and word against one another in complex cross-play. In this paper we outline some initial findings that are emerging from our interdisciplinary study of the musical traditions of the Cobourg region of western Arnhem Land, a coastal area situated in the far north of the Australian continent 350 kilometres northeast of Darwin. We focus on a set of songs called Jurtbirrk, sung in Iwaidja, a highly endangered language, whose core speaker base is now located in the community of Minjilang on Croker Island. We bring to bear analytical methodologies from both musicology and linguistics to illuminate this hitherto undocumented genre of love songs. 2. Iwaidja Jurtbirrk songs: Bringing language and music together Linda Barwick (University of Sydney), Bruce Birch and Nicholas Evans (University of Melbourne) Song brings language and music together. Great singers are at once musicians and wordsmiths, who toss rhythm, melody and word against one another in complex cross-play. In this paper we outline some initial findings that are emerging from our interdisciplinary study of the musical traditions of the Cobourg region of western Arnhem Land, a coastal area situated in the far north of the Australian continent 350 kilometres northeast of Darwin. We focus on a set of songs called Jurtbirrk, sung in Iwaidja, a highly endangered language, whose core speaker base is now located in the community of Minjilang on Croker Island. We bring to bear analytical methodologies from both musicology and linguistics to illuminate this hitherto undocumented genre of love songs. 3. Morrdjdjanjno ngan-marnbom story nakka, ?songs that turn me into a story teller?: The morrdjdjanjno of western Arnhem Land Murray Garde (University of Melbourne) Morrdjdjanjno is the name of a song genre from the Arnhem Land plateau in the Top End of the Northern Territory and this paper is a first description of this previously undocumented song tradition. Morrdjdjanjno are songs owned neither by individuals or clans, but are handed down as ?open domain? songs with some singers having knowledge of certain songs unknown to others. Many morrdjdjanjno were once performed as part of animal increase rituals and each song is associated with a particular animal species, especially macropods. Sung only by men, they can be accompanied by clap sticks alone or both clap sticks and didjeridu. First investigations reveal that the song texts are not in everyday speech but include, among other things, totemic referential terms for animals which are exclusive to morrdjdjanjno. Translations from song language into ordinary register speech can often be ?worked up? when the song texts are discussed in their cultural and performance context. The transmission of these songs is severely endangered at present as there are only two known singers remaining both of whom are elderly. 4. Sung and spoken: An analysis of two different versions of a Kun-barlang love song Isabel O?Keeffe (nee Bickerdike) (University of Melbourne) In examining a sung version and a spoken version of a Kun-barlang love song text recorded by Alice Moyle in 1962, I outline the context and overall structure of the song, then provide a detailed comparative analysis of the two versions. I draw some preliminary conclusions about the nature of Kun-barlang song language, particularly in relation to the rhythmic setting of words in song texts and the use of vocables as structural markers. 5. Simplifying musical practice in order to enhance local identity: Rhythmic modes in the Walakandha wangga (Wadeye, Northern Territory) Allan Marett (University of Sydney) Around 1982, senior performers of the Walakandha wangga, a repertory of song and dance from the northern Australian community of Wadeye (Port Keats), made a conscious decision to simplify their complex musical and dance practice in order to strengthen the articulation of a group identity in ceremonial performance. Recordings from the period 1972?82 attest to a rich diversity of rhythmic modes, each of which was associated with a different style of dance. By the mid-1980s, however, this complexity had been significantly reduced. I trace the origin of the original complexity, explore the reasons why this was subsequently reduced, and trace the resultant changes in musical practice. 6. ?Too long, that wangga?: Analysing wangga texts over time Lysbeth Ford (University of Sydney) For the past forty or so years, Daly region song-men have joined with musicologists and linguists to document their wangga songs. This work has revealed a corpus of more than one hundred wangga songs composed in five language varieties Within this corpus are a few wangga texts recorded with their prose versions. I compare sung and spoken texts in an attempt to show not only what makes wangga texts consistently different from prose texts, but also how the most recent wangga texts differ from those composed some forty years ago. 7. Flesh with country: Juxtaposition and minimal contrast in the construction and melodic treatment of jadmi song texts Sally Treloyn (University of Sydney) For some time researchers of Centralian-style songs have found that compositional and performance practices that guide the construction and musical treatment of song texts have a broader social function. Most recently, Barwick has identified an ?aesthetics of parataxis or juxtaposition? in the design of Warumungu song texts and musical organisation (as well as visual arts and dances), that mirrors social values (such as the skin system) and forms 'inductive space' in which relationships between distinct classes of being, places, and groups of persons are established. Here I set out how juxtaposition and minimal contrast in the construction and melodic treatment of jadmi-type junba texts from the north and north-central Kimberley region similarly create 'inductive space' within which living performers, ancestral beings, and the country to which they are attached, are drawn into dynamic, contiguous relationships. 8. The poetics of central Australian Aboriginal song Myfany Turpin (University of Sydney) An often cited feature of traditional songs from Central Australia (CA songs) is the obfuscation of meaning. This arises partly from the difficulties of translation and partly from the difficulties in identifying words in song. The latter is the subject of this paper, where I argue it is a by-product of adhering to the requirements of a highly structured art form. Drawing upon a set of songs from the Arandic language group, I describe the CA song as having three independent obligatory components (text, rhythm and melody) and specify how text is set to rhythm within a rhythmic and a phonological constraint. I show how syllable counting, for the purposes of text setting, reflects a feature of the Arandic sound system. The resultant rhythmic text is then set to melody while adhering to a pattern of text alliteration. 9. Budutthun ratja wiyinymirri: Formal flexibility in the Yol?u manikay tradition and the challenge of recording a complete repertoire Aaron Corn (University of Sydney) with Neparr? a Gumbula (University of Sydney) Among the Yol?u (people) of north-eastern Arnhem Land, manikay (song) series serve as records of sacred relationships between humans, country and ancestors. Their formal structures constitute the overarching order of all ceremonial actions, and their lyrics comprise sacred esoteric lexicons held nowhere else in the Yol?u languages. A consummate knowledge of manikay and its interpenetrability with ancestors, country, and parallel canons of sacred y�ku (names), bu?gul (dances) and miny'tji (designs) is an essential prerequisite to traditional leadership in Yol?u society. Drawing on our recordings of the Baripuy manikay series from 2004 and 2005, we explore the aesthetics and functions of formal flexibility in the manikay tradition. We examine the individuation of lyrical realisations among singers, and the role of rhythmic modes in articulating between luku (root) and bu?gul'mirri (ceremonial) components of repertoire. Our findings will contribute significantly to intercultural understandings of manikay theory and aesthetics, and the centrality of manikay to Yol?u intellectual traditions. 10. Australian Aboriginal song language: So many questions, so little to work with Michael Walsh Review of the questions related to the analysis of Aboriginal song language; requirements for morpheme glossing, component package, interpretations, prose and song text comparison, separation of Indigenous and ethnographic explanations, candour about collection methods, limitations and interpretative origins.maps, colour photographs, tablesyolgnu, wadeye, music and culture

'Whose Ethics?':Codifying and enacting ethics in research settings Bringing ethics up to date? A review of the AIATSIS ethical guidelines Michael Davis (Independent Academic) A revision of the AIATSIS Guidelines for Ethical Research in Indigenous Studies was carried out during 2009-10. The purpose of the revision was to bring the Guidelines up to date in light of a range of critical developments that have occurred in Indigenous rights, research and knowledge management since the previous version of the Guidelines was released in 2000. In this paper I present an outline of these developments, and briefly discuss the review process. I argue that the review, and the developments that it responded to, have highlighted that ethical research needs to be thought about more as a type of behaviour and practice between engaged participants, and less as an institutionalised, document-focused and prescriptive approach. The arrogance of ethnography: Managing anthropological research knowledge Sarah Holcombe (ANU) The ethnographic method is a core feature of anthropological practice. This locally intensive research enables insight into local praxis and culturally relative practices that would otherwise not be possible. Indeed, empathetic engagement is only possible in this close and intimate encounter. However, this paper argues that this method can also provide the practitioner with a false sense of his or her own knowing and expertise and, indeed, with arrogance. And the boundaries between the anthropologist as knowledge sink - cultural translator and interpreter - and the knowledge of the local knowledge owners can become opaque. Globalisation and the knowledge ?commons?, exemplified by Google, also highlight the increasing complexities in this area of the governance and ownership of knowledge. Our stronghold of working in remote areas and/or with marginalised groups places us at the forefront of negotiating the multiple new technological knowledge spaces that are opening up in the form of Indigenous websites and knowledge centres in these areas. Anthropology is not immune from the increasing awareness of the limitations and risks of the intellectual property regime for protecting or managing Indigenous knowledge. The relevance of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in opening up a ?rights-based? discourse, especially in the area of knowledge ownership, brings these issues to the fore. For anthropology to remain relevant, we have to engage locally with these global discourses. This paper begins to traverse some of this ground. Protocols: Devices for translating moralities, controlling knowledge and defining actors in Indigenous research, and critical ethical reflection Margaret Raven (Institute for Sustainability and Technology Policy (ISTP), Murdoch University) Protocols are devices that act to assist with ethical research behaviour in Indigenous research contexts. Protocols also attempt to play a mediating role in the power and control inherent in research. While the development of bureaucratically derived protocols is on the increase, critiques and review of protocols have been undertaken in an ad hoc manner and in the absence of an overarching ethical framework or standard. Additionally, actors implicated in research networks are seldom theorised. This paper sketches out a typology of research characters and the different moral positioning that each of them plays in the research game. It argues that by understanding the ways actors enact research protocols we are better able to understand what protocols are, and how they seek to build ethical research practices. Ethics and research: Dilemmas raised in managing research collections of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander materials Grace Koch (AIATSIS) This paper examines some of the ethical dilemmas for the proper management of research collections of Indigenous cultural materials, concentrating upon the use of such material for Native Title purposes. It refers directly to a number of points in the draft of the revised AIATSIS Guidelines for Ethical Research in Indigenous Studies and draws upon both actual and hypothetical examples of issues that may arise when requests are made for Indigenous material. Specific concerns about ethical practices in collecting data and the subsequent control of access to both the data itself and to published works based upon it are raised within the context of several types of collections, including those held by AIATSIS and by Native Title Representative Bodies. Ethics or social justice? Heritage and the politics of recognition Laurajane Smith (ANU) Nancy Fraser?s model of the politics of recognition is used to examine how ethical practices are interconnected with wider struggles for recognition and social justice. This paper focuses on the concept of 'heritage' and the way it is often uncritically linked to 'identity' to illustrate how expert knowledge can become implicated in struggles for recognition. The consequences of this for ethical practice and for rethinking the role of expertise, professional discourses and disciplinary identity are discussed. The ethics of teaching from country Michael Christie (CDU), with the assistance of Yi?iya Guyula, Kathy Gotha and Dh�?gal Gurruwiwi The 'Teaching from Country' program provided the opportunity and the funding for Yol?u (north-east Arnhem Land Aboriginal) knowledge authorities to participate actively in the academic teaching of their languages and cultures from their remote homeland centres using new digital technologies. As two knowledge systems and their practices came to work together, so too did two divergent epistemologies and metaphysics, and challenges to our understandings of our ethical behaviour. This paper uses an examination of the philosophical and pedagogical work of the Yol?u Elders and their students to reflect upon ethical teaching and research in postcolonial knowledge practices. Closing the gaps in and through Indigenous health research: Guidelines, processes and practices Pat Dudgeon (UWA), Kerrie Kelly (Australian Indigenous Psychologists Association) and Roz Walker (UWA) Research in Aboriginal contexts remains a vexed issue given the ongoing inequities and injustices in Indigenous health. It is widely accepted that good research providing a sound evidence base is critical to closing the gap in Aboriginal health and wellbeing outcomes. However, key contemporary research issues still remain regarding how that research is prioritised, carried out, disseminated and translated so that Aboriginal people are the main beneficiaries of the research in every sense. It is widely acknowledged that, historically, research on Indigenous groups by non-Indigenous researchers has benefited the careers and reputations of researchers, often with little benefit and considerably more harm for Indigenous peoples in Australia and internationally. This paper argues that genuine collaborative and equal partnerships in Indigenous health research are critical to enable Aboriginal and Torres Islander people to determine the solutions to close the gap on many contemporary health issues. It suggests that greater recognition of research methodologies, such as community participatory action research, is necessary to ensure that Aboriginal people have control of, or significant input into, determining the Indigenous health research agenda at all levels. This can occur at a national level, such as through the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Road Map on Indigenous research priorities (RAWG 2002), and at a local level through the development of structural mechanisms and processes, including research ethics committees? research protocols to hold researchers accountable to the NHMRC ethical guidelines and values which recognise Indigenous culture in all aspects of research. Researching on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar: Methodologies for positive transformation Steve Hemming (Flinders University) , Daryle Rigney (Flinders University) and Shaun Berg (Berg Lawyers) Ngarrindjeri engagement with cultural and natural resource management over the past decade provides a useful case study for examining the relationship between research, colonialism and improved Indigenous wellbeing. The Ngarrindjeri nation is located in south-eastern Australia, a ?white? space framed by Aboriginalist myths of cultural extinction recycled through burgeoning heritage, Native Title, natural resource management ?industries?. Research is a central element of this network of intrusive interests and colonising practices. Government management regimes such as natural resource management draw upon the research and business sectors to form complex alliances to access funds to support their research, monitoring, policy development, management and on-ground works programs. We argue that understanding the political and ethical location of research in this contemporary management landscape is crucial to any assessment of the potential positive contribution of research to 'Bridging the Gap' or improving Indigenous wellbeing. Recognition that research conducted on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar (country/body/spirit) has impacts on Ngarrindjeri and that Ngarrindjeri have a right and responsibility to care for their lands and waters are important platforms for any just or ethical research. Ngarrindjeri have linked these rights and responsibilities to long-term community development focused on Ngarrindjeri capacity building and shifts in Ngarrindjeri power in programs designed to research and manage Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar. Research agreements that protect Ngarrindjeri interests, including cultural knowledge and intellectual property, are crucial elements in these shifts in power. A preliminary review of ethics resources, with particular focus on those available online from Indigenous organisations in WA, NT and Qld Sarah Holcombe (ANU) and Natalia Gould (La Trobe University) In light of a growing interest in Indigenous knowledge, this preliminary review maps the forms and contents of some existing resources and processes currently available and under development in the Northern Territory, Queensland and Western Australia, along with those enacted through several cross-jurisdictional initiatives. A significant majority of ethics resources have been developed in response to a growing interest in the application of Indigenous knowledge in land and natural resource management. The aim of these resources is to ?manage? (i.e. protect and maintain) Indigenous knowledge by ensuring ethical engagement with the knowledge holders. Case studies are drawn on from each jurisdiction to illustrate both the diversity and commonality in the approach to managing this intercultural engagement. Such resources include protocols, guidelines, memorandums of understanding, research agreements and strategic plans. In conducting this review we encourage greater awareness of the range of approaches in practice and under development today, while emphasising that systematic, localised processes for establishing these mechanisms is of fundamental importance to ensuring equitable collaboration. Likewise, making available a range of ethics tools and resources also enables the sharing of the local and regional initiatives in this very dynamic area of Indigenous knowledge rights.b&w photographs, colour photographsngarrindjeri, ethics, ethnography, indigenous research, social justice, indigenous health

Part of a selection of garments knitted by ‘Tina Knitwear’. Tina Knitwear was a successful made to order knitwear business in Brighton from the mid-1960s to around 2010, run by Assunta and Franco Liburti. Daughter Melissa Persi writes: Our parents Assunta (Mum) and Franco (Dad) Liburti ran a successful made to order knitwear business in Brighton from the mid-1960s to around 2010. Assunta was affectionately known to her family as Assuntina, therefore the business was named "Tina Knitwear" after her. Assunta and Franco were born in the beautiful seaside town of Terracina in Italy in 1933 and 1930 respectively. As was so common in Italy in the 1950s, Assunta who was in her late teens and early twenties learnt the intricate skills of machine knitting, dressmaking and pattern making. Franco on the other hand, learnt the building trade with his 2 brothers and specialised in bricklaying and tiling. As was so common after the war, Assunta and Franco yearned for a better life so they decided that they would get engaged and then migrate to Australia to be married and raise their family in Australia, a land of much opportunity which they no longer felt their beloved Italy held for them. Assunta migrated to Australia first in 1957 and later Franco joined her in 1958 where they were married. For the first few years, Franco (also known as Frank) worked as bricklayer /tiler on buildings such as the Robert Menzies building at Monash University in Clayton and various buildings in the Melbourne CBD. Assunta on the other hand put her machine knitting skills to use working in factories doing piece machine knitting for various knitwear companies. The hours were long, the conditions were difficult, and travel was onerous without a car. After their 2 older children were born, it was decided that dad would leave the building trade and they would start their own made to order knitwear business. That way they could work from home and raise their family together. Mum taught dad everything he needed to know so he could operate the knitwear machinery. They purchased COPPO knitting machines from Italy and a Linking machine from Germany. Initially they had a knitwear shopfront in Bay Street Brighton where a store assistant would take the orders and client’s measurements and Assunta would then make the garments from a small workshop in their home. Unfortunately, the assistants were not skilled dressmakers and often measurements and orders were incorrectly taken. Assunta being the perfectionist and highly skilled machinist that she was, decided that she needed to oversee the entire process from meeting the client, to taking their order, right thru to the fittings and completion of the garment. It therefore made sense that they should close the shop front and run their business from their own home in Brighton and hence “Tina Knitwear” was born. Together, for more than 40 years they ran their very respected and successful business and were well known in the Bayside area. They specialised in made to order knitwear for both men and women using mainly pure wool (from Patons, Wangaratta Mills, Japan and Italy) but also lurex and estacel. Over those years, many of their clients became their close friends. It wasn't unusual for clients to come to order garments and then end up in the kitchen chatting over a cup of Italian espresso coffee and homemade biscuits. Some of their clients were especially memorable and became lifelong friends. Mrs Connell was a dear friend of mum’s, each year she would buy tickets for the “Gown of the Year” fashion show. She would insist on taking Assunta and her 2 daughters so that we could see the latest fashions. Then there was their dear friend Ms Griffiths. She had been a Matron nurse at the Queen Victoria Hospital when she met my parents in the 1970s. She returned to live in New Zealand in the 1980s but came back to Melbourne every year to stay for 2 weeks with the sole purpose of visiting my parents (she adored them) and order garments. For those 2 solid weeks, mum and dad would only knit for Ms Griffiths and she would go back to New Zealand with at least 5 or 6 new outfits. I actually think she enjoyed mum’s homemade pasta almost as much as her new clothes! Over the years, my parents learnt to speak English very well given that majority of their clients were not Italian speaking. Their oldest child John born in 1960 learnt to speak English with the help of those clients who were such a big part of our childhood. Mum and dad always went above and beyond to ensure their clients were satisfied. Mum was an absolute perfectionist and it showed in her attention to detail and the quality of their beautiful work. You only need to look at the garments that have stood the test of time or speak to their clients to know that this is true. Their clients would always comment on how well their clothes would last and much of their clients came via word of mouth and recommendations. Occasionally there would be disagreements because mum had found an error in dad's knitting (either a wrong stitch or a sizing mistake mainly) and would ask him to redo a piece, he would argue back saying that it was fine, but we always knew who would win the argument and that the piece would get remade! Similarly, we recall discussions where mum would ask dad to find a particular colour of wool in the garage where the stock was kept. He would try to convince her that they were out of stock of that colour and that the client should choose a different colour. She would insist they had it and then after hours of searching, he would return into the house sheepishly holding the wool! Our childhood is full of beautiful memories of mum and dad always being present, clients coming and going, mum humming her favourite songs as she worked often late into the night and sometimes, we even fell asleep to the hum of the machinery. They put their heart and soul into "Tina Knitwear" and took pride in providing only the best quality garments for their clients. In Italian there is a saying “lei ha le mani d’oro” which literally translated means “she has hands of gold”. Franco enjoyed his work but for Assunta, it was more than just work and there is no better way to describe her skills, passion and dedication to her machine knitting… she truly did have “hands of gold”. We will forever be grateful that our parents’ life journey gave us the opportunity to live in a home filled with creativity, dedication and passion, amazing work ethic and mutual respect, lifelong friendships and a lifetime of love. Red ribbed skirt with elastic waistband.knitwear, clothing, italy, migrants, brighton, knitting machine, linking machine, garments, business, family, community

Part of a selection of garments knitted by ‘Tina Knitwear’. Tina Knitwear was a successful made to order knitwear business in Brighton from the mid-1960s to around 2010, run by Assunta and Franco Liburti. Daughter Melissa Persi writes: Our parents Assunta (Mum) and Franco (Dad) Liburti ran a successful made to order knitwear business in Brighton from the mid-1960s to around 2010. Assunta was affectionately known to her family as Assuntina, therefore the business was named "Tina Knitwear" after her. Assunta and Franco were born in the beautiful seaside town of Terracina in Italy in 1933 and 1930 respectively. As was so common in Italy in the 1950s, Assunta who was in her late teens and early twenties learnt the intricate skills of machine knitting, dressmaking and pattern making. Franco on the other hand, learnt the building trade with his 2 brothers and specialised in bricklaying and tiling. As was so common after the war, Assunta and Franco yearned for a better life so they decided that they would get engaged and then migrate to Australia to be married and raise their family in Australia, a land of much opportunity which they no longer felt their beloved Italy held for them. Assunta migrated to Australia first in 1957 and later Franco joined her in 1958 where they were married. For the first few years, Franco (also known as Frank) worked as bricklayer /tiler on buildings such as the Robert Menzies building at Monash University in Clayton and various buildings in the Melbourne CBD. Assunta on the other hand put her machine knitting skills to use working in factories doing piece machine knitting for various knitwear companies. The hours were long, the conditions were difficult, and travel was onerous without a car. After their 2 older children were born, it was decided that dad would leave the building trade and they would start their own made to order knitwear business. That way they could work from home and raise their family together. Mum taught dad everything he needed to know so he could operate the knitwear machinery. They purchased COPPO knitting machines from Italy and a Linking machine from Germany. Initially they had a knitwear shopfront in Bay Street Brighton where a store assistant would take the orders and client’s measurements and Assunta would then make the garments from a small workshop in their home. Unfortunately, the assistants were not skilled dressmakers and often measurements and orders were incorrectly taken. Assunta being the perfectionist and highly skilled machinist that she was, decided that she needed to oversee the entire process from meeting the client, to taking their order, right thru to the fittings and completion of the garment. It therefore made sense that they should close the shop front and run their business from their own home in Brighton and hence “Tina Knitwear” was born. Together, for more than 40 years they ran their very respected and successful business and were well known in the Bayside area. They specialised in made to order knitwear for both men and women using mainly pure wool (from Patons, Wangaratta Mills, Japan and Italy) but also lurex and estacel. Over those years, many of their clients became their close friends. It wasn't unusual for clients to come to order garments and then end up in the kitchen chatting over a cup of Italian espresso coffee and homemade biscuits. Some of their clients were especially memorable and became lifelong friends. Mrs Connell was a dear friend of mum’s, each year she would buy tickets for the “Gown of the Year” fashion show. She would insist on taking Assunta and her 2 daughters so that we could see the latest fashions. Then there was their dear friend Ms Griffiths. She had been a Matron nurse at the Queen Victoria Hospital when she met my parents in the 1970s. She returned to live in New Zealand in the 1980s but came back to Melbourne every year to stay for 2 weeks with the sole purpose of visiting my parents (she adored them) and order garments. For those 2 solid weeks, mum and dad would only knit for Ms Griffiths and she would go back to New Zealand with at least 5 or 6 new outfits. I actually think she enjoyed mum’s homemade pasta almost as much as her new clothes! Over the years, my parents learnt to speak English very well given that majority of their clients were not Italian speaking. Their oldest child John born in 1960 learnt to speak English with the help of those clients who were such a big part of our childhood. Mum and dad always went above and beyond to ensure their clients were satisfied. Mum was an absolute perfectionist and it showed in her attention to detail and the quality of their beautiful work. You only need to look at the garments that have stood the test of time or speak to their clients to know that this is true. Their clients would always comment on how well their clothes would last and much of their clients came via word of mouth and recommendations. Occasionally there would be disagreements because mum had found an error in dad's knitting (either a wrong stitch or a sizing mistake mainly) and would ask him to redo a piece, he would argue back saying that it was fine, but we always knew who would win the argument and that the piece would get remade! Similarly, we recall discussions where mum would ask dad to find a particular colour of wool in the garage where the stock was kept. He would try to convince her that they were out of stock of that colour and that the client should choose a different colour. She would insist they had it and then after hours of searching, he would return into the house sheepishly holding the wool! Our childhood is full of beautiful memories of mum and dad always being present, clients coming and going, mum humming her favourite songs as she worked often late into the night and sometimes, we even fell asleep to the hum of the machinery. They put their heart and soul into "Tina Knitwear" and took pride in providing only the best quality garments for their clients. In Italian there is a saying “lei ha le mani d’oro” which literally translated means “she has hands of gold”. Franco enjoyed his work but for Assunta, it was more than just work and there is no better way to describe her skills, passion and dedication to her machine knitting… she truly did have “hands of gold”. We will forever be grateful that our parents’ life journey gave us the opportunity to live in a home filled with creativity, dedication and passion, amazing work ethic and mutual respect, lifelong friendships and a lifetime of love. Red wide ribbed pleated skirt with a plain yoke, navy blue band at bottom edge and elasticated waistband. A purple x is located inside to mark centre back of skirt.knitwear, clothing, italy, migrants, brighton, knitting machine, linking machine, garments, business, family, community

Franco Liburti was wearing this coat when he farewelled his wife Assunta in Naples, Italy in 1957, the day she departed for Australia. Tina Knitwear was a successful made to order knitwear business in Brighton from the mid-1960s to around 2010, run by Assunta and Franco Liburti. Daughter Melissa Persi writes: Our parents Assunta (Mum) and Franco (Dad) Liburti ran a successful made to order knitwear business in Brighton from the mid-1960s to around 2010. Assunta was affectionately known to her family as Assuntina, therefore the business was named "Tina Knitwear" after her. Assunta and Franco were born in the beautiful seaside town of Terracina in Italy in 1933 and 1930 respectively. As was so common in Italy in the 1950s, Assunta who was in her late teens and early twenties learnt the intricate skills of machine knitting, dressmaking and pattern making. Franco on the other hand, learnt the building trade with his 2 brothers and specialised in bricklaying and tiling. As was so common after the war, Assunta and Franco yearned for a better life so they decided that they would get engaged and then migrate to Australia to be married and raise their family in Australia, a land of much opportunity which they no longer felt their beloved Italy held for them. Assunta migrated to Australia first in 1957 and later Franco joined her in 1958 where they were married. For the first few years, Franco (also known as Frank) worked as bricklayer /tiler on buildings such as the Robert Menzies building at Monash University in Clayton and various buildings in the Melbourne CBD. Assunta on the other hand put her machine knitting skills to use working in factories doing piece machine knitting for various knitwear companies. The hours were long, the conditions were difficult, and travel was onerous without a car. After their 2 older children were born, it was decided that dad would leave the building trade and they would start their own made to order knitwear business. That way they could work from home and raise their family together. Mum taught dad everything he needed to know so he could operate the knitwear machinery. They purchased COPPO knitting machines from Italy and a Linking machine from Germany. Initially they had a knitwear shopfront in Bay Street Brighton where a store assistant would take the orders and client’s measurements and Assunta would then make the garments from a small workshop in their home. Unfortunately, the assistants were not skilled dressmakers and often measurements and orders were incorrectly taken. Assunta being the perfectionist and highly skilled machinist that she was, decided that she needed to oversee the entire process from meeting the client, to taking their order, right thru to the fittings and completion of the garment. It therefore made sense that they should close the shop front and run their business from their own home in Brighton and hence “Tina Knitwear” was born. Together, for more than 40 years they ran their very respected and successful business and were well known in the Bayside area. They specialised in made to order knitwear for both men and women using mainly pure wool (from Patons, Wangaratta Mills, Japan and Italy) but also lurex and estacel. Over those years, many of their clients became their close friends. It wasn't unusual for clients to come to order garments and then end up in the kitchen chatting over a cup of Italian espresso coffee and homemade biscuits. Some of their clients were especially memorable and became lifelong friends. Mrs Connell was a dear friend of mum’s, each year she would buy tickets for the “Gown of the Year” fashion show. She would insist on taking Assunta and her 2 daughters so that we could see the latest fashions. Then there was their dear friend Ms Griffiths. She had been a Matron nurse at the Queen Victoria Hospital when she met my parents in the 1970s. She returned to live in New Zealand in the 1980s but came back to Melbourne every year to stay for 2 weeks with the sole purpose of visiting my parents (she adored them) and order garments. For those 2 solid weeks, mum and dad would only knit for Ms Griffiths and she would go back to New Zealand with at least 5 or 6 new outfits. I actually think she enjoyed mum’s homemade pasta almost as much as her new clothes! Over the years, my parents learnt to speak English very well given that majority of their clients were not Italian speaking. Their oldest child John born in 1960 learnt to speak English with the help of those clients who were such a big part of our childhood. Mum and dad always went above and beyond to ensure their clients were satisfied. Mum was an absolute perfectionist and it showed in her attention to detail and the quality of their beautiful work. You only need to look at the garments that have stood the test of time or speak to their clients to know that this is true. Their clients would always comment on how well their clothes would last and much of their clients came via word of mouth and recommendations. Occasionally there would be disagreements because mum had found an error in dad's knitting (either a wrong stitch or a sizing mistake mainly) and would ask him to redo a piece, he would argue back saying that it was fine, but we always knew who would win the argument and that the piece would get remade! Similarly, we recall discussions where mum would ask dad to find a particular colour of wool in the garage where the stock was kept. He would try to convince her that they were out of stock of that colour and that the client should choose a different colour. She would insist they had it and then after hours of searching, he would return into the house sheepishly holding the wool! Our childhood is full of beautiful memories of mum and dad always being present, clients coming and going, mum humming her favourite songs as she worked often late into the night and sometimes, we even fell asleep to the hum of the machinery. They put their heart and soul into "Tina Knitwear" and took pride in providing only the best quality garments for their clients. In Italian there is a saying “lei ha le mani d’oro” which literally translated means “she has hands of gold”. Franco enjoyed his work but for Assunta, it was more than just work and there is no better way to describe her skills, passion and dedication to her machine knitting… she truly did have “hands of gold”. We will forever be grateful that our parents’ life journey gave us the opportunity to live in a home filled with creativity, dedication and passion, amazing work ethic and mutual respect, lifelong friendships and a lifetime of love. Men's coat featuring a charcoal herringbone weave, with three buttons down the front and on each sleeve cuff.knitwear, clothing, italy, migrants, brighton, knitting machine, linking machine, garments, business, family, community, naples

Part of a selection of garments knitted by ‘Tina Knitwear’. Tina Knitwear was a successful made to order knitwear business in Brighton from the mid-1960s to around 2010, run by Assunta and Franco Liburti. Daughter Melissa Persi writes: Our parents Assunta (Mum) and Franco (Dad) Liburti ran a successful made to order knitwear business in Brighton from the mid-1960s to around 2010. Assunta was affectionately known to her family as Assuntina, therefore the business was named "Tina Knitwear" after her. Assunta and Franco were born in the beautiful seaside town of Terracina in Italy in 1933 and 1930 respectively. As was so common in Italy in the 1950s, Assunta who was in her late teens and early twenties learnt the intricate skills of machine knitting, dressmaking and pattern making. Franco on the other hand, learnt the building trade with his 2 brothers and specialised in bricklaying and tiling. As was so common after the war, Assunta and Franco yearned for a better life so they decided that they would get engaged and then migrate to Australia to be married and raise their family in Australia, a land of much opportunity which they no longer felt their beloved Italy held for them. Assunta migrated to Australia first in 1957 and later Franco joined her in 1958 where they were married. For the first few years, Franco (also known as Frank) worked as bricklayer /tiler on buildings such as the Robert Menzies building at Monash University in Clayton and various buildings in the Melbourne CBD. Assunta on the other hand put her machine knitting skills to use working in factories doing piece machine knitting for various knitwear companies. The hours were long, the conditions were difficult, and travel was onerous without a car. After their 2 older children were born, it was decided that dad would leave the building trade and they would start their own made to order knitwear business. That way they could work from home and raise their family together. Mum taught dad everything he needed to know so he could operate the knitwear machinery. They purchased COPPO knitting machines from Italy and a Linking machine from Germany. Initially they had a knitwear shopfront in Bay Street Brighton where a store assistant would take the orders and client’s measurements and Assunta would then make the garments from a small workshop in their home. Unfortunately, the assistants were not skilled dressmakers and often measurements and orders were incorrectly taken. Assunta being the perfectionist and highly skilled machinist that she was, decided that she needed to oversee the entire process from meeting the client, to taking their order, right thru to the fittings and completion of the garment. It therefore made sense that they should close the shop front and run their business from their own home in Brighton and hence “Tina Knitwear” was born. Together, for more than 40 years they ran their very respected and successful business and were well known in the Bayside area. They specialised in made to order knitwear for both men and women using mainly pure wool (from Patons, Wangaratta Mills, Japan and Italy) but also lurex and estacel. Over those years, many of their clients became their close friends. It wasn't unusual for clients to come to order garments and then end up in the kitchen chatting over a cup of Italian espresso coffee and homemade biscuits. Some of their clients were especially memorable and became lifelong friends. Mrs Connell was a dear friend of mum’s, each year she would buy tickets for the “Gown of the Year” fashion show. She would insist on taking Assunta and her 2 daughters so that we could see the latest fashions. Then there was their dear friend Ms Griffiths. She had been a Matron nurse at the Queen Victoria Hospital when she met my parents in the 1970s. She returned to live in New Zealand in the 1980s but came back to Melbourne every year to stay for 2 weeks with the sole purpose of visiting my parents (she adored them) and order garments. For those 2 solid weeks, mum and dad would only knit for Ms Griffiths and she would go back to New Zealand with at least 5 or 6 new outfits. I actually think she enjoyed mum’s homemade pasta almost as much as her new clothes! Over the years, my parents learnt to speak English very well given that majority of their clients were not Italian speaking. Their oldest child John born in 1960 learnt to speak English with the help of those clients who were such a big part of our childhood. Mum and dad always went above and beyond to ensure their clients were satisfied. Mum was an absolute perfectionist and it showed in her attention to detail and the quality of their beautiful work. You only need to look at the garments that have stood the test of time or speak to their clients to know that this is true. Their clients would always comment on how well their clothes would last and much of their clients came via word of mouth and recommendations. Occasionally there would be disagreements because mum had found an error in dad's knitting (either a wrong stitch or a sizing mistake mainly) and would ask him to redo a piece, he would argue back saying that it was fine, but we always knew who would win the argument and that the piece would get remade! Similarly, we recall discussions where mum would ask dad to find a particular colour of wool in the garage where the stock was kept. He would try to convince her that they were out of stock of that colour and that the client should choose a different colour. She would insist they had it and then after hours of searching, he would return into the house sheepishly holding the wool! Our childhood is full of beautiful memories of mum and dad always being present, clients coming and going, mum humming her favourite songs as she worked often late into the night and sometimes, we even fell asleep to the hum of the machinery. They put their heart and soul into "Tina Knitwear" and took pride in providing only the best quality garments for their clients. In Italian there is a saying “lei ha le mani d’oro” which literally translated means “she has hands of gold”. Franco enjoyed his work but for Assunta, it was more than just work and there is no better way to describe her skills, passion and dedication to her machine knitting… she truly did have “hands of gold”. We will forever be grateful that our parents’ life journey gave us the opportunity to live in a home filled with creativity, dedication and passion, amazing work ethic and mutual respect, lifelong friendships and a lifetime of love. Red and green plaid children's pinafore with green hem binding and in-built petticoat with lace edging.knitwear, clothing, italy, migrants, brighton, knitting machine, linking machine, garments, business, family, community

Part of a selection of garments knitted by ‘Tina Knitwear’. Tina Knitwear was a successful made to order knitwear business in Brighton from the mid-1960s to around 2010, run by Assunta and Franco Liburti. Daughter Melissa Persi writes: Our parents Assunta (Mum) and Franco (Dad) Liburti ran a successful made to order knitwear business in Brighton from the mid-1960s to around 2010. Assunta was affectionately known to her family as Assuntina, therefore the business was named "Tina Knitwear" after her. Assunta and Franco were born in the beautiful seaside town of Terracina in Italy in 1933 and 1930 respectively. As was so common in Italy in the 1950s, Assunta who was in her late teens and early twenties learnt the intricate skills of machine knitting, dressmaking and pattern making. Franco on the other hand, learnt the building trade with his 2 brothers and specialised in bricklaying and tiling. As was so common after the war, Assunta and Franco yearned for a better life so they decided that they would get engaged and then migrate to Australia to be married and raise their family in Australia, a land of much opportunity which they no longer felt their beloved Italy held for them. Assunta migrated to Australia first in 1957 and later Franco joined her in 1958 where they were married. For the first few years, Franco (also known as Frank) worked as bricklayer /tiler on buildings such as the Robert Menzies building at Monash University in Clayton and various buildings in the Melbourne CBD. Assunta on the other hand put her machine knitting skills to use working in factories doing piece machine knitting for various knitwear companies. The hours were long, the conditions were difficult, and travel was onerous without a car. After their 2 older children were born, it was decided that dad would leave the building trade and they would start their own made to order knitwear business. That way they could work from home and raise their family together. Mum taught dad everything he needed to know so he could operate the knitwear machinery. They purchased COPPO knitting machines from Italy and a Linking machine from Germany. Initially they had a knitwear shopfront in Bay Street Brighton where a store assistant would take the orders and client’s measurements and Assunta would then make the garments from a small workshop in their home. Unfortunately, the assistants were not skilled dressmakers and often measurements and orders were incorrectly taken. Assunta being the perfectionist and highly skilled machinist that she was, decided that she needed to oversee the entire process from meeting the client, to taking their order, right thru to the fittings and completion of the garment. It therefore made sense that they should close the shop front and run their business from their own home in Brighton and hence “Tina Knitwear” was born. Together, for more than 40 years they ran their very respected and successful business and were well known in the Bayside area. They specialised in made to order knitwear for both men and women using mainly pure wool (from Patons, Wangaratta Mills, Japan and Italy) but also lurex and estacel. Over those years, many of their clients became their close friends. It wasn't unusual for clients to come to order garments and then end up in the kitchen chatting over a cup of Italian espresso coffee and homemade biscuits. Some of their clients were especially memorable and became lifelong friends. Mrs Connell was a dear friend of mum’s, each year she would buy tickets for the “Gown of the Year” fashion show. She would insist on taking Assunta and her 2 daughters so that we could see the latest fashions. Then there was their dear friend Ms Griffiths. She had been a Matron nurse at the Queen Victoria Hospital when she met my parents in the 1970s. She returned to live in New Zealand in the 1980s but came back to Melbourne every year to stay for 2 weeks with the sole purpose of visiting my parents (she adored them) and order garments. For those 2 solid weeks, mum and dad would only knit for Ms Griffiths and she would go back to New Zealand with at least 5 or 6 new outfits. I actually think she enjoyed mum’s homemade pasta almost as much as her new clothes! Over the years, my parents learnt to speak English very well given that majority of their clients were not Italian speaking. Their oldest child John born in 1960 learnt to speak English with the help of those clients who were such a big part of our childhood. Mum and dad always went above and beyond to ensure their clients were satisfied. Mum was an absolute perfectionist and it showed in her attention to detail and the quality of their beautiful work. You only need to look at the garments that have stood the test of time or speak to their clients to know that this is true. Their clients would always comment on how well their clothes would last and much of their clients came via word of mouth and recommendations. Occasionally there would be disagreements because mum had found an error in dad's knitting (either a wrong stitch or a sizing mistake mainly) and would ask him to redo a piece, he would argue back saying that it was fine, but we always knew who would win the argument and that the piece would get remade! Similarly, we recall discussions where mum would ask dad to find a particular colour of wool in the garage where the stock was kept. He would try to convince her that they were out of stock of that colour and that the client should choose a different colour. She would insist they had it and then after hours of searching, he would return into the house sheepishly holding the wool! Our childhood is full of beautiful memories of mum and dad always being present, clients coming and going, mum humming her favourite songs as she worked often late into the night and sometimes, we even fell asleep to the hum of the machinery. They put their heart and soul into "Tina Knitwear" and took pride in providing only the best quality garments for their clients. In Italian there is a saying “lei ha le mani d’oro” which literally translated means “she has hands of gold”. Franco enjoyed his work but for Assunta, it was more than just work and there is no better way to describe her skills, passion and dedication to her machine knitting… she truly did have “hands of gold”. We will forever be grateful that our parents’ life journey gave us the opportunity to live in a home filled with creativity, dedication and passion, amazing work ethic and mutual respect, lifelong friendships and a lifetime of love. Maroon skirt with curved wrap detail with maroon and navy striped ribbing halfway around bottom. The skirt is shaped with darts, has an elastic waistband, and centre back opening with a zip and skirt hook. Maroon lining.knitwear, clothing, italy, migrants, brighton, knitting machine, linking machine, garments, business, family, community