Table of Contents: Editorial, Inventions and inventors, The hydroplane launch "Maple Leaf III", Hints on examination, First aid, Some geographical features at Ballarat, The volumetric determination of potassium, Milk, The cannon, A scientific apologue, New inventions by Tesla, Coronation fair, First aid, Cinematography, Electrical chatter, Education and training of engineers, Mining notes, Engineering students midwinter excursion, Hints to S.M. B. yachtsmen, News and notes, The long and short of it, Abbreviated account of the geology of the Forbes-Parkes gold field, Excursion to Pyke's Creek Reservoir, A practical joke, Sports, Past students, Answers to correspondents, Editorial notes.table of contents: editorial, inventions and inventors, the hydroplane launch "maple leaf iii", hints on examination, first aid, some geographical features at ballarat, the volumetric determination of potassium, milk, the cannon, a scientific apologue, new inventions by tesla, coronation fair, first aid, cinematography, electrical chatter, education and training of engineers, mining notes, engineering students midwinter excursion, hints to s.m. b. yachtsmen, news and notes, the long and short of it, abbreviated account of the geology of the forbes-parkes gold field, excursion to pyke's creek reservoir, a practical joke, sports, past students, answers to correspondents, editorial notes., alumni: w. k. clifford, j. adam, wilfred avery, h. baxter, l. w. g. buchner, h. caulfield, a. cropper, e. b. crossley, w. currie, dave don, hilary dowling, chas fraser, a. d. galloway, w. geldard,t. e. copeland, l, j. coulter, j. dickinson, g. h. hall, godfrey s.hart, w. b. hirt, h. e. hawkesworth, oliver e. jager, carl janssen, w. t. lakeland, l. j. lambert, c. lund, r. i. moore, byron k. moore, f. a. moss, jack orr, douglas runting, w. t. sayer, l. seward, h. s. sheppard, c. e. sands, n. stuckey, r. vale, r. watts, reg williamson, w. baragwanath, c. c. corrie, r. g. walker, g. g. sams, r. a. j. roberts, r. blight, h. cornell, v. booth, miss l johnson.

Table of Contents: Editorial, Quick combination methods in smelter assays, Twelve health precepts, News and notes, Correspondence, A neglected path of duty, Past students, A friendly castigation, Scientific brotherhood, The material constituents of a student, Henry Sutton, Old companions, Rapid methods for proximate analyses, Football, Temperance, Gas in the mine, The steam shovel at Panama, Physical properties of iron in relation to its chemical composition, The smallest engine on record, The diesel engine, Bendigo's rich goldfields, Concrete and steel, Dredging in Brazil, Editorial notes.Green booklet of 24 pageseditorial, quick combination methods in smelter assays, twelve health precepts, news and notes, correspondence, a neglected path of duty, past students, a friendly castigation, scientific brotherhood, the material constituents of a student, henry sutton, old companions, rapid methods for proximate analyses, football, temperance, gas in the mine, the steam shovel at panama, physical properties of iron in relation to its chemical composition, the smallest engine on record, the diesel engine, bendigo's rich goldfields, concrete and steel, dredging in brazil, editorial notes., alumni, f. brindsren, b .h. bennets, e. bleske, j. r. booth, a. s. coyte, h. b. cooke, t. a. couper, t. e. copeland, l. j. coulter, j. dickinson, g. h. davenport, w. e. eyres, e. fraser, a. a. gibson, g. govet, j. a. grant, e. c. hurdsfield, h. a. krause, w. kingston, h. r. kofoed, f. a. marriot, h. s. martin, d. m'dougall, c. w. nash, j. a. reid, j. sutherland, g. sides, e. trend, r. m. vaughan, s. b. vial, c. h. vale, o. c. witherden, e. m. weston, l. a. westcott, j. watson, j. worthington, j. adam, wilfred avery, h. baxter, h. caulfield, a. cropper, e. b. crossley, w. currie, dave don, hilary dowling, chas. fraser, a. d. galloway, w. geldard, hubert hall, g. s. hart, w. b. hirt, h. e. hawksworth, carl janssen, w. t. lakeland, l. j. lambert, c. lund, k. bryon moore, f. a. moss, jack orr, d. a. bunting, l. seward, h. s. sheppard, c. e. sands, n. stuckey, r. vale, r. watts, reg. williamson, wm. blythe, l. w. g. buchner, thos. davis, w. e. figgis, e. o. gregory, jack grieves, a. s. leathes, dave lilley, wm. macartney, guy ramsay, carl. moore, vic. nicholls, garnet nightingale, g. m. roberts, r. r. robin, len. seal, h. valentine, r. g. walker, n. buley, a. campbell, h. cornell, a. guy, h. hull, o. e. jaeger, m. mitchell, r. i. moore, j. r. sides, h. j. whittingham, c. s. whykes, colin c. corrie, h. miles, vic. milington, r. a. j. roberts, john r. booth, w. l. allen, f. c. hall, v. m. booth, e. s. anderson, r. blight, b. serjeant, m. williamson, fred j. martell, editorial, quick combination methods in smelter assays, twelve health precepts, news and notes, correspondence, a neglected path of duty, past students, a friendly castigation, scientific brotherhood, the material constituents of a student, henry sutton, old companions, rapid methods for proximate analyses, football, temperance, gas in the mine, the steam shovel at panama, physical properties of iron in relation to its chemical composition

Prospectus for the Lawaluk Estate No. 1 Gold Mining Company Prospectus, 1934 squire, r.b. squire, lawalul estate no. 1 gold mining company, mining, shares, william collard smith, g.b. hogg, j.b. regan, s. maddison, r.t> moore, kames clements, h.a. o'connor, w.e. watts, d. fitzpatrick, lawaluk estate, mt lawaluk, robert allan, surveyor, leigh river

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Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Used for surveying classes at the Ballarat School of Mines.Telescope with cross hairs and stoidia wites. Internal focussing. Vertical tilt adjusted with vernier mocrometer screw mirror lid longitudinal bubble level. Pea bubble level on plate. Housed in wooden storage carry box. Fits tripod cat. no. 4118Serial number 67543 On box lid in white paing "L 6". In yellow paing "59". Inside box lid - Manufacturers label; grades table label, calibration label reading "instrument No 67 543, date 13.5.50" (ink faded) constant: +0.19 ft"dumpy, level, surveying, scientific instrument, e.r. watts & son ltd, ballarat school of mines

Ballarat University College is a predecessor institution of Federation University Australia.ballarat university college, university of ballarat establishment, w.j. pryor, bill pryor, john sharpham, food technology centre, ballarat institute for sports and human performance, kathy watt, food crop development centre, donations, appeal, development appeal, ballarat university college development appeal

Both have brown hard covers Volume 2 has 985 pages; Volume 4 has 804 pages. Both books have a lot of damage to the spinenon-fictionchemistry, dictionary, volume 2, volume 4, alfred mice smith, ballarat school of mines library, henry watts, author

Technical education in Australia virtually began at Ballarat in 1870. In the intervening century technical schools and colleges have contributed immeasurably to the life of our people and to the development of our nation.40 page booklet with brown cover with education department coat of arms. it celebrates 100 years of technical education in Victoria, with the establishment of the Ballarat School of Mines in 1870. Includes images of John L. Kelpert, A. Ronald Shannon, Oliver E. Nilsson, Ernest P. Eltham, F.H. Brooks, and Donald Clark. technical education centenary, education department, e.t. jackson, donald clark, ernest p. eltham, oliver e. nilsson, a. ronald shannon, john l. kepert, l.h. thompson, j.a. rafferty, f.h. brooks, w.a. crellin, j.m. burke, l.j. watts, r.j. middleton, r.a. armitage, r.g. ritchie, centenary, lindsay thompson

Soft covered book of 71 pagesjeff fyffe, marion snowden, graeme hewitt, jeremy johnson, tim sullivan, red hill national school, maxine berry, nancy rowlands, yvonne horsefield, david henderson, st peter's denomonational school, caroline hutterer, sheryn mitchell, ballarat benevolent asylum ragged school, catherine watt

Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia's the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders in the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. Federation University VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree – on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge.Brown and gold framed photograph with title and names of students underneath. Green mount Commenced January 1999 Framers name on versoviosh, viosh australia, occupatonal health and safety, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, paul appleby, debra baines, judy beamish, michael burgess, peni dolavale, andrew ebert, wayne flett, peter georgio, paul hagarty, jason hocking, julie-ann johnston, michael kent, peter lamb, john lawrence, raymond louth, melissa malone, cameron macdonald, louisa mclorinan, linda neale, leon nickels, timothy reinders, charles rinella, kevin robinson, jeffrey searle, karen stewart, malcolm waters, luke watts

Victorian Institute of Occupational of Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders in the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. Federation University VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree – on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge.brown and gold framed photograph with title and names of students underneath.Framer - Creative Framing Galleryviosh, viosh australia, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, wayne clarke, joseph farrell, grant forest, andrew gibson, steven harris, fletcher hayllar, anne hurford, lauren jago, albert knowles, dennis maliby, con mavrelis, john mcinnes, stuart mclellan, don oswin, les pearson, noel scambler, mark smithy, adrian smith, lindsay stewart, timothy watts

Maternity and care of the baby / prepared by the Victorian Branch of the British Medical Association and issued by the Commissioner of Maternity Allowances. Printed by L. F. Johnston, Commonwealth Government Printer, Canberra. Early settler families in Moorabbin Shire were living under very meagre conditions with very little access to medical care. Women depended on the care of a couple of District midwives and other local women who assisted with the birth and care of mother and baby. Gradually more maternal health services became available and Health Centres were established in Bentleigh, Moorabbin, Cheltenham. Post World War 11 advances in Maternal and Child Health care greatly assisted the mothers and reduced the infant mortality rate in City of Moorabbin 28 page booklet with information on how to care for a baby c1940NOTES for MOTHERS / MATERNITY / and CARE OF THE BABY / L.F Johnson Commonwealth Government Printer, Canberra / 5991 Handwritten L.Risstrom infant care, motherhood, childbirth, l. risstrom, early settlers, moorabbin shire, bentleigh, cheltenham, dr fleming joyce, dr george scantlebury, nurse watts

Black and white photo of part of a crushing plant and tables. Photo is mounted on pale blue paper which is mounted on light brown card.bendigo, history, long gully history group, the long gully history group - crushers and tables, watts bros

A photocopy of newspaper publication of obituary for Annie Mavis Webster, MBE 21/5/1914 - 8/4/2000 An exceptional singer who contributed greatly to local Bendigo and Australia as well as abroad Bendigo born and raised by Edwin and Annie Webster, Education was at Camp Hill. A life long participation in and commitment to local music and Competition Society provided opportunities for performance. The ultimate prize for amateur singers at the time was the Sun News Pictorial Aria Competition, which Mavis attained as runner up in 1938 and as winner in 1939. Outbreak of WWII curtailed early opportunities for overseas travel but there was much call for her as recitalist, artist and teacher such as at The Sisters of Mercy at St Mary's Convent, Bendigo where she taught singing. Mavis gained impressive reputation and experience in numerous roles including as chorister (and founder of the all female choir and the Benola singers which she also named, after her home), and later (1960) included male voices; she was also conductor; musical director; and adjudicator at Eisteddfords. She laso taught at Girton, St Killian's. During the 1950s Mavis went on a very successful 9 month overseas trip on which she was inspired in many respects including the formation of the choirs. In 1978 Mavis was made a Member of the British Empire for her services to music.City of Greater Bendigo acknowledged Mavis contribution and skills by establishing the Mavis Webster Vocal Collection at the City library.bendigo, history, obituary and biography of annie mavis webster mbe, forest st methodist (now uniting) bendigo, girton, st killian's, herald sun aria, the eisteddford, sisters of mercy at st mary's convent, mavis webster vocal collection, city of greater bendigo, margaret watters.

Poundkeepers Book. Details of all animals impounded by the Poundkeeper beginning 1955 to May 1994. Gives all details including owner, cause of impoundment, amount, damages and remarks.bendigo, council, cattle markets, bendigo saleyards collection - city of bendigo poundkeepers book, r w james, r h king, c kelly, f barr, w c buttrey, e bowles, f street, j mcdonald, rupert mansfield, a h hull, h hardingham, t r pitson, r w somerville, r w salathiel, mrs b leeck, c j mcleod, mr a stephens, l j pitson, l roach, j smith, mr oakes, l comer, a e cartwright, mrs osterfield, g cowling, e mcleod, a michelson, h hardingham, k gray, k yanner, a cartwright, k rutland, f cameron, i dole, l dempsey, i purtill, bell's, mr love, c douglass, r gill, r mitchell, g j friswell, a p tresize, w shelton, g nelson, f grainger, g j doyle, h c wood, r j knight, v l heath, v l valli, a o tresize, k w nolen, w k tresize, j w tresize, w h francis, e tresize, r foley, j mckenzie, s j larsen, r j knight, mrs e g bath, d farrar, e f granger, h j watters, a e brady, p r dixon, mrs g wicks, mrs k jinks, t i mcredmond

Three copies of program for an art exhibition August 7 until August 11, 1972. Those associated with the exhibition are: City of Bendigo, The National Trust of Australia (Victoria) Central Victorian Branch, Mutual Permanent Building Society, Mrs D. I. Nolan and the Australian Galleries. The brochure names the twelve paintings, on exhibition by Sidney Nolan and Portrait of Sidney Nolan, by Christine Backhaus. There is also a short biography on Sidney Nolan. Handwritten in the top right corner of one copy is: Bush 1972.art, document, art of sidney nolan, city of bendigo, the national trust of australia (victoria) central victorian branch, mutual permanent building society, sidney nolan, cr d e elliott, colonel s r birch o b e, australian galleries, christine backhaus, the age, sidney henry nolan, dora irene nolan (sutherland), mrs l sweet, mrs m goslin, brighton technical school, raymond nolan, malcolm goslin, prahran technical school, national gallery art school, serge lifar, icarus, colonel de basil, kelly gang, unesco gallery paris, paradise gardens, her majesty the queen, arts centre st kilda road, prince phillip, lord snowdon, rev. fr. j p stockdale, mr a j watts, rosalind landells, feargus niall, mari mullins, brian mcgrath, bush

Private family history information in connection to Martha Fabling, Charles Worme, Mr Harrison, Edward Ladner, Loveday Eddy, Edward Ladner, Sally Brambles, and martyin Bramble. Part c is a family tree of the Joseph Garland Roberts and Maryann Woodcock. part d indicates descendents of the Roberts family whom married into the Bull Family.bendigo, history, long gully history group, the long gully history group - family tree of roberts family, joseph garland roberts, maryann woodcock, john kerr, catherine bell, john stoneman, agnes moyne, james rowe, martha bassett, henry roberts, joseph garland roberts, william thomas roberts, william thomas roberts, isabella kerr, robert roberts, thomas stoneman, julia rowe, william john roberts, elizabeth watt, joseph samuel roberts, susan grace job, annie roberts, john fordyce, henry roberts, elizabeth jane roberts, william hooper, isabella roberts, robert roberts, bessie stoneman, albert roberts, george henry roberts, dora jenkins, gladyse victoria roberts, harold kirby, isabella roberts, robert strugnell, annie vera roberts, doris may roberts long, reginald percival bull, marjorie june bull, reginald percival bull, robert roberts, bessie stoneman, william thomas roberts, isabella kerr, joseph garland roberts, mary ann woodcock, d smith, martha fablina, charles worme, mr harrison, edward ladner, loveday eddy, edward ladner, sally brambles, martin bramble

Originally built as two adjoining, mine managers cottages in 1858, these residences have now been joined into one houseBlack and white photograph mounted on rectangular grey board. House, rendered, decorative parapet, joined pair- mirror image of each other, verandah with corrugated iron roof, decorative wood arches over verandah, house names ''WANDELA'' on right, ''LEIWAH'' on left, picket fence, wire and wrought iron gate. 55 Barkly Street.Frank A. Jeffree, Bendigobuilding, residential, 55 barkly street, bendigo

BHS CollectionBlack and white photograph mounted on rectangular grey board. House, weatherboard, 3 gable rooves and small gabled portico. All gables decorated with rough cast and wooden slats. Decorative chimneys with pots, verandah posts with capitals. Tall palm tree in established garden picket fence, with ornate fence posts. Creeper over gateway. Queen Street.Frank A. Jeffree Bendigoplace, building, residential, stamped on back in rectangle ''t.c. watts and son/auctioneer/estate agents/253 mitchell street/bendigo'' stamped on back in circle ''royal historical society of victoria, bendigo branch''