Victorian Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (VIOSH) Australia is the Asia-Pacific centre for teaching and research in occupational health and safety (OHS) and is known as one of Australia's leaders on the field. VIOSH has a global reputation for its innovative approach within the field of OHS management. VIOSH had its first intake of students in 1979. At that time the Institution was known as the Ballarat College of Advanced Education. In 1990 it became known as Ballarat University College, then in 1994 as University of Ballarat. It was 2014 that it became Federation University. VIOSH Australia students are safety managers, senior advisors and experienced OHS professionals. They come from all over Australia and industry. Students are taught active research and enquiry; rather than textbook learning and a one-size fits all approach. VIOSH accepts people into the Graduate Diploma of Occupational Hazard Management who have no undergraduate degree - on the basis of extensive work experience and knowledge. Ballarat College of Advanced Education invited Professor Peter Compes of Germany to conduct a Seminar on the subject "System Safety Management by Risk Assessment". This was to be held over two days in February 1980. Registration to attend was no later than 8 February 1980. Prof Compes was Professor of General Safety Science, University of Wuppertal, Federal Republic of Germany. The seminar was to look at current experiences with accidents and disasters and future projections. The moral. legal and economic need for change and the need for a system safety concept.Five A4 pages - one with news article Signatures of Derek Viner and Derek Woolley. Dates 1977 to 1980.viosh, victorian institute of occupational safety and health, ballarat college of advanced education, derek viner, derek woolley, professor peter compes, professor of general safety science, federal republic of germany, system safety management by risk assessment, seminar, university of wuppertal, school of engineering

The Church Men's Society was a part of the Church of Christ in Peel Street, Ballarat. In 1958 the President was C. Thomas, and S.C. McBride was Secretary. The Aborigines Advancement League (also known as the Aboriginal Advancement League) claims to be the oldest Aboriginal organisation in Australia. It is primarily concerned with Aboriginal welfare issues and the preservation of Aboriginal culture and heritage, and is based in Melbourne. The League was established in 1957 as a response to an enquiry by retired magistrate, Charles McLean, into the circumstances of Aboriginal Victorians. McLean was critical of conditions in the Lake Tyers and Framlingham Aboriginal Reserves. McLean recommended that persons of mixed Aboriginal and European descent be removed from the reserves. The people of Lake Tyers objected to this, and the League was formed out of their campaign. The new League drew from two already existing organisations, the Australian Aborigines League, established 1934 and the Save the Aborigines Committee, which had been established in 1955 as a response to the Warburton Ranges crisis. Founding President of the League was Gordon Bryant, with Doris Blackburn as Deputy President, Stan Davey as Secretary and Douglas Nicholls as Field Officer. Early activities included lobbying for a referendum to change the Australian constitution to allow the Federal government to legislate on Aboriginal affairs, and an establishing a legal defence fund for Albert Namatjira, after he was charged with supplying liquor to an Aboriginal ward.[1] By 1967 it had moved to being fully controlled by Aboriginal people with Bill Onus as the first Aboriginal President.Typed letter on Church Men's Society (C.M.S.) letterhead. The letter concerns a film 'showing the tragic condition of aborigines in Central Western Australia ...' The C.M.S. (Ballarat) planned to hold a public meeting in Ballarat at which Pastor Doug Nicholls, M.B.E. will speak and screen the film. doug nicholls, c. thomas, aborigines, ballarat town hall, stan davey, s.c. mcbride, letterhead

Kralcopic Pty Ltd, was a subsidiary of Bendigo-based company GBM Gold and had previously held mining licences around Bendigo, which incorporated sites including Kangaroo Flat, New Moon, Eaglehawk and the associated Woodvale Evaporation Ponds Complex. In August 2019, the Earth Resources Regulator decided not to renew Kralcopic’s three mining licences, due to the company’s inability to provide surety that it could finance its mining activities and site rehabilitation obligations. In October 2020, the company filed legal proceedings in the Supreme Court challenging the decision not to renew these licences. The Supreme Court later upheld the regulator’s decision not to renew the licences. On 23 April 2021, the Federal Court of Australia appointed KPMG as Kralcopic’s liquidators. On 14 May 2021, the liquidator lodged papers with the Australian Securities and Investment Commission (ASIC) to disclaim Kralcopic’s freehold land at Woodvale and parcels of land around the company’s former Bendigo sites, with the land to subsequently become Crown land. The Earth Resources Regulator has put a statutory exemption in place to preclude new mining licence applications on the sites while we undertake rehabilitation. The exemption also provides an opportunity for government to consider future uses of the sites in consultation with the City of Greater Bendigo and the local community. The Earth Resources Regulator holds rehabilitation bonds totalling $5.9 million, which it will use to rehabilitate the former sites.Colour photocopy of original photo. Image shows Catherine Reef South shaft with rectangular concrete capping. Ventilation pipe in concrete capping. On back in pencil: Catherine Reef South shaft with cap - Kralcopicwestern mining corporation, goldmining, capping, shaft, mining regulations, williams united shaft, kralcopic

Bendigo Weekly from Friday, June 28, 2002 - Snippets of Bendigo history, the Pall Mall story, part two - by Edith Lunn. Close to the jeweller's shop, we came to Chancery Lane. Many early legal firms had their offices there. Among them were: Quick&Rymer, Luke Murphy&Don and Macoboy&Taylor. A branch of the Bendigo united Friendly Society's Dispensary opened on the corner. Other small business in the walk included a florist, men's hairdresser and a boot and shoes repairer. Moving on there was Betteridge's Agency for the Singer sewing machine company, Wilkinson's photographic studio, Sutton's music shop and Favaloro's cake shop and café the ''Savoy'' was opened in the 1920's. Whitelock and Carter had their men outfitters business in the building, Cocking's was a very popular drapery store. After Cocking's closed down, Stoneman's supermarket opened in the premises. Alongside there was a passageway that led upstairs to the office of Phillip Secher and Son, Accountants and the Bendigo jockey club. Mrs Allan's baby wear business and Lenten's the tobacconist came after and last but not least the Shamrock Hotel enhances Pall Mall. The clip is in a folder.newspaper, bendigo, bendigo weekly

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

R.M. Serjeant was listed as a mining manager and Joseph Flude as a metallurgist. In 1875 they were both living in Ballarat. The patent number is A.D.1875, 4th March. No 2031. According to the patent the hearth of the furnace is in the form of a cone revolving horizontally. The feed is supplied to the apex of the cone by an archimedian screw. The crown of the furnace comprises a double covering or roof with an intermediate chamber for receiving heated air. The inner covering is pierced to admit of the heated air being brought into contact with the pyrites on the face of the revolving hearth. The discharge of the roasted substance is affected by means of a scraper at the base of the cone. It was claimed that this was a new mode of introducing heated air, and the exclusion of flame during the operation of roasting pyrites. The self-acting charge and discharge of the furnace and the peculiar construction of the hot air chambers, and the use of perforated bricks through which the supply of air is affected were also new. (http://patentsvictoria.net/002031.html) From the Goulburn Herald, 14 September 1878 "A feature connected with the school of mines is the yet unfinished pyrites works. The extraction of the gold from pyrites and the utilization for commercial purposes of other substances connected with pyrites are peculiarly important to Ballarat, because were a simple and inexpensive method devised there are millions and millions of tons of quartz that would then be made remunerative. With this thought in their minds two scientific gentlemen invented the school of mines self-acting rotatory furnace. This, for lack of funds, has not been completed as yet, but the amount in hand for the purpose is daily increasing, and it will eventually be an accomplished fact. It is in contemplation also to erect machinery shops in connection with the school, and it is purposed to con struct a steam-engine to do at once the work of the pyrites treatment and the ma chine room. A model shaft and mine too are being prepared for on the reserve, so that practical mining of the most thorough character may be taught on the ground.'Large indenture on red bordered vellum. The indenture was regarding a patent for the benefit of the Ballarat School of Mines. Letters Patent for an Invention for Roasting Pyrites to be called 'the Ballarat School of Mines self-Acting Pyrites Furnace" to Robery Malachy Serjeant and Joseph Flude. The large document is on a vellum type paper complete with stamps and seal. The document is signed by Acting-Governor William Stawell. Inscriptions and Markings Written on verso: "Date of Patent 4th March 1875 No 2031 Letters Patent for An invention for roasting pyrities to be called "The Ballarat School of Mines Self-acting Pyrities Furnace" to Robert Malachy Serjeant and Joseph Flude Melbourne, Victoriaballarat school of mines, serjeant, r.m. serjeant, robert m. serjeant, flude, joseph flude, patent, barry, redmond barry, rogers, judge rogers, bland, rivett henry bland, john airy, warrington rogers, establishment, indenture, legal, cuthbert, ballarat school of mines trustees, william stawell, john warrington rogers

Documents. Connelly, Tatchell & Dunlop - Legal Papers. 1 - 1886 - Letter from Meudell George D re Holloway. Letterhead - Horrell & Meudell (R F Horrell & G D Meudell), Auditors, Secretaries and Accountants, 10 Market Buildings, William Street, Melbourne. 2 - 1886 - Post Office Telegraph 4 Nov 1886 for Merrifield S from Bruce T?, St Kilda asking, 'Where is Penders blackboy Pompey'. Reply from Merrifield mentions 'Pompey was remanded Melbourne on Friday last. Enquire at watch tower there.' Also mentions 'I don't know whether Mr Bruce is Pompey's friend or Caesars (Mr Penders)' on Attached handwritten note dated 4 Nov 1886. 3 - 1886 - Letter from Williams A M, Solicitor, 28 Queen Street, Melbourne re Bagot? V Budden 4 - 1886 - Post card to Suffern? Mr William James, Elmore from Lester A,A. Land Officer, re 255 acres, Egerton. Mentions Wardens Court, Sandhurst. 5 - 1886 - Letter from Drues W T, 19 Temple Court re A'Becketts fees. 6 - 1886 - Letter from Barrett Henry, Runnymede East.cottage, miners, connelly, tatchell & dunlop, meudell george d, holloway, horrell & meudell, merrifield s, bruce t?, penders, pompey, caesars, williams a m, bagot, budden, suffern mr william james, lester a a, drues w t, a'becketts, barrett henry

Documents. Various legal documents. 1 - 1920 - Sloan John Esq (Bul-A-Bul) Re costs owed Federal Land Tax. 2 - 1920 - Scholten G J. deceased (::Bendigo) RE costs Income Tax. 3 - 1919 - Connell J D & Bailey A D (clo Mr F Lapsley Bendigo) re costs Bogie. 4 - 1920 - Chambers John Jr. (Leichardt) re costs Chambers. 5 - 1920 - Cowling W (Bendigo) re costs Burke. 6 - 1919 - 1920 - Bailey A W Farmer (South Calivil) re costs Mathoura Land and Will. 7 - 1919 - 1920 - Bell Albert J (Leichardt) re costs A D A insurance and Will. 8 - 1919 - Bell S (Chemist Inglewood) re costs Libel. 9 - 1920 - Bagnell L Sr (Mologa) re costs Income Tax Returns. 10 - 1920 Bell James & Co. (:Melbourne) re costs Hogan. 11 - 1919 Butcher W H (Raywood) re costs Shadbolt, McNamara. 12 - 1920 - Bell John (Farmer Leichardt) re costs you from Cocks. Additional names:- McNamara, Bell John, Cocks.cottage, miners, connelly, tatchell & dunlop, sloan john, scholten g j, connell j d, bailey a d, lapsley mr f, bogie, chambers john jr, cowling w, burke, bailey a w, bell albert j, a d a insurance, bell a, bagnell l sr, bell james & co, hogan, butcher w h, shadbolt

Streets and drains were the basic infrastructure problems for Kew in the 1880s. Decent streets and drains were fundamental to the quality of life of the residents. Without drainage, streets became muddy, boggy and sometimes impassable. Pools and puddles of stagnant water became smelly. The run off water, mixed with human and animal wastes, because there was no sewerage, became a health hazard. Streets and drains then became what were known as 'a nuisance'. Kew suffered from bouts of typhoid fever during the 1880s. Derrick Street was a private street on the margin of the business district of Kew and a well-used thoroughfare. We hear first about Derrick Street when the ratepayers applied to Council to have the street 'taken over' in January 1881. The Council agreed, after much debate, but ratepayers had to pay half the costs. The argument of the majority of the Council was that there was an established policy that ratepayers of private streets either had to hand over the street fully-formed or pay half the costs if Council did the work. It was felt that to make an exception for Derrick Street would create a precedent for ratepayers of other private streets. On the other hand the ratepayers, and a minority of Council, believed that there were extenuating circumstances in the case of Derrick Street. They believed that the costing by the Borough Surveyor was excessive. They felt the Council was partly responsible for the state of the street due to a channel on Bulleen Road, which deposited sand in the street. The Council had also put in some kerbing at the entrance to the street. Finally, the ratepayers believed that the street had become an important and convenient thoroughfare in Kew, and thus should be an exception to the policy on private streets. In the end a decision was delayed to allow the ratepayers to drain and form the street themselves. And there the matter stood till September 1882, when Miss Reilly complained about rubbish on a block of land in Derrick Street. So, in October 1882 the Council agreed to take over and form the street with the ratepayers paying half the costs. The ratepayers did not want to pay, so the argument continued in Council into 1883. There was a standoff for a further 18 months, until the problem could no longer be ignored. In October 1884 the Inspector of Nuisances and the Health Officer reported that Derrick Street was a health hazard as there was no drainage outlet for waste water. These reports changed the status of the problem of Derrick Street. It became an issue of public health, and thus the Council, acting as the Local Board of Health, had power to prepare plans and order the ratepayers to drain the street and pay all the costs, or let the Council do the work and charge ratepayers half the costs of the works. By April 1885, the time for ratepayers to complete the works themselves had expired, so the Council proceeded with the work and required ratepayers to pay for their share of the costs. All ratepayers had paid by the end of April except Mr Whiddycombe, who refused to pay. Mr Whiddycombe was warned to pay in October 1885. Legal action was taken against him in November. The Council lost the case on technical grounds. The Council, acting as the Local Board of Health, relaunched the legal action and won. The last we hear of Derrick Street is that seven day’s notice was given to Derrick Street ratepayers to pay for the drainage works in May 1887. We presume that Mr Whiddycombe paid. (Research: Andrew Frost)Rare and historic publication issued by the Board of Health in the Borough of Kew in 1885 to residents of Derrick street regarding the need for proper drainage for the purpose of improving public health.Printed formal notice sent by the Board of Health of the Borough of Kew to landowners in Derrick Street, Kew. The notice advised the owners that they were required to form and drain the street according to the levels and specifications approved by the Board. The letter was sent on January 23rd 1885, and signed by the Inspector of Nuisances.borough of kew -- greater melbourne (vic.), council notices -- public health, derrick street -- kew (vic.)

A document written in 1976 by Legatee Frank Meldrum containing his account of the start of Legacy. He was responding to a request for information about the history of Legacy that the archive committee was collating. He mentions several key members by name and what they achieved. As with other similar accounts he mentions the original objective was to see diggers placed in employment. When two years later the focus changed to the families 'thanks to Frank Doolan Legacy found its SOUL'. Many other accounts have also used the term 'soul' when referring to Frank's suggestion. It seems many Legatees had been quietly helping families of their comrades; Frank 'said he was helping a widow with two children of an old army mate. It was discovered that several of the Board were doing the same. Stan Savige had taken over the care of his widowed sister and her two boys, whose father had died at Passchendale. I had a widow with two little ones whose father was one of my best mates at Anzac. He died of flu virus after returning to Australia. I think eleven members of the Board or Committees were already giving similar service. Frank's proposal caught on immediately. Legacy had found its Soul!' 'Harold Peters started his Lit and Debating Class and I was asked by Stan to find a PT instructor', Frank Meldrum asked for the 'Billy' Williams to helped, and a cobber from Anzac, Louis Vavjanezki, to take on boxing and wrestling classes. 'All committees carried their own expenses amongst themselves - nothing was charged to JLC. Hugh Brain started the Education Committee and was given a donation, I think of $1000 (a heck of a lot in those days) by the Ballieu Bros.' He also mentions 'For the first 5-10 years practically all administrative costs were borne by the members.' 'Stan Savige was, of course a tremendous driving force in all the work for the Juniors. He put on a Christmas Camp at Balnarring on his own property and was Camp Commandant and Camp Cook.' Legatee Keith Mitchell helped Frank Meldrum in doing a dental examination of all children in the classes and then Frank did the necessary treatments in his rooms. When it was known they were treating over 400 children and their mums, Syd Birrell then got the board to co-opt two more dentists into the Club and form a Dental Clinic. Syd Birrell also started a Legal Committee to provide free legal advice. 'Committees quietly vied with each other to give better services to the Juniors and their mums. It was an atmosphere that was unbelievably happy - SERVCE WITHOUT SELF'. He mentions picnics, including one at Grimwade house - photos are at 01382 - where legatees were dressed up. The first demonstration was held in the 'Playhouse, just over Princes Bridge and was a great success.' Aaron Beattie and Mrs Gilles were mentioned. The notation H33 in red pen shows that it was part of the archive project that was trying to capture the history of Legacy. A summary of the first fifty years of Legacy written by a key founding member.White foolscap paper with black type x 6 pages of Frank Meldrum's account of Legacy's history dated 6 March 1976.Handwritten H33 in red pen and 'from Meldrum' in blue pen on first page. Stamped 'COPY ONLY' in purple ink.history, founding legatee, frank meldrum

June Meeting (Newsletter No. 240, Jun. 2018) Prior to Shillinglaw Cottage (c1878-80) being relocated to where it is now operated as a popular cafe near the Eltham Library, it was within Josiah Holloway’s 1850s subdivision known as Little Eltham, which later became the centre of the first Eltham township. Originally a farmer’s cottage it is historically significant because it is one of the Shire’s oldest dwellings and a fine example of the work of the well-known pioneer builder George Stebbing. In 1964 the then Shire of Eltham purchased the Shillinglaw property with the intention of demolishing the cottage and constructing new Shire offices on the site. However extensive community action resulted in funds being raised to have the building saved and relocated further south to the Eltham Common, where it was joined by the Eltham Library 1994. New Shire offices opened in 1965, but following municipal restructure in 1994 these were demolished and the land sold to a developer, which precipitated a dramatic trail of community angst, threats of legal action, the sacking of a newly elected council and several unsuccessful development proposals, by subsequent councils. After all these years the vacant site there is still guarded by the three trees that were outside the front of the Shillinglaw Cottage. At our Society meeting on Wednesday 13th June 2018 Jim Connor will speak about the dramatic tale encompassing the history of the former Eltham Shire office site and the adjoining War Memorial Buildings complex, which are now being considered for sale or redevelopment by the current Nillumbik Shire Council.1:17:57 duration Digital MP3 File 27 MB audio recording, eltham district historical society, jim connor, meeting, shire of eltham office site, society meeting

TROVE: The Advertiser (Adelaide S.A. 1931-1954) Sat 22 June 1935, page 24, Advertising 'PUBLIC NOTICE TO BOTTLERS, BOTTLE DEALERS, ETC., RE PROPERTY BRANDED BOTTLES WHICH ARE NOT SOLD. The undermentioned. Firms and Companies, carrying on business at Sydney and elsewhere. HEREBY GIVE NOTICE that all Bottles delivered by them, to their customers, having a notification moulded thereon that they are, or remain, the property of the Firms and Companies mentioned below. ARE NOT SOLD WITH THE CONTENTS THEREOF, BUT REMAIN THE PROPERTY OF SUCH FIRMS and COMPANIES. Such Bottles are loaned solely for me purpose of enabling the contents to be delivered to the purchasers from the said Firms and Companies, and to all subsequent purchasers of the contents. As soon as the Bottles are emptied of their contents they must not be refilled, destroyed, damaged, or used again for any purpose, but must, on demand, be delivered up to the Companies or Firms whose names are moulded thereon, or to their Accredited Agents:— BUTLER AND NORMAN. LTD., MANDIBLE ST., ALEXANDRIA, NJS.W. The remuneration received by Collectors, Dealers, etc. Is simply an allowance for the safe custody, and collection of the Bottles. LEGAL ACTION WILL BE TAKEN AGAINST ANY PERSON OR COMPANY VIOLATING THE PROPERTY RIGHTS OF THESE FIRMS' OR COMPANIES' BRANDED BOTTLES........................Taylor Chemical Co..............'. TROVE : Courier-Mail (Brisbane, Qld. : 1933 - 1954), Thursday 5 July 1945, page 7, Advertising. DON'T COUGH ALL NIGHT ! take a dose of YCOUGH at bedtime! Y- Cough will relieve your cough or cold while you sleep peacefully! 1'9 AT ALL CHEMISTS AND STORES. On box labels : Taylor Chemical Co. Sydney, Reg. Vic. 3146. Clear, rectangular in section, screw top bottle with orange metal lid and orange, brown & white printed paper label, containing dark brown liquid, in a corrugated cardboard lined orange, dark brown and white printed cardboard box. Embossed on side of bottle in cartouche 'THIS BOTTLE LWAYS REMAINS THE PROPERTY OF TAYLOR CHEMICAL CO. SYDNEY'. Embossed on base of bottle AGM logo with the numerals '16510' along side and the numeral '3' below. On orange metal top printed in white 'Y-COUGH' and 'PLEASANT TO TAKE'. On paper bottle label '....world.......Y-COUGH REGISTERED FOR RELIEF OF COUGHS, OF COLDS, INFLUENXA, BRONCHITUS AND WHOOPING COUGH and for the relief of throat soreness and irritation. DOSE : Adults : one or two teaspoonsful every 2 hours or when cough is troublesome. Children over 6, one teaspoonful every 3 or 4 hours. Under 6, half quantity. FOR Colds and Influenza : one teaspoonful in cup of hot water after getting into bed will give added relief. This package contains 3.77% Potassii Bromidum. Net Contents : 2 1/2 Fl. Oz. Sole Manufacturers TAYLOR CHEMICAL CO. SYDNEY. Reg. Vic. 3146'. Front of box & repeated rear ' Y-COUGH REGISTERED FOR RELIEF OF COUGHS, OF COLDS, INFLUENXA, BRONCHITUS AND WHOOPING COUGH and for relief of throat soreness and irritation. Side 1. of box 'PLEASANT TO TAKE Sole Manufacturers TAYLOR CHEMICAL CO. SYDNEY. Reg. Vic. 3146'. Side 2. of box 'NO HARMFUL DRUGS Sole Manufacturers TAYLOR CHEMICAL CO. SYDNEY. Reg. Vic. 3146'. chemist, medicine, influenza

TROVE: The Advertiser (Adelaide S.A. 1931-1954) Sat 22 June 1935, page 24, Advertising 'PUBLIC NOTICE TO BOTTLERS, BOTTLE DEALERS, ETC., RE PROPERTY BRANDED BOTTLES WHICH ARE NOT SOLD. The undermentioned. Firms and Companies, carrying on business at Sydney and elsewhere. HEREBY GIVE NOTICE that all Bottles delivered by them, to their customers, having a notification moulded thereon that they are, or remain, the property of the Firms and Companies mentioned below. ARE NOT SOLD WITH THE CONTENTS THEREOF, BUT REMAIN THE PROPERTY OF SUCH FIRMS and COMPANIES. Such Bottles are loaned solely for me purpose of enabling the contents to be delivered to the purchasers from the said Firms and Companies, and to all subsequent purchasers of the contents. As soon as the Bottles are emptied of their contents they must not be refilled, destroyed, damaged, or used again for any purpose, but must, on demand, be delivered up to the Companies or Firms whose names are moulded thereon, or to their Accredited Agents:— BUTLER AND NORMAN. LTD., MANDIBLE ST., ALEXANDRIA, NJS.W. The remuneration received by Collectors, Dealers, etc. Is simply an allowance for the safe custody, and collection of the Bottles. LEGAL ACTION WILL BE TAKEN AGAINST ANY PERSON OR COMPANY VIOLATING THE PROPERTY RIGHTS OF THESE FIRMS' OR COMPANIES' BRANDED BOTTLES........................Taylor Chemical Co..............'. TROVE : Courier-Mail (Brisbane, Qld. : 1933 - 1954), Thursday 5 July 1945, page 7, Advertising. DON'T COUGH ALL NIGHT ! take a dose of YCOUGH at bedtime! Y- Cough will relieve your cough or cold while you sleep peacefully! 1'9 AT ALL CHEMISTS AND STORES. On box labels : Taylor Chemical Co. Sydney, Reg. Vic. 3146. Clear, rectangular in section, screw top bottle with orange metal lid and orange, brown & white printed paper label, containing dark brown liquid, in a corrugated cardboard lined orange, dark brown and white printed cardboard box. Embossed on side of bottle in cartouche 'THIS BOTTLE LWAYS REMAINS THE PROPERTY OF TAYLOR CHEMICAL CO. SYDNEY'. Embossed on base of bottle AGM logo with the numerals '16510' along side and the numeral '3' below. On orange metal top printed in white 'Y-COUGH' and 'PLEASANT TO TAKE'. On paper bottle label '....world.......Y-COUGH REGISTERED FOR RELIEF OF COUGHS, OF COLDS, INFLUENXA, BRONCHITUS AND WHOOPING COUGH and for the relief of throat soreness and irritation. DOSE : Adults : one or two teaspoonsful every 2 hours or when cough is troublesome. Children over 6, one teaspoonful every 3 or 4 hours. Under 6, half quantity. FOR Colds and Influenza : one teaspoonful in cup of hot water after getting into bed will give added relief. This package contains 3.77% Potassii Bromidum. Net Contents : 2 1/2 Fl. Oz. Sole Manufacturers TAYLOR CHEMICAL CO. SYDNEY. Reg. Vic. 3146'. Front of box & repeated rear ' Y-COUGH REGISTERED FOR RELIEF OF COUGHS, OF COLDS, INFLUENXA, BRONCHITUS AND WHOOPING COUGH and for relief of throat soreness and irritation. Side 1. of box 'PLEASANT TO TAKE Sole Manufacturers TAYLOR CHEMICAL CO. SYDNEY. Reg. Vic. 3146'. Side 2. of box 'NO HARMFUL DRUGS Sole Manufacturers TAYLOR CHEMICAL CO. SYDNEY. Reg. Vic. 3146'. chemist, medicine, infuenza

Documents concerning Legacy having a legal hold over land owned by Sir Stanley Savige in Balnarring in order to erect permanent camp buildings. 00253.1 and .2 Report of Meeting of sub committee considering the questions of title re permanent camp building at Balnarring. Meeting held at Hotel Austalia 2nd October 1929. Legatees Armstrong, Carleton, Tregent, Hall and Massey in attendence. 00253.3 Signed letter from Charles H. Peters to Brian Armstrong, Messers Plante and Henty Solicitors. 00253.4, .5, .6, .7, .8 Report on Balnarring Camp Property. Same as collection item 00250 but with different corrections and additional notes. 00253.9 Cover letter to L Armstrong signed from Dudley Tregent. 00253.10 Letter to Blatchford, Deputy Chairman Junior Legacy Club from unknown author. 00253.11, .12 Minutes of Meeting of Board of Management. Camp Premises Agreement and negotiations mentioned on page 3. Melbourne Legacy provides camps for junior legatees. The camps gave the children an opportunity of a summer beach holiday with other Legacy children. It started with camps on the property of Legacy founder, Legatee Stan Savige, who had a place in Balnarring, close to the beach. Permanent camp buildings were built in 1930. These documents relate to those buildings. Legacy Somers Camps continued intermittently at Stan's property until it was decided in 1951 to make other arrangements for holidays. Including two other camps in the Somers area: Lord Somers Camp and the Somers School Camp (owned by the Education Department). Camps provided for junior Legatees have been very important from early in Legacy's history. In the 1920s Legacy started camps at Stan Savige's property at Balnarring. By the 1930s a permanent camp kitchen and building had been built at Somers Camp. These documents relate to the official status of the property.White paper with black type x 12 pages relating to land ownership and lease questions around the Balnarring Camp. Six sets of documents kept together. Total of twelve pages, some double sided.land transfer, deed of trust, option to purchase, properties, savige property, legacy somers camp

Known as the Illawarra Tigers, all the bowlers in the team were legally blind, and with the support of staff and volunteers, competed against sighted players and participated in local bowls competitions. Illawarra Bowling Association Annual Champion Donated by Illawarra Community Centre Associates: 86/87 Marj Cameron, 87/88 Y Lawrence, 88/89 Lucy Docherty, 89/90 Dulcie David, 90/91 Llona Smith, 91/92 Llona Smith, 92/93 Llona Smith, 93/94 Carol Myers Mens: 86/87 Les Walker, 87/88 Jack Shearn, 88/89 Keith Spendlove, 89/90 Dennis McKenna, 90/91 Hec Stephenson, 91/92 Keith Spendlove, 92/93 Dudley Roberts, 93/94 Dudley Roberts Aggregate: 86/87 Hec Stephenson, 87/88 Kath Jones, 88/89 Lucy Docherty, 89/90 Charles Coles, 90/91 Anne Stewart, 91/92 Bob McLeod, 92/93 Glad Trait, 93/94 Archie Maclean Mixed Pairs: 87/88 Lucy Docherty, Dennis McKenna, 88/89 Margo Stewart, Hec Stephenson, 89/90 Lillian Fowler, Jack Shearn, 90/91 Llona Smith, Jack Sutton, 91/92 Lillian Fowler, Keith Spendlove, 92/93 Glad Trait, Dennis McKenna Mens Pairs: 93/94 Dudley Roberts, Jurek WroblewskiPicture of wooden board with engraved names of the Annual Champion for the Illawarra Bowling Associationassociation for the blind, victorian blind bowls association

Owned by long-time Australian Nursing and Midwifery Federation (Victorian Branch) Professional Officer Catherine Hutchings.1998 federal election campaign material by Victorian Trades Hall. Full colour bi-fold brochure, using images depicting 1998 Australian waterfront dispute. Text on front: 'Welcome to John Howard's Australia. In 1996, John Howard promised that under his industrial relations laws, 'no worker would be worse off'. In 1998, his government cheered on the illegal sacking of 2000 workers. His laws have changed our system from one of fairness and decency to a system that encourages conflict and division. John Howard's laws are undermining Australian wages and working conditions by attacking unions, encouraging individual contracts and dismantling the award system and the Industrial Relations Commission. On October 3rd [1998], use your vote wisely Your job may depend on it.' Text on rear: 'Five Facts About Industrial Relations Under John Howard Workers have lost award conditions and legal protections. Australian wages are being undermined by individual contracts and non-union agreements. Companies can use corporate law to sack workforces and not pay wages owed. Workers have been sacked because they belong to a Union. Conflict and Division in the workforce has increased. On October 3rd [1998], use your vote wisely. Your job may depend on it.'victoria, australia, john howard, liberal party, 1998 federal election, protest, industrial relations, unions, trade unions, trades hall, carlton, politics, political history, waterfront dispute, events, labour history, solidarity

The fire hose reel was purchased by the Fire Ladies' Auxiliary for the Mt Beauty S.E.C. Fire Brigade in the late 1950's for over 1000 pounds. Initially they competed with Bogong fire brigade as both were 'Industry' Fire brigades - both owned by the State Electricity Commission. Competition was at 2 levels - north east Victoria and state competitions involving rural and urban brigades with a difference in the equipment. Mt Beauty was/is an urban brigade whereas Tawonga is a rural brigade. Competition involved members to improve their skill, keep fit and was a very social occasion. After the Shire took over Mt Beauty township in 1961, the Fire Brigade ran by itself but soon became affiliated with the C.F.A. because of insurance and legal liability e.g.. enabling them to stop traffic or wreck buildings if required. The CFA were not happy with the Mt Beauty truck so a new one was obtained while the old one went to Bogong. Competitions gradually ceased as it was a young man's sport and young members had prior commitments. The reel was donated to the KVHS in the mid 1980's as it failed to be sold as it competed with new, cheaper, aluminium reels. The practice strip was located beside the fire station in Lakeside Avenue. This fire hose reel was used by the Mt Beauty Fire Brigade for demonstrations at competitions during the 1950's and 1960's. The Mt Beauty Fire Brigade Team won the competition in 1966 at Wangaratta. The score was close against the home team and was decided on a play off. The team benefitted by the man who wound the hose on allowing it to end up at the easiest height to handle when full of water and very heavy.The Mt Beauty Fire Brigade was an 'industry' fire brigade belonging to the State Electricity Commission of Victoria from the 1940's. It became a member of the Country Fire Authority in the early 1960's. During the 1950's and early 1960's members would compete with other local fire brigades in competitions against other brigades in the north east of Victoria using skills such as unwinding the hose off the reel and turning on the water in record time. The Mt Beauty Fire Brigade continues today as an urban fire brigade affiliated with the CFA.Varnished wooden cart reinforced by painted red steel frame. The wheels have 14 wooden spokes and steel around the outside of the wooden wheel. A long canvas hose is wound around a central winding cylinder. The cart has a wooden handle with a rubber jockey wheel at its end. There is a brass hose nozzle attached by a stainless steel frame on the outer side near one of the wheels.Each Reel: "Mt Beauty F.B." yellow print outlined in black with red background.fire hose. mt beauty fire brigade. country fire authority. fire reel.

Document. Various legal papers. 1 - 1902 - Account to Redwood Mr Richard Jr? Barton Farm, Bridgewater. Letter in blue envelope. 2 - 1902 - Account in blue envelope to Meyer Mr Hy. 3 - Blue envelope addressed to McWhinney Mr Jas Sr. Farmer Corop. 4 - 1902 - Account to Edwards Mrs M E. 5 - Envelope addressed to Jackson Messrs J G and J L. Farmers, Mologa. Empty. 6 - 1892 -Envelope addressed to Bennet Mr, Long Gully asking for all accounts to be settled owing to the decease of the late Connelly Mr T Jefferson, so that the partnership accounts can be settled. 7 - 1894 - Envelope addressed to Hamilton Mr Geo, Farmer, Kerang. Contains letter. 8 - 1892 - Envelope addressed to Mahoney Mr T, Beehive, Bendigo. Contains letter reminding that interest on mortgage due. 9 - 1902 - Blue envelope addressed to Meyer Mr Henry, Farmer, Myers Creek. Contains account. 10 - 1899 - Blue envelope addressed Ferguson Mr A. Contains account. 11 - 1902 - Blue envelope addressed Lamperd Mr. Contains account. 12 - 1902 - Blue envelope addressed Gamble Mr Fredrik, Farmer, Hayanmi? Contains account. 13 - Blue envelope addressed to Boyd Mr A RAS? Sealed. Other name mentioned: Boyd, Mr A.cottage, miners, connelly, tatchell & dunlop, redwood richard jr?, meyer mr hy, mcwhinney mr jas sr, edwards mrs m e, jackson messrs j g & j l, bennet mr, connelly mr t jefferson, hamilton geo, mahoney mr t, the beehive bgo, ferguson mr a, lamperd mr, gamble mr fredrik

The disc-shaped design of these 1LB and 2 LB metal weights enables them to be stacked one on top of the other. The weights are used with a balance scale to accurately weigh the mass of items such as grain, sugar, meat or potatoes. They could have been used in retail or wholesale businesses like a general store or a grain merchant’s premises. The user would place either one or both of these weights on one side of a balance scale. Goods would then be placed onto the other side of the scale until the beam between both sides of the scale was level, showing that the weight of the goods was as heavy as the weight or weights on the other side. These two weights are marked in Imperial units. An Imperial Standard 1LB is equal to 453.592grams. The British Weights and Measures Act of 1824 defined official standards for weights and measurements. This ensured that uniform measurements would be used for trade throughout the Empire. Towns and districts would have an official set of Imperial Standard Weights and Measures. Inspectors periodically used this official set to check the accuracy of traders’ own weights and measures. There would be penalties such as fines or imprisonment for people who broke these laws. The State of Victoria had its own Weight and Measures Act in 1862 and a decade later the inspectors in local councils used their local set of weights and measures to test the local businesses measuring equipment. In the nineteenth century the Victorian Customs Department carried out this role but this was handed over to the Melbourne Observatory at the beginning of the twentieth century. The Measures Branch then followed on with this task from the 1940s until 1995. Australia began converting to the metric system in the 1960s, beginning with its money. The conversion from imperial to metric units of measurement in Australia took place from 1970 and was completed in 1988 when metric units became the only legal unit of measurement. Imperial Standard weights; set of two disc-shaped weights designed to stack one upon the other. Inscriptions are marked in relief. "IMPERIAL STANDARD 1LB" [weight 1], "IMPERIAL STANDARD 2LB" [weight 2]warrnambool, shipwrecked-coast, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, shipwrecked-artefact, wieght, weights and measures, imperial standard weight

The disc-shaped design of this 2 LB metal weight enables it to be stacked on top of another similarly shaped weight. The weight is used with a balance scale to accurately weigh the mass of items such as grain, sugar, meat or potatoes. It could have been used in retail or wholesale businesses like a general store or a grain merchant’s premises. The user would place the weight on one side of a balance scale. Goods would then be placed onto the other side of the scale until the beam between both sides of the scale was level, showing that the weight of the goods was as heavy as the weight on the other side. This weight is marked in Imperial units. An Imperial Standard 1LB, or one pound, is equal to 453.592grams. The British Weights and Measures Act of 1824 defined official standards for weights and measurements. This ensured that uniform measurements would be used for trade throughout the Empire. Towns and districts would have an official set of Imperial Standard Weights and Measures. Inspectors periodically used this official set to check the accuracy of traders’ own weights and measures. There would be penalties such as fines or imprisonment for people who broke these laws. The State of Victoria had its own Weight and Measures Act in 1862 and a decade later the inspectors in local councils used their local set of weights and measures to test the local businesses measuring equipment. In the nineteenth century the Victorian Customs Department carried out this role but this was handed over to the Melbourne Observatory at the beginning of the twentieth century. The Measures Branch then followed on with this task from the 1940s until 1995. Australia began converting to the metric system in the 1960s, beginning with its money. The conversion from imperial to metric units of measurement in Australia took place from 1970 and was completed in 1988 when metric units became the only legal unit of measurement.Weight; 2 lbs. Metal disc designed for stacking. Inscription marked in relief. Imperial Standard weight, 2 pounds weight."IMPERIAL STANDARD", "2lbs"flagstaff hill, warrnambool, shipwrecked coast, flagstaff hill maritime museum, maritime museum, shipwreck coast, flagstaff hill maritime village, great ocean road, standard measure, imperial standard, weight, 2lb weight, imperial standard weight

Glen Eira has a long history of association with various heraldic forms. From its early years the municipality of Caulfield had used the armorial bearings of the Caulfield Family (the Charlemonts of Castle Caulfield) to represent the roads board and later the town and city. In 1969 Caulfield City Council began planning to apply for an official coat of arms for the City. In 1974 Horace Hall, a Balwyn North resident and member of the Heraldry Society in London advised Council that the current usage was illegal, and that the Houston family, current owners of the Caulfield Arms could take legal action against Council for 'usurping their arms'. Mr Hall was commissioned to develop new heraldry for the City, and in conjunction with J. P. Brooke Little at the College of Arms, London, he prepared an acceptable design for Caulfield's Coat of Arms. The Council paid an additional sum to have a standard painted on the Letters Patent and the municipality's new coat of arms was drawn up in June 1975. The Coat of Arms retains a number of heraldic elements from the original Caulfield family insignia, including the dragons, the colours and the elements of the shield. The newly registered coat of arms and Letters Patent document for the granting of arms was presented at a civic service to mark the granting of armorial ensigns and the city banner to the City of Caulfield on the 1st May 1977. Significant elements of the coat of arms granted by these Letters Patent are as follows: The motto 'Labore Vinces' translates to 'By our labours we will conquer'. The helmet represents the rank of the owner. Public authorities are granted an esquire's helmet. The brickwork on the crest is a recognised emblem of local government. The Letters Patent also display a banner and a badge, both official symbols of the City of Caulfield. The badge, which is displayed on the banner as well as on its own, features a bridled horse. This represents the importance of racing, the Caulfield racecourse and the Caulfield cup to the municipality. These letters patent officially proclaim the granting of the coat of arms to the City of Caulfield. They are highly significant to the City of Glen Eira as they are the primary document that signifies the official and ceremonial heraldic powers of the Coat of Arms of the City of Caulfield. Mounted Letters Patent illuminated document for the Grant of Arms to the City of Caulfield presented on 1st May, 1977. Hand written and hand painted on cream coloured parchment using different coloured inks, mainly black, blue, red and gouache and gold paint. The bottom edge is folded up over itself approx. 45mm revealing the flesh side of the parchment, which displays black ink signatures and three sets of two horizontal slits that hold three blue ribbon. The ribbons support three wax seals in round, gold coloured metal cases held by the wax through slots in the casing. Although covered by the cap top, each wax seal within displays a different flag emblem with a crown on top, surrounded by a ring of text (difficult to read), noted when the cases were opened during conservation treatment. See attached transcription.arms, symbol, heraldry, glen eira, council, caulfield