A sculpture unveiled on December 3rd 1999, the Anniversary of the Eureka Stockade Rebellion, in Ballarat, Victoria commemorates the Pikeman's Dog . The centerpiece of the sculpture is the bronze Irish Terrier. His stance, is a direct expression of his forlorn anguish, as he sits at the base of a symbolic bronze Pike, his head turned towards the place where once his master stood. The Pikeman's Dog statue was relocated from inside the Eureka Centre to a more prominent position within the Eureka Stockade Memorial Park. The new memorial was unveiled at a ceremony on December 3, 2014 - the 160th anniversary of the Eureka Stockade. The new memorial consists of 22 large golden stockade posts – representing the number of diggers killed in battle – erected in a triangle behind the statue of Wee Jock, on high ground outside the Museum of Australian Democracy at Eureka. The triangular shape of the monument is metaphorically symbolic. The V shape can be interpreted as symbolising victory, and the 22 golden posts represent the 22 diggers who were killed. The Pikeman`s Dog (known as Wee Jock), a little terrier, showed great devotion and bravery at the death of his master at the Eureka Stockade on 3 December 1854. As a result of the attack on the miners by Crown forces, five British soldiers and some thirty miners died. Among the miners lay a Pikeman, mortally wounded with some 15 wounds. Guarding his body throughout the hours it lay unclaimed at the battlefield, and later accompanying it on the death cart as the remaining bodies were transferred to the cemetery, was this small dog. According to reports the dog howled continuously and could not be separated from his master. The dog was awarded the RSPCA`s Purple Cross which Honours exceptional behaviour in serving humans in 1997.Colour photographs of the Pikeman's Dog statue in the Eureka Stockade Memorial Gardens. pikeman's dog, eureka stockade, statue, charles smith, joan walsh-smith

A copy of an announcement issued by Lieu-General S G Savige on 8 September 1945 at the end of World War Two. It advised the troops that Japan has surrendered. It says it was his privilege to Command 2 Aust Corp during the successful operations in Bouganville. It discusses the need for patience until demobilisation. One paragraph says: "Leadership and planning, important though they be, obtain success only by the good fighting qualities of the Troops to whom a commander owes everything ; as his own reputation depends so utterly and entirely not the behaviour of his Troops. I very gratefully acknowledge your courage, devotion to duty, and the uniformly high standards you established in the performance of every task it was my duty to call upon you to perform. You fought magnificently under exceedingly difficult conditions against a skilful foe whom you defeated. You endured sufferings and hardships attributable to dense jungle, vile swamps, heat, rain and mud, without losing your cheery smiles and determination to stick it out." Donated by Legacy Widow Mrs McIntyre in May 1988. This historic document belonged to her husband and is well worn and inexpertly repaired - better examples exist in other archives, such as Adelaide and Auckland. However it is an important part of founder Stanley Savige's life story, recording his communication to the AIF on 8 September 1945 as Commander 2 Aust Corps that Japan had surrendered. He acknowledged the efforts of the troops throughout the war and praised their tenacity and bravery before confirming his intention to ensure the best possible start in civilian life upon demobilisation for them.A document that illustrates the care Savige took of his troops.1 x printed sheetMathematical jottings on the back in blue/black ink, unrelated to the document.savige, legatee, world war two

Bushfire behaviour is influenced by many factors including temperature, relative humidity (RH), forest type, fuel quantity and fuel dryness, topography and even slope. Wind has a dominant effect on the Rate of Spread (ROS), as well as fire size, shape and direction. Temperature and relative humidity have major impacts on fuel dryness and therefore upon the availability of fuel for combustion. The amount of fine fuel available can increase rapidly from nearly zero when fuel moisture content is more than 16% after rain or a heavy morning dew, to many tonnes per hectare as fuel dries out later in the day and the moisture content drops below 9%. This explosive escalation in the amount of available fuel can happen over a few hours on hot and windy days. A sling psychrometer is a simple device for determining air temperature and relative humidity. It contains two thermometers, one of which is covered with a wick saturated with ambient temperature liquid water. These two thermometers are called dry bulb and wet bulb. When the sling psychrometer is spun rapidly in the air, the evaporation of the water from the wick causes the wet bulb thermometer to read lower than the dry bulb thermometer. After the psychrometer has been spun long enough for the thermometers to reach equilibrium temperatures, the unit is stopped, and the two thermometers are quickly read. A psychrometric scale on the side of the instrument is then used to convert the dry bulb temperature TDB and the wet bulb temperature TWB into humidity information. The wet bulb temperature is approximately equal to the adiabatic saturation temperature. The thermometers fold back into the plastic handle when not in use. Used to measure temperature and relative humiditySling PsychrometerBACHARACH INSTRUMENTS - Pittsburg PAbushfire, forests commission victoria (fcv)

Aboriginal children in remote communities have the lowest rates of success in school. The reasons for the lack of success are well known, and mainly lie outside of the schools and their programs. Education authorities have made some poor choices in the past. They have not enforced the necessary discipline on children to attend school, and they have placed cultural sensitivity above the needs of the child to cope in the modern economy. More recently they have begun to concentrate on programs in literacy and numeracy, but success is limited because of the perverse incentives of other government initiatives. These initiatives have been blind to the need to deal with the absence of an economy in remote areas, and the absence of a work ethic among Aborigines who are welfare dependent. The absence of the work ethic and the absence of work have severely constrained the returns on the investment in Aboriginal education. The correct policy response to failure at school will be determined not simply by additional programs at school, but by how various issues of transition to the real economy - work, individual obligation, mobility - are managed. The transition will be better managed if educators and governments understand that education is essentially an instrument in economic integration, and that many remote communities are not viable, and where they are not schools should not be used as pawns to keep them afloat. Moreover, educators and governments should understand that western education cannot and should not preserve Aboriginal culture. Most importantly, parents' behaviour needs to change and where incentives to send children to school fail, compulsion must be used.school programs, education policy, literacy and numeracy, employment outcomes

Richard Gilsenan was a retired schoolteacher living at “Rosebank” in Eltham, now the site of the Living and Learning Centre. In 1906, Eltham Primary School’s headmaster John Brown died, and Richard was brought out of retirement (briefly) to be acting headmaster. His son Harold was a junior teacher there at the time. Thereafter, Richard was Secretary of the Eltham Progress League and more importantly was a magistrate at the Eltham Court of Petty Sessions. Cases commonly brought before him included not sending a child to school (typical fine 5/- or eight hours in the lock-up), not having a child vaccinated (fixed fine 40/-), stealing fruit from an orchard, selling liquor out of hours, and offensive language and behaviour. Other miscellaneous cases were allowing cattle to wander, selling cigarettes to a minor, carelessly burning off rubbish on a hot windy day, dumping a dead horse in the Diamond Creek, and youths throwing ripe fruit at passers-by. Richard died in 1920 and is buried in Eltham Cemetery with his wife Harriet Eliza. In mourning his passing, his peers noted that his decisions had been given in a very fair way. Incidentally, his son Harold (the teacher) died in 1921 after being trampled by a horse while en route from Eltham to Cathkin (his then school). In Loving Memory Of Richard Edward Gilsenan Died 30th July 1920 Aged 73 years Also Harriet Eliza Beloved wife of above Died 7th Sept. 1933 Aged 78 years Sweet Rest And In Loving Memory Of Barbara Ann Beloved wide of G. R. Gilsenan Died 18th Sept. 1917 Aged 38 years Also the above George Richard Gilsenan Died 2nd Nov. 1918 Aged 40 yearsBorn Digitaleltham cemetery, gravestones, barbara ann gilsenan, george richard gilsenan, harriet eliza gilsenan, richard edward gilsenan

Richard Gilsenan was a retired schoolteacher living at “Rosebank” in Eltham, now the site of the Living and Learning Centre. In 1906, Eltham Primary School’s headmaster John Brown died, and Richard was brought out of retirement (briefly) to be acting headmaster. His son Harold was a junior teacher there at the time. Thereafter, Richard was Secretary of the Eltham Progress League and more importantly was a magistrate at the Eltham Court of Petty Sessions. Cases commonly brought before him included not sending a child to school (typical fine 5/- or eight hours in the lock-up), not having a child vaccinated (fixed fine 40/-), stealing fruit from an orchard, selling liquor out of hours, and offensive language and behaviour. Other miscellaneous cases were allowing cattle to wander, selling cigarettes to a minor, carelessly burning off rubbish on a hot windy day, dumping a dead horse in the Diamond Creek, and youths throwing ripe fruit at passers-by. Richard died in 1920 and is buried in Eltham Cemetery with his wife Harriet Eliza. In mourning his passing, his peers noted that his decisions had been given in a very fair way. Incidentally, his son Harold (the teacher) died in 1921 after being trampled by a horse while en route from Eltham to Cathkin (his then school). In Loving Memory Of Richard Edward Gilsenan Died 30th July 1920 Aged 73 years Also Harriet Eliza Beloved wife of above Died 7th Sept. 1933 Aged 78 years Sweet Rest And In Loving Memory Of Barbara Ann Beloved wide of G. R. Gilsenan Died 18th Sept. 1917 Aged 38 years Also the above George Richard Gilsenan Died 2nd Nov. 1918 Aged 40 yearseltham cemetery, gravestones, memorials, barbara ann gilsenan, george richard gilsenan, harriet eliza gilsenan, richard edward gilsenan

Richard Gilsenan was a retired schoolteacher living at “Rosebank” in Eltham, now the site of the Living and Learning Centre. In 1906, Eltham Primary School’s headmaster John Brown died, and Richard was brought out of retirement (briefly) to be acting headmaster. His son Harold was a junior teacher there at the time. Thereafter, Richard was Secretary of the Eltham Progress League and more importantly was a magistrate at the Eltham Court of Petty Sessions. Cases commonly brought before him included not sending a child to school (typical fine 5/- or eight hours in the lock-up), not having a child vaccinated (fixed fine 40/-), stealing fruit from an orchard, selling liquor out of hours, and offensive language and behaviour. Other miscellaneous cases were allowing cattle to wander, selling cigarettes to a minor, carelessly burning off rubbish on a hot windy day, dumping a dead horse in the Diamond Creek, and youths throwing ripe fruit at passers-by. Richard died in 1920 and is buried in Eltham Cemetery with his wife Harriet Eliza. In mourning his passing, his peers noted that his decisions had been given in a very fair way. Incidentally, his son Harold (the teacher) died in 1921 after being trampled by a horse while en route from Eltham to Cathkin (his then school). In Loving Memory Of Richard Edward Gilsenan Died 30th July 1920 Aged 73 years Also Harriet Eliza Beloved wife of above Died 7th Sept. 1933 Aged 78 years Sweet Rest And In Loving Memory Of Barbara Ann Beloved wide of G. R. Gilsenan Died 18th Sept. 1917 Aged 38 years Also the above George Richard Gilsenan Died 2nd Nov. 1918 Aged 40 yearseltham cemetery, gravestones, memorials, barbara ann gilsenan, george richard gilsenan, harriet eliza gilsenan, richard edward gilsenan

Richard Gilsenan was a retired schoolteacher living at “Rosebank” in Eltham, now the site of the Living and Learning Centre. In 1906, Eltham Primary School’s headmaster John Brown died, and Richard was brought out of retirement (briefly) to be acting headmaster. His son Harold was a junior teacher there at the time. Thereafter, Richard was Secretary of the Eltham Progress League and more importantly was a magistrate at the Eltham Court of Petty Sessions. Cases commonly brought before him included not sending a child to school (typical fine 5/- or eight hours in the lock-up), not having a child vaccinated (fixed fine 40/-), stealing fruit from an orchard, selling liquor out of hours, and offensive language and behaviour. Other miscellaneous cases were allowing cattle to wander, selling cigarettes to a minor, carelessly burning off rubbish on a hot windy day, dumping a dead horse in the Diamond Creek, and youths throwing ripe fruit at passers-by. Richard died in 1920 and is buried in Eltham Cemetery with his wife Harriet Eliza. In mourning his passing, his peers noted that his decisions had been given in a very fair way. Incidentally, his son Harold (the teacher) died in 1921 after being trampled by a horse while en route from Eltham to Cathkin (his then school). In Loving Memory Of Richard Edward Gilsenan Died 30th July 1920 Aged 73 years Also Harriet Eliza Beloved wife of above Died 7th Sept. 1933 Aged 78 years Sweet Rest And In Loving Memory Of Barbara Ann Beloved wide of G. R. Gilsenan Died 18th Sept. 1917 Aged 38 years Also the above George Richard Gilsenan Died 2nd Nov. 1918 Aged 40 yearseltham cemetery, gravestones, memorials

Richard Gilsenan was a retired schoolteacher living at “Rosebank” in Eltham, now the site of the Living and Learning Centre. In 1906, Eltham Primary School’s headmaster John Brown died, and Richard was brought out of retirement (briefly) to be acting headmaster. His son Harold was a junior teacher there at the time. Thereafter, Richard was Secretary of the Eltham Progress League and more importantly was a magistrate at the Eltham Court of Petty Sessions. Cases commonly brought before him included not sending a child to school (typical fine 5/- or eight hours in the lock-up), not having a child vaccinated (fixed fine 40/-), stealing fruit from an orchard, selling liquor out of hours, and offensive language and behaviour. Other miscellaneous cases were allowing cattle to wander, selling cigarettes to a minor, carelessly burning off rubbish on a hot windy day, dumping a dead horse in the Diamond Creek, and youths throwing ripe fruit at passers-by. Richard died in 1920 and is buried in Eltham Cemetery with his wife Harriet Eliza. In mourning his passing, his peers noted that his decisions had been given in a very fair way. Incidentally, his son Harold (the teacher) died in 1921 after being trampled by a horse while en route from Eltham to Cathkin (his then school). In Loving Memory Of Richard Edward Gilsenan Died 30th July 1920 Aged 73 years Also Harriet Eliza Beloved wife of above Died 7th Sept. 1933 Aged 78 years Sweet Rest And In Loving Memory Of Barbara Ann Beloved wide of G. R. Gilsenan Died 18th Sept. 1917 Aged 38 years Also the above George Richard Gilsenan Died 2nd Nov. 1918 Aged 40 yearseltham cemetery, gravestones, memorials

Annually since 2006 the Australian Department of Veterans Affairs has invited CVA to arrange a group of volunteers from Australia and New Zealand to travel to Gallipoli as part of the management of the Anzac Day Remembrance event. Announcing the 2011 visit the Commonwealth Minister, Warren Snowdon, said the contribution of volunteers on the ground at Gallipoli is highly valued. “Volunteers are very dedicated. They fund their way there and assist with a range of activities, including site preparation, crowd liaison and the distribution of visitor information packs,” he said. Volunteers appreciate this opportunity to both attend a place significant to many Australians and also to make a contribution to the safe and harmonious running of it. “I would like to thank CVA for the privileged of being involved in the Gallipoli program and would highly recommend it.” Volunteer Jennie, Newcastle NSW Since 2006 CVA group assisted at the ANZAC Day dawn service and at other remembrance The original idea was Garry Snowden's. Garry has a personal interest in WW1. On his second private trip to Gallipoli he noted there was too much litter around the commemorative sites and he had the idea of involving volunteers to play a role in providing a clean environment for visitors. The idea was raised with the Federal Govt (how was this done?). In 2005 there was bad publicity regarding behaviour of visitors and the amount of litter left and the Commonwealth Department of Veterans’ Affairs (DVA) reviewed its management strategy for the event. As an integral part of the strategy CVA was engaged to recruit a group of volunteers who would attend at their own cost, assist the clean up the environs of the main sites prior to Anzac Day while doing orientation and personal sightseeing, and welcome visitors and give them an information pack including a litter bag (see photographs attached. The volunteers do NOT clean up afterwards: that is rightly the work of Turkish contractors. Gallipoli is an iconic site for many Australians and New Zealanders and CVA provides this magnificent opportunity for volunteers to contribute effectively.This is a visitor welcome pack distributed by CVA volunteers to visitors prior to the Anzac Dawn service and other commemorations. It contains three publications, a poncho in the evcent of rain, a rubbish bag and a pin.Gallipoli, Gelibolu 2007anzac, gallipoli, garry, snowden

This glass slide captures a scene from a male hospital ward at Mayday Hills Mental Asylum. Also known as the Beechworth Lunatic Asylum, Mayday Hills was officially opened on the twenty-fourth of October 1867 and was commissioned following lobbying from Beechworth Municipal Council concerning a need for better living conditions for individuals confined to the town's gaol. These individuals, as well as many others who were brought from surrounding institutions, exhibited behaviours that were deemed to be unfit for mainstream society. At its peak, the asylum consisted of sixty-seven buildings and housed over twelve-hundred patients and five-hundred staff. At the time of Australian Federation in 1901 - just a year after this photograph was taken - the patient population numbered six-hundred and seventy-four. The asylum was officially closed in 1996. It is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register as being architecturally significant. The extensive complex of buildings are examples of Italianate-style, which is strongly associated with asylums of the 1860s - the period in which construction of this particular asylum began. Today the asylum offers tours to visitors, including daytime history tours and night-time ghost tours. Lantern slides, sometimes called 'magic lantern' slides, are glass plates on which an image has been secured for the purpose of projection. Glass slides were etched or hand-painted for this purpose from the Eighteenth Century but the process became more popular and accessible to the public with the development of photographic-emulsion slides used with a 'Magic Lantern' device in the mid-Nineteenth Century. Photographic lantern slides comprise a double-negative emulsion layer (forming a positive image) between thin glass plates that are bound together. A number of processes existed to form and bind the emulsion layer to the base plate, including the albumen, wet plate collodion, gelatine dry plate and woodburytype techniques. Lantern slides and magic lantern technologies are seen as foundational precursors to the development of modern photography and film-making techniques.This glass slide is socially and historically significant as it is representative of the lives of the nurses and patients at Beechworth Mayday Hills Asylum in the early twentieth century. It is also historically significant as it is representative of the changing style of treatments and attitudes towards mental illness. Thin translucent sheet of glass with a circular image printed on the front and framed in a black backing. It is held together by metal strips to secure the edges of the slide.Obverse: h /lantern slide, slide, glass slide, plate, burke museum collection, photograph, monochrome, mayday hills, mayday hills hospital, mayday hills asylum, beechworth lunatic asylum, beechworth mental asylum, psychiatric hostpital, beechworth, burke museum, beechworth municipal council, beechworth patients, psychiatric patients, victorian heritage register, 1900, 1900 mayday hills, italianate style, 19th century asylums, asylums victoria, male ward mayday hills

Taken in approximately 1900, this glass slide captures an image of a Mayday Hills Mental Asylum nurse. Also known as the Beechworth Lunatic Asylum, Mayday Hills was officially opened on the twenty-fourth of October 1867 and was commissioned following lobbying from Beechworth Municipal Council concerning a need for better living conditions for certain individuals confined to the town's gaol. These individuals, as well as many others who were brought from surrounding institutions, exhibited behaviours that were deemed to be unfit for mainstream society. At its peak, the asylum consisted of sixty-seven buildings and housed over twelve-hundred patients and five-hundred staff. At the time of Australian Federation in 1901 - just a year after this photograph was taken - the patient population numbered six-hundred and seventy-four. The designated site of the institution was chosen due to its scenery and altitude. It was argued that these picturesque surroundings would assist in curing the hospital's patients of their ailments. The asylum was officially closed in 1996. It is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register as being architecturally significant. The extensive complex of buildings are examples of Italianate-style, which is strongly associated with asylums of the 1860s - the period in which construction of this particular asylum began. Today the asylum offers tours to visitors: both daytime history tours and night-time ghost tours. Lantern slides, sometimes called 'magic lantern' slides, are glass plates on which an image has been secured for the purpose of projection. Glass slides were etched or hand-painted for this purpose from the Eighteenth Century but the process became more popular and accessible to the public with the development of photographic-emulsion slides used with a 'Magic Lantern' device in the mid-Nineteenth Century. Photographic lantern slides comprise a double-negative emulsion layer (forming a positive image) between thin glass plates that are bound together. A number of processes existed to form and bind the emulsion layer to the base plate, including the albumen, wet plate collodion, gelatine dry plate and woodburytype techniques. Lantern slides and magic lantern technologies are seen as foundational precursors to the development of modern photography and film-making techniques.This glass slide is socially and historically significant as it is representative of the lives of the nurses who worked at Beechworth's Mayday Hills Asylum in the early twentieth century. Thin translucent sheet of glass with a portrait image printed on the front. It is held together by metal strips to secure the edges of the slide.burke museum, beechworth, lantern slide, slide, glass slide, plate, burke museum collection, photograph, monochrome, mayday hills, mayday hills mental asylum, beechworth asylum, beechworth asylum nurses, psychiatric nurses, psychiatric care, 1900 mayday hills, victorian heritage register, italianate style, 19th century asylums, asylums victoria

Taken in approximately 1900, this glass slide captures an image of two Mayday Hills Mental Asylum nurses. Also known as the Beechworth Lunatic Asylum, Mayday Hills was officially opened on the twenty-fourth of October 1867 and was commissioned following lobbying from Beechworth Municipal Council concerning a need for better living conditions for certain individuals confined to the town's gaol. These individuals, as well as many others who were brought from surrounding institutions, exhibited behaviours that were deemed to be unfit for mainstream society. At its peak, the asylum consisted of sixty-seven buildings and housed over twelve-hundred patients and five-hundred staff. At the time of Australian Federation in 1901 - just a year after this photograph was taken - the patient population numbered six-hundred and seventy-four. The designated site of the institution was chosen due to its scenery and altitude. It was argued that these picturesque surroundings would assist in curing the hospital's patients of their ailments. The asylum was officially closed in 1996. It is listed on the Victorian Heritage Register as being architecturally significant. The extensive complex of buildings are examples of Italianate-style, which is strongly associated with asylums of the 1860s - the period in which construction of this particular asylum began. Today the asylum offers tours to visitors: both daytime history tours and night-time ghost tours. Lantern slides, sometimes called 'magic lantern' slides, are glass plates on which an image has been secured for the purpose of projection. Glass slides were etched or hand-painted for this purpose from the Eighteenth Century but the process became more popular and accessible to the public with the development of photographic-emulsion slides used with a 'Magic Lantern' device in the mid-Nineteenth Century. Photographic lantern slides comprise a double-negative emulsion layer (forming a positive image) between thin glass plates that are bound together. A number of processes existed to form and bind the emulsion layer to the base plate, including the albumen, wet plate collodion, gelatine dry plate and woodburytype techniques. Lantern slides and magic lantern technologies are seen as foundational precursors to the development of modern photography and film-making techniques.This glass slide is socially and historically significant as it is representative of the lives of the nurses who worked at Beechworth's Mayday Hills Asylum in the early twentieth century.Thin translucent sheet of glass with a portrait image printed on the front. It is held together by metal strips to secure the edges of the slide.burke museum, beechworth, lantern slide, slide, glass slide, plate, burke museum collection, photograph, monochrome, 1900 mayday hills, mayday hills, beechworth mental hospital, beechworth mental asylum, beechworth asylum nurses, psychiatric nurses, psychiatric care, victorian heritage register, italianate style, 19th century asylums, asylums victoria

Mediating conflict in the age of Native Title Peter Sutton (The University of Adelaide and South Australian Museum) Mediators have played roles in managing conflict in Aboriginal societies for a long time. This paper discusses some of the similarities and differences between older customary mediator roles and those of the modern Native Title process. Determinants of tribunal outcomes for Indigenous footballers Neil Brewer, Carla Welsh and Jenny Williams (School of Psychology, Flinders University) This paper reports on a study that examined whether football tribunal members? judgments concerning players? alleged misdemeanours on the sporting field are likely to be shaped by extra-evidential factors that disadvantage players from Indigenous backgrounds. Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australian Football League (AFL) players, matched in terms of their typical levels of confidence and demeanour in public situations, were interrogated in a mock tribunal hearing about a hypothetical incident on the football field. The specific aim was to determine if the pressures of such questioning elicited behavioural differences likely to be interpreted as indicative of testimonial unreliability. Mock tribunal members (number = 103) then made judgments about the degree to which a number of behavioural characteristics were evident in the players? testimonies. Under intense interrogation, Indigenous players were judged as presenting less confidently and displaying a greater degree of gaze aversion than non-Indigenous players. These behavioural characteristics are commonly ? and inappropriately ? used as cues or heuristics to infer testimonial accuracy. The paper discusses the implications for Indigenous players appearing at tribunal hearings ? and for the justice system more broadly. Timothy Korkanoon: A child artist at the Merri Creek Baptist Aboriginal School, Melbourne, Victoria, 1846?47 ? a new interpretation of his life and work Ian D Clark (School of Business, University of Ballarat) This paper is concerned with the Coranderrk Aboriginal artist Timothy Korkanoon. Research has uncovered more about his life before he settled at the Coranderrk station in 1863. Evidence is provided that five sketches acquired by George Augustus Robinson, the former Chief Protector of Aborigines, in November 1851 in Melbourne, and found in his papers in the State Library of New South Wales, may also be attributed to the work of the young Korkanoon when he was a student at the Merri Creek Baptist Aboriginal School from 1846 to 1847. Developing a database for Australian Indigenous kinship terminology: The AustKin project Laurent Dousset (CREDO, and CNRS, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales), Rachel Hendery (The Australian National University), Claire Bowern (Yale University), Harold Koch (The Australian National University) and Patrick McConvell (The Australian National University) In order to make Australian Indigenous kinship vocabulary from hundreds of sources comparable, searchable and accessible for research and community purposes, we have developed a database that collates these resources. The creation of such a database brings with it technical, theoretical and practical challenges, some of which also apply to other research projects that collect and compare large amounts of Australian language data, and some of which apply to any database project in the humanities or social sciences. Our project has sought to overcome these challenges by adopting a modular, object-oriented, incremental programming approach, by keeping metadata, data and analysis sharply distinguished, and through ongoing consultation between programmers, linguists and communities. In this paper we report on the challenges and solutions we have come across and the lessons that can be drawn from our experience for other social science database projects, particularly in Australia. A time for change? Indigenous heritage values and management practice in the Coorong and Lower Murray Lakes region, South Australia Lynley A Wallis (Aboriginal Environments Research Centre, The University of Queensland) and Alice C Gorman (Department of Archaeology, Flinders University) The Coorong and Lower Murray Lakes in South Australia have long been recognised under the Ramsar Convention for their natural heritage values. Less well known is the fact that this area also has high social and cultural values, encompassing the traditional lands and waters (ruwe) of the Ngarrindjeri Nation. This unique ecosystem is currently teetering on the verge of collapse, a situation arguably brought about by prolonged drought after decades of unsustainable management practices. While at the federal level there have been moves to better integrate typically disparate ?cultural? and ?natural? heritage management regimes ? thereby supporting Indigenous groups in their attempts to gain a greater voice in how their traditional country is managed ? the distance has not yet been bridged in the Coorong. Here, current management planning continues to emphasise natural heritage values, with limited practical integration of cultural values or Ngarrindjeri viewpoints. As the future of the Coorong and Lower Murray Lakes is being debated, we suggest decision makers would do well to look to the Ngarrindjeri for guidance on the integration of natural and cultural values in management regimes as a vital step towards securing the long-term ecological viability of this iconic part of Australia. Hearts and minds: Evolving understandings of chronic cardiovascular disease in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander populations Ernest Hunter (Queensland Health and James Cook University) Using the experience and reflections of a non-Indigenous clinician and researcher, Randolph Spargo, who has worked in remote Aboriginal Australia for more than 40 years, this paper tracks how those at the clinical coal-face thought and responded as cardiovascular and other chronic diseases emerged as new health concerns in the 1970s to become major contributors to the burden of excess ill health across Indigenous Australia. The paper cites research evidence that informed prevailing paradigms drawing primarily on work in which the clinician participated, which was undertaken in the remote Kimberley region in the north of Western Australia. Two reports, one relating to the Narcoonie quarry in the Strzelecki Desert and the other concerning problematic alcohol use in urban settings.maps, b&w photographs, colour photographs, tablesstrzelecki desert, native title, timothy korkanoon, merri creek baptist aboriginal school, austkin project, coorong, lower murray lakes district, south australia, indigenous health

A leaflet issued by General William Birdwood to the AIF troops just after the Armistice on 11 November 1918 to end the first world war. 'To the officers, Non-Commissioned Officers and Men of the Australian Imperial Force. It is now just four that we have been serving together, often through days of hardship and peril, and often through times of well-deserved success. During this time I hope and think we have come to know each other well and I trust we realised how rightly we have confidence in each other. No words of mine can possibly express all I feel for the magnificent work which has been done by the Australian soldier during these long four years. It is well known and recognised, not only throughout the British Empire, but throughout the world - and now we have peace in sight, and peace after a victory in which the Australian soldier has taken so large a share. Even then, with peace there are still difficult times before us. Faith in our recent foe cannot quickly be established, and it may be that some little time yet we shall be able to relax no precautions, until we are assured of the complete and honest fulfilment of our terms. Then will come the difficult time of demobilisation, and it is regarding this that I wish to make a personal appeal to every single member of the AIF in the full confidence that it will be met as every other appeal to face and tackle the strongest positions has ever been met by the Australian solider. Never has the name of Australia stood higher than it does now throughout the world, thanks to the bravery of her soldiers, and it sup to everyone one of us to see that this is maintained, and that no reproach can be cast on the Australian Flag owing to any behaviour of ours. The time of demobilisation will undoubtedly be difficult and irksome - I fully realise what great personal self-restraint will certainly be required - but if each individual of us makes up his mind to do his best during these times, realising the good name we bear, I feel confident that all will go well. I want you to remember that everything possible will be done to look after and help the troops during this period, while every energy will be strained to get men back to their homes as soon as this possibly can be done. You will have to realise, however. that there is a great shortage of shipping, and that there must be a considerable inevitable delay. Play the game, boys, during this time, as you have always done, and add still more to the deep debt of gratitude which will always be acknowledged to you by the Empire and remembered by me as your comrade and commander. In the field, 14 November 1918.' (Signed) 'W Birdwood'.A rare example of a notice to troops about the Armistice.A leaflet issued by General Birdwood to AIF troops to commemorate the end of World War 1.world war one, soldier

Four species of quoll occur in Australia: the northern, spotted-tailed, eastern and western quolls. Once, most parts of Australia were inhabited by at least one of the species.Captain Cook collected quolls along the east coast in 1770, and recorded "quoll" as their local Aboriginal name. Quolls were often seen by early settlers, who called them "native cat", "native polecat" and "spotted marten", names based on familiar European animals. Since 1770, all four species have declined dramatically in numbers. This is mainly because of habitat loss or change across Australia, and introduced predators such as foxes and cats. Quolls are carnivorous marsupials with a pointed snout, a long tail and brown to black fur distinctively spotted with white. They are lively, attractive animals, with bright eyes, a moist pink nose and many sharp teeth. Like most Australian mammals, quolls are mainly active at night. Typically, they spend the day in one of their many dens, although spotted-tailed quolls and northern quolls sometimes forage and bask in the sunshine. Their large home ranges can extend for several kilometres in each direction from a smaller core range, and the range of a male quoll often overlaps those of several females. An interesting feature of their behaviour is the use of shared latrine (toilet) sites in open spaces such as rock ledges, for marking their territory and other social functions. Male quolls travel widely during the breeding season, with mating occurring during winter. All four species have a gestation period of 21 days. Because they are marsupial mammals, their young are born tiny and undeveloped and must work their way to the pouch, where they attach themselves to a teat to feed. Only the spotted-tailed quoll has a true pouch. In the other species, the young are protected by shallow folds of skin around the teats. As the pups grow, they dangle from the mother's belly; later, she carries them on her back. Quolls reach sexual maturity at one year. They have a naturally short life span, with smaller quolls living an average of only two years, and the larger spotted-tailed quoll about four to five years. The northern quoll is particularly short-lived. This specimen is part of a collection of almost 200 animal specimens that were originally acquired as skins from various institutions across Australia, including the Australian Museum and the National Museum of Victoria, as well as individuals such amateur anthropologist Reynell Eveleigh Johns between 1860-1880. These skins were then mounted by members of the Burke Museum Committee and put-on display in the formal space of the Museum’s original exhibition hall where they continue to be on display. This display of taxidermy mounts initially served to instruct visitors to the Burke Museum of the natural world around them, today it serves as an insight into the collecting habits of the 19th century. This specimen is part of a significant and rare taxidermy mount collection in the Burke Museum. This collection is scientifically and culturally important for reminding us of how science continues to shape our understanding of the modern world. They demonstrate a capacity to hold evidence of how Australia’s fauna history existed in the past and are potentially important for future environmental research. This collection continues to be on display in the Museum and has become a key part to interpreting the collecting habits of the 19th century.Average sized quoll with brown fur with white spots on body but absence on the long tail which is furry unlike the smooth body fur. The quoll has a small had with a pointed snout lined with sharp teeth, and thin membraned ears that are slightly covered in fur. The forelegs of the quoll are slightly smaller than the hindlegs, with all four legs featuring sharp clawed paws.On mounting board: BMM5984/ On Catalogue Tag (attached to left hindleg): Native Cat./ Catalogue. Page 50./ burke museum, taxidermy, taxidermy mount, fauna, animal, animalia, reynell eveleigh johns, quoll, native cat, dasyurus

Scrimshaw is regarded as early folk art and is associated primarily with whaling that was opened up in the Pacific at the end of the eighteenth century by sailors mainly from American, English and French vessels. As a result, some of the best scrimshaw from Pacific whales can be found in collections in these countries. Even though sailors must have had plenty of spare time between periods of whaling scrimshaw on whale teeth seems a rarity before the 1830s. One reason may have been the high price paid for whale teeth ivory in this period making scrimshaw on teeth popular only after the market was saturated and the price dropped. The earliest identified engraver of whale teeth is the English whaling master Captain J. S. King who was active between 1817 and 1823. There have been six ships called the Hero in the Royal Navy and this ship was the fourth named Hero, it was a screw-propelled 91-gun and second-rate. In the rating system of the British Royal Navy, this term is used to categorise sailing warships, a second-rate was a ship of the line which by the start of the 18th century mounted 90 to 98 guns on three gun decks. Earlier 17th-century second rates had fewer guns and were originally two-deckers or had only partially armed third gun decks. The Hero was launched in 1858 and sold in 1971. On July 1860 the Prince of Wales embarked onboard HMS Hero, Albert Edward Prince of Wales, was the eldest son of Queen Victoria, and the future King Edward VII, at the time he was then nineteen years of age, and on route to Newfoundland, Canada and the United States on his first state tour. He was the first member of the British royal family to visit North America. In 1860 the Queen had intended to pay a visit to Canada however stress prevented her from travelling. The then Prime Minister Lord Palmerston suggested that “Bertie” the prince of Wales could represent the Queen and on July 10th 1860, Bertie boarded HMS Hero for a tour of Canada and the USA. On July 23rd the ship arrived at Terranova. By the second week of August, the HMS Hero had sailed up the St. Lawrence River and anchored at Quebec. The Prince was successful with Canadian society visiting Quebec and Montreal during his stay. He went on to visit the United States following an invitation by President James Buchanan. His American journey was regarded as a great success. President Buchanan wrote to Queen Victoria: "He “Bertie” has faced a very difficult task for a person his age and his behaviour in all this has been that of his age and position. He has shown himself honourable, Frank and affable and he won the respect of the sensible and wise people". The scrimshaw is believed to be a modern reproduction of a typical scrimshaw scene and engraved very crudely onto a synthetic substance. Scrimshaw art carved into non-natural material in the shape of a whale tooth. The line artwork images of a three-masted, fully rigged ship and an anchor are coloured black. Inscription is engraved into tooth.Engraved "Hero 1870"warrnambool, flagstaff-hill, flagstaff-hill-maritime-museum, maritime-museum, shipwreck-coast, flagstaff-hill-maritime-village, scrimshaw, plastic, resin, replica, prince of wales, british navy vessel, whaling, hms hero, reproduction, carving, engraving

This particular geological specimen was found in Mount Franklin or Lalgambook in Djadjawurrung, located between Daylesford and Newstead, approximately ninety minutes drive from Melbourne. The mountain is an example of a breached scoria cone (a steep conical hill of loose pyroclastic fragments) which was created by a volcanic eruption about 470,000 years ago, a date which may indicate the age of this geological specimen. The volcanic eruptions of Mount Franklin were most likely witnessed by members of the Dja Dja Wurrung Aboriginal tribe, who referred to this country as the 'smoking grounds'. Mount Franklin and the surrounding area appears to have been a place of considerable religious significance to Aboriginal people, there is evidence which indicates that frequent large ceremonial gatherings took place in the area. Basalt is the most common rock on Earth’s surface, more than 90% of all volcanic rock on Earth is basalt. Basalt is an aphanitic extrusive igneous rock formed from the rapid cooling of low-viscosity lava exposed at or very near the surface of a rocky planet or moon. Specimens are black in colour and weather to dark green or brown. Basalt is rich in iron and magnesium and is mainly composed of olivine, pyroxene, and plagioclase. Olivine is the name of a group of rock-forming silicate minerals with compositions ranging between Mg2SiO4 and Fe2SiO4. Unlike other minerals, Olivine has a very high crystallisation temperature which makes it the first of the minerals to crystallise from magma. As magma cools, the crystals begin to form and settle on the bottom of the lava and form basalts that are abnormally enriched in olivine in the lower part of lava flows. According to H. M. King (on geology.com) "Olivine is thought to be an important mineral in Earth's mantle. Its presence as a mantle mineral has been inferred by a change in the behaviour of seismic waves as they cross the boundary between Earth's crust and mantle". Lava from Mount Franklin and other volcanoes in the area filled valleys and buried the gold bearing streams that became the renowned ‘deep leads’ of the gold mining era. In 1852, as part of the Victorian gold rush, gold was discovered in the immediate area, this gold was created by lava flows during the Newer Volcanic period, which were mined intensively during the nineteenth century. Around 1865 the presence of a deep lead in Mount Franklin was established. Deep lead mining was initially unsuccessful, and it was not until the late 1870s that the Franklinford Gold Mining Company mined at Mount Franklin on a significant scale. A few years later the Mount Franklin Estate Gold Mining Company also struck gold, followed by the Shakespeare and Great Western companies in the mid-1880s. By the late 1880s, however, deep lead mining had ceased in the area. Soon after gold was discovered in 1851, Victoria’s Governor La Trobe wrote to the Colonial Office in London, urging ‘the propriety of selecting and appointing as Mineral Surveyor for this Colony a gentleman possessed of the requisite qualifications and acquaintance with geological science and phenomena’. Alfred Selwyn was appointed geological surveyor in Australia in 1852 which began the Geological Survey of Victoria. In 1853-69 the Geological Survey issued under Selwyn's direction sixty-one geological maps and numerous reports; they were of such high standard that a writer in the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London bracketed the survey with that of the United States of America as the best in the world. During his years spent in Australia, Selwyn collected numerous significant geological specimens, examples of which are held in collections such as the Burke Museum.This geological specimen is an example of basalt and olivine which shows the volcanic lava activity and geographical specific nature of Mt Franklin as a significant volcanic site. According to Agriculture Victoria 'The crater is one of the deepest in the Central Highlands area. It is a major megacryst site with some of the largest known Victorian examples of megacrysts of augite and an orthoclase. The small parasitic mound of Lady Franklin on the western flanks adds to the geological interest of the site'. This specimen also highlights the locality as a significant place for both indigenous activity and Victorian gold rush era mining practices. This specimen is part of a larger collection of geological and mineral specimens collected from around Australia (and some parts of the world) and donated to the Burke Museum between 1868-1880. A large percentage of these specimens were collected in Victoria as part of the Geological Survey of Victoria that begun in 1852 (in response to the Gold Rush) to study and map the geology of Victoria. Collecting geological specimens was an important part of mapping and understanding the scientific makeup of the earth. Many of these specimens were sent to research and collecting organisations across Australia, including the Burke Museum, to educate and encourage further study.An angular, solid hand-sized piece of grey volcanic Basalt with green/brown Olivine phenocrysts along one flat edge.Olivine in basalt / - label is probably / correct. / C. Willman / 15/4/21burke museum, beechworth, indigo shire, beechworth museum, geological, geological specimen, mineralogy, basalt, igneous rock, igneous-volcanic, volcanic geology, volcanic, olivine, olivine specimen, basaltoid

Kids of all ages enjoy the Miniature Railway. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p163 On Sundays in Eltham thousands of children, mums, dads and grandparents can be seen travelling around Lower Eltham Park in tiny trains. They are among the two and half million passengers who have travelled on the Diamond Valley Railway since it officially began in 1961. The miniature railway originally operated from the 1940s at Chelsworth Park, Ivanhoe, until flooding caused it to be moved to the Eltham Lower Park in 1959. The railway is modelled on the 1920s era – the heyday of passenger rail travel – and the trains are built on a scale of two inches to the foot (1/6). Although not exact replicas, trains include models of the Spirit of Progress, Puffing Billy, The Overland, Dog Boxes, Vic Rail S class, G class and a NSW 81 Class. The three and a half kilometres of track is set amongst native plants and picnic areas. A friendly hoot or the clang of a bell occasionally punctuates the tranquillity as a train emerges from a treed bend with passengers excitedly waving to onlookers. For $3 the train takes you on a 13-minute two-kilometre ride. Passengers sit in single file in the narrow train, which clatters along tracks built to the scale of the Australian narrow gauge of three feet six inches (1.1m). These are used in Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania and Western Australia. Safety standards are stringently kept. Even before you buy a ticket notices tell you that you must wear closed shoes. You can even borrow these, and you are given a pair of socks for the ride! Blue-overalled volunteers check tickets, see you aboard, and drive the train. They are mainly retired men who can at last devote their time to what little boys dream of – playing with trains. Passengers are instructed in safe behaviour, then the station master waves a white flag and off we go. The guard sits at the back with his whistle and green flag at the ready. The winding track, fringed by native trees and bushes planted by volunteers, stands on crown land managed by Nillumbik Council. The train clatters along the track and crosses a bridge over a drain elevated by name to The Blow Fly Creek. We pass by Meadmore Junction at a speed of three kilometres an hour. Then on through a tunnel, accompanied by squeals of delight, and after a few moments of blackness, light glimmers at the end. On we go, past the original platform, along another route past busy Main Road through Pine Creek Station, over a bridge and through another tunnel with more screams of delight.Then a signal stops us before the ‘all clear’ to return to our original point of departure. The railway services its passengers – the largest number of any miniature railway in Australia – with a fleet including: six diesel locomotives, three steam locomotives, eight sets of passenger cars and one battery electric Dog Box set. Members also privately own 20 locomotives and powered carriage sets as well as four carriage sets.1 All the trains are stored on-site in workshops, sheds and a tunnel. The railway is entirely run by volunteers, so that all ticket money is used for maintenance and extensions, and some goes to local charities. Since 1991, the entire railway has been rebuilt, including an upgraded signalling system. About half of the 120 volunteer members are active with about 35 working each Sunday, and a dozen or so working every Wednesday. Members are trained to positions of station assistant, booking officer, train guard, train driver or signalman. Members construct new carriages and locomotives as well as maintaining track, signalling and rolling stock.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, diamond valley railway, eltham lower park

Opened in 1891, the bridge formed part of the Maroondah Aqueduct carrying water from Watts River near Healesville to the reservoir at Preston where it joined Melbourne's metropolitan water system. Covered under Heritage Overlay, Nillumbik Planning Scheme. Published: Nillumbik Now and Then /​ Marguerite Marshall 2008; photographs Alan King with Marguerite Marshall.; p99 Built to supply thirsty Melbourne in the late 19th century, the siphon bridge spanning the Plenty River off Leischa Court, Greensborough, was part of an engineering masterpiece. Opened in 1891, the bridge formed part of the Maroondah Aqueduct carrying water from the Watts River near Healesville to the reservoir at Preston where it joined the metropolitan distribution system. A major link in Melbourne’s water supply, it also had a huge impact on communities, which mushroomed along its route. Named after the Aboriginal word for the area around the Maroondah Reservoir, the Maroondah Aqueduct was fully operational until the 1970s. Since the 1980s the land along parts of the aqueduct have been used for walking and bicycle riding, shaded in places by Monterey Pine trees planted to stabilise the surrounding ground. From 1857 the Yan Yean Reservoir supplied Melbourne’s water but the growing city needed additional catchments.1 In 1886 work began on a weir on the Watts River to enable the aqueduct to carry most of the river water 41 miles (66km) to Melbourne. The aqueduct, built by the Board of Works, is the oldest remaining aqueduct near Melbourne and was probably the first built with concrete.2 Although the aqueduct is now only used between the Maroondah and Sugarloaf Reservoirs, it can still be traced across the Shire. It extends from the Maroondah Reservoir through Christmas Hills, Kangaroo Ground, Research, Eltham, St Helena and then previously wound west through Greensborough to Reservoir.3 Built by horse and manpower the aqueduct gravity fed 25 million gallons (113.6ML) of water a day to Melbourne along a gradient of one foot to the mile. It included 25 miles (41km) of open concrete and brick channel, six miles (10km) of tunnels, and nine miles (15km) of 14 inverted siphons of riveted wrought-iron across creeks. Bricks for the aqueduct were made from clay found near the sites and remains of several kilns can still be found between Kangaroo Ground and Christmas Hills. Building the aqueduct transformed local communities. An abattoir was established at Christmas Hills. Grog shanties and labourers’ camps sprang up and local courts dealt with cases of ‘petty pilfering and boisterous behaviour’.4 The Kangaroo Ground school population jumped to 91, crammed into a room with one teacher. Miners who built the tunnels camped just north of Churinga in Greensborough – then called Tunnel Hill Camp – and adjacent to the Evelyn Arms Hotel. The miners’ high spirits were sometimes quenched in horse troughs or by a ‘welt under the ear and kick on the behind’ as the local constable calmed them down rather than lock them up.5 But the growing city of Melbourne needed more water, so the O’Shannassy catchment, east of Warburton, was added to the system in 1914. In 1920 work began on the present concrete Maroondah Dam one mile (1.6km) from the weir on the Watts River. The aqueduct capacity was thus doubled to 50 million gallons (227ML) a day.6 Intense land development threatened to pollute the open water supply, so channel sections were replaced with large pipes. In the late 1960s a large water main was built from the tunnel outlet at Research and extended through St Helena and Greensborough, so this section of the aqueduct was taken out of use. Long sections of the unused open channels in Greensborough and Bundoora were destroyed, but the old channel in Research and Eltham North remained largely intact. In the 1970s, the Sugarloaf Reservoir was constructed, inundating 445 hectares of land in Christmas Hills. Sugarloaf was officially opened in 1980 and serves as a water storage and treatment plant supplying Melbourne. In the early 1980s pipes replaced the section from Sugarloaf Reservoir to the tunnel entrance at Kangaroo Ground. The Research-Kangaroo Ground tunnel operates as part of the pipeline system.This collection of almost 130 photos about places and people within the Shire of Nillumbik, an urban and rural municipality in Melbourne's north, contributes to an understanding of the history of the Shire. Published in 2008 immediately prior to the Black Saturday bushfires of February 7, 2009, it documents sites that were impacted, and in some cases destroyed by the fires. It includes photographs taken especially for the publication, creating a unique time capsule representing the Shire in the early 21st century. It remains the most recent comprehenesive publication devoted to the Shire's history connecting local residents to the past. nillumbik now and then (marshall-king) collection, maroondah aqueduct, pipe bridge, siphon bridge

'Whose Ethics?':Codifying and enacting ethics in research settings Bringing ethics up to date? A review of the AIATSIS ethical guidelines Michael Davis (Independent Academic) A revision of the AIATSIS Guidelines for Ethical Research in Indigenous Studies was carried out during 2009-10. The purpose of the revision was to bring the Guidelines up to date in light of a range of critical developments that have occurred in Indigenous rights, research and knowledge management since the previous version of the Guidelines was released in 2000. In this paper I present an outline of these developments, and briefly discuss the review process. I argue that the review, and the developments that it responded to, have highlighted that ethical research needs to be thought about more as a type of behaviour and practice between engaged participants, and less as an institutionalised, document-focused and prescriptive approach. The arrogance of ethnography: Managing anthropological research knowledge Sarah Holcombe (ANU) The ethnographic method is a core feature of anthropological practice. This locally intensive research enables insight into local praxis and culturally relative practices that would otherwise not be possible. Indeed, empathetic engagement is only possible in this close and intimate encounter. However, this paper argues that this method can also provide the practitioner with a false sense of his or her own knowing and expertise and, indeed, with arrogance. And the boundaries between the anthropologist as knowledge sink - cultural translator and interpreter - and the knowledge of the local knowledge owners can become opaque. Globalisation and the knowledge ?commons?, exemplified by Google, also highlight the increasing complexities in this area of the governance and ownership of knowledge. Our stronghold of working in remote areas and/or with marginalised groups places us at the forefront of negotiating the multiple new technological knowledge spaces that are opening up in the form of Indigenous websites and knowledge centres in these areas. Anthropology is not immune from the increasing awareness of the limitations and risks of the intellectual property regime for protecting or managing Indigenous knowledge. The relevance of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in opening up a ?rights-based? discourse, especially in the area of knowledge ownership, brings these issues to the fore. For anthropology to remain relevant, we have to engage locally with these global discourses. This paper begins to traverse some of this ground. Protocols: Devices for translating moralities, controlling knowledge and defining actors in Indigenous research, and critical ethical reflection Margaret Raven (Institute for Sustainability and Technology Policy (ISTP), Murdoch University) Protocols are devices that act to assist with ethical research behaviour in Indigenous research contexts. Protocols also attempt to play a mediating role in the power and control inherent in research. While the development of bureaucratically derived protocols is on the increase, critiques and review of protocols have been undertaken in an ad hoc manner and in the absence of an overarching ethical framework or standard. Additionally, actors implicated in research networks are seldom theorised. This paper sketches out a typology of research characters and the different moral positioning that each of them plays in the research game. It argues that by understanding the ways actors enact research protocols we are better able to understand what protocols are, and how they seek to build ethical research practices. Ethics and research: Dilemmas raised in managing research collections of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander materials Grace Koch (AIATSIS) This paper examines some of the ethical dilemmas for the proper management of research collections of Indigenous cultural materials, concentrating upon the use of such material for Native Title purposes. It refers directly to a number of points in the draft of the revised AIATSIS Guidelines for Ethical Research in Indigenous Studies and draws upon both actual and hypothetical examples of issues that may arise when requests are made for Indigenous material. Specific concerns about ethical practices in collecting data and the subsequent control of access to both the data itself and to published works based upon it are raised within the context of several types of collections, including those held by AIATSIS and by Native Title Representative Bodies. Ethics or social justice? Heritage and the politics of recognition Laurajane Smith (ANU) Nancy Fraser?s model of the politics of recognition is used to examine how ethical practices are interconnected with wider struggles for recognition and social justice. This paper focuses on the concept of 'heritage' and the way it is often uncritically linked to 'identity' to illustrate how expert knowledge can become implicated in struggles for recognition. The consequences of this for ethical practice and for rethinking the role of expertise, professional discourses and disciplinary identity are discussed. The ethics of teaching from country Michael Christie (CDU), with the assistance of Yi?iya Guyula, Kathy Gotha and Dh�?gal Gurruwiwi The 'Teaching from Country' program provided the opportunity and the funding for Yol?u (north-east Arnhem Land Aboriginal) knowledge authorities to participate actively in the academic teaching of their languages and cultures from their remote homeland centres using new digital technologies. As two knowledge systems and their practices came to work together, so too did two divergent epistemologies and metaphysics, and challenges to our understandings of our ethical behaviour. This paper uses an examination of the philosophical and pedagogical work of the Yol?u Elders and their students to reflect upon ethical teaching and research in postcolonial knowledge practices. Closing the gaps in and through Indigenous health research: Guidelines, processes and practices Pat Dudgeon (UWA), Kerrie Kelly (Australian Indigenous Psychologists Association) and Roz Walker (UWA) Research in Aboriginal contexts remains a vexed issue given the ongoing inequities and injustices in Indigenous health. It is widely accepted that good research providing a sound evidence base is critical to closing the gap in Aboriginal health and wellbeing outcomes. However, key contemporary research issues still remain regarding how that research is prioritised, carried out, disseminated and translated so that Aboriginal people are the main beneficiaries of the research in every sense. It is widely acknowledged that, historically, research on Indigenous groups by non-Indigenous researchers has benefited the careers and reputations of researchers, often with little benefit and considerably more harm for Indigenous peoples in Australia and internationally. This paper argues that genuine collaborative and equal partnerships in Indigenous health research are critical to enable Aboriginal and Torres Islander people to determine the solutions to close the gap on many contemporary health issues. It suggests that greater recognition of research methodologies, such as community participatory action research, is necessary to ensure that Aboriginal people have control of, or significant input into, determining the Indigenous health research agenda at all levels. This can occur at a national level, such as through the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Road Map on Indigenous research priorities (RAWG 2002), and at a local level through the development of structural mechanisms and processes, including research ethics committees? research protocols to hold researchers accountable to the NHMRC ethical guidelines and values which recognise Indigenous culture in all aspects of research. Researching on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar: Methodologies for positive transformation Steve Hemming (Flinders University) , Daryle Rigney (Flinders University) and Shaun Berg (Berg Lawyers) Ngarrindjeri engagement with cultural and natural resource management over the past decade provides a useful case study for examining the relationship between research, colonialism and improved Indigenous wellbeing. The Ngarrindjeri nation is located in south-eastern Australia, a ?white? space framed by Aboriginalist myths of cultural extinction recycled through burgeoning heritage, Native Title, natural resource management ?industries?. Research is a central element of this network of intrusive interests and colonising practices. Government management regimes such as natural resource management draw upon the research and business sectors to form complex alliances to access funds to support their research, monitoring, policy development, management and on-ground works programs. We argue that understanding the political and ethical location of research in this contemporary management landscape is crucial to any assessment of the potential positive contribution of research to 'Bridging the Gap' or improving Indigenous wellbeing. Recognition that research conducted on Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar (country/body/spirit) has impacts on Ngarrindjeri and that Ngarrindjeri have a right and responsibility to care for their lands and waters are important platforms for any just or ethical research. Ngarrindjeri have linked these rights and responsibilities to long-term community development focused on Ngarrindjeri capacity building and shifts in Ngarrindjeri power in programs designed to research and manage Ngarrindjeri Ruwe/Ruwar. Research agreements that protect Ngarrindjeri interests, including cultural knowledge and intellectual property, are crucial elements in these shifts in power. A preliminary review of ethics resources, with particular focus on those available online from Indigenous organisations in WA, NT and Qld Sarah Holcombe (ANU) and Natalia Gould (La Trobe University) In light of a growing interest in Indigenous knowledge, this preliminary review maps the forms and contents of some existing resources and processes currently available and under development in the Northern Territory, Queensland and Western Australia, along with those enacted through several cross-jurisdictional initiatives. A significant majority of ethics resources have been developed in response to a growing interest in the application of Indigenous knowledge in land and natural resource management. The aim of these resources is to ?manage? (i.e. protect and maintain) Indigenous knowledge by ensuring ethical engagement with the knowledge holders. Case studies are drawn on from each jurisdiction to illustrate both the diversity and commonality in the approach to managing this intercultural engagement. Such resources include protocols, guidelines, memorandums of understanding, research agreements and strategic plans. In conducting this review we encourage greater awareness of the range of approaches in practice and under development today, while emphasising that systematic, localised processes for establishing these mechanisms is of fundamental importance to ensuring equitable collaboration. Likewise, making available a range of ethics tools and resources also enables the sharing of the local and regional initiatives in this very dynamic area of Indigenous knowledge rights.b&w photographs, colour photographsngarrindjeri, ethics, ethnography, indigenous research, social justice, indigenous health

In 1949 the HELLENIC PRINCE with its 3 hospitals, 2 cinemas, and air conditioned accommodation was chartered by the International Refugee Organisation to transport displaced persons from Europe to Australia. Its first trip was to Sydney where it arrived with 1000 passengers on 5 December 1949. On the third trip it left Naples on 23 March 1950, and arrived in Fremantle on 20 April 1950, and in Melbourne on 25 April 1950. The men and women were separated for the voyage with my father sleeping on a hammock in a large room with other men, while my mother, my brother, and I had bunks in a shared cabin. On board were displaced persons ex Bagnoli Camp Italy, some of whom later built their bungalows on the grassy and rocky paddocks near Sunshine Victoria, and began to establish a new life in a new country. A few of the families that arrived on the third trip and purchased land in the Dunkeld Ave - Sandford Ave area of North Sunshine (Birmingham Estate) were Janczak, Kolanowicz, Mroz, Pawlak, Rasztabiga, Skrobalak, Szydlowski, Witkowski, and Zielinski. Some friends settled elsewhere in Sunshine. The family Tabaka went to West Sunshine just over the Derby Rd Bridge, while the family Wojcik went to Ardeer. The ship first started service in 1929 for the Royal Australian Navy as the HMAS ALBATROSS. It had a standard displacement of 4,800 tons and was 443 feet 7 inches (135.2 metres) long, and its top speed during trials reached 22 knots (41 km/hr). It was built at Cockatoo Island Dockyard as Australia's first Aircraft Carrier (seaplanes), but the aircraft that it was designed for were retired just before the ship went into service. A new plane specifically designed to work with the Albatross began operations after the ship was decommissioned in 1933, and placed into reserve in Sydney Harbour. Seaplanes continued to operate from the anchored ship. (Click on the Link 'HMAS Albatross (1)' situated above the Object Registration number to view pictures of the HMAS Albatross on the Navy web site). In 1938 the ship was recommissioned and transferred to the Royal Navy as part payment for the light cruiser Hobart. The ship then did military service for the Royal Navy during World War 2. It did patrol and escort duties in the southern Atlantic, and from mid 1942 in the Indian Ocean. By early 1944 the ship was converted so that it could repair landing craft and other support vessels off Sword and Juno beaches. The ship managed to return 132 craft into service and to save 79 others from total loss. On 11 August 1944 Albatross was torpedoed with the loss of either 50 or 66 personnel, but was able to be towed back to Portsmouth. After repairs she did a short service as a minesweeper depot ship, and following that was placed into reserve on 3 August 1945. In August 1946 the ship was sold for commercial use but the plans to convert it into a luxury liner or a floating cabaret fell through. The ship was again sold on 14 November 1948 to the British-Greek Yannoulatos Group, who renamed it HELLENIC PRINCE in recognition of the birth of Prince Charles and his Greek heritage. After conversion into a passenger ship the Hellenic Prince made several trips to Australia transporting displaced persons, however apparently not all trips were pleasant for the passengers. In the on board newsletter 'Kangaroo' dated 5 January 1951, the ship's master P. C. King expressed his indignation about the behaviour of passengers and made accusations of mutiny. According to some immigrants the conditions were appalling and overcrowded with 1200 passengers. Passengers were supposedly required to work and were paid with Woodbine cigarettes. The drinking water ran out, the freezer broke down, and fresh food that was brought on board went to the crew. Sea sickness was rife because the ship was rarely level due to malfunctioning pumps. (The newsletter 'Kangaroo' can be viewed at the Museum Victoria web site by clicking the Link 'Newsletter - Kangaroo'). In 1953 during the Mau Mau uprising the Hellenic Prince was used to transport troops to Kenya, and in 1954 the ship came to an end in a scrap yard at Hong Kong. THE ABOVE INFORMATION WAS COMPILED FROM; (1) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HMAS_Albatross_(1928) (accessed 11/2/2013), (2) An article by Graeme Andrews found at http://www.afloat.com.au/afloat-magazine/2011/july-2011/The_boat_people_of_the _forties_and_fifties#.UuYY6ou4apo (accessed 27/1/14), (3) http://museumvictoria.com.au/collections/items/273166/newsletter-kangaroo-hellenic-prince-5-jan-1951 (accessed 27/1/14), (4) National Archive search starting at; www.naa.gov.au/collection/search/index.aspx (accessed 27/1/14), (5) http://www.flickr.com/photos/41311545@N05/3864781978 (accessed 29/1/14). Hellenic Prince has a significance to Sunshine Victoria because some of the displaced people from Europe, who arrived in Melbourne on Anzac Day 1950, were among the first people to settle in the grassy and rocky paddock areas of North Sunshine. These settlers established a residential suburban area out of the paddocks. In those early days there were no services and the planned roads were basically just drawings on a map. The ship is also significant because it was named in recognition of the birth of Prince Charles. In the ship's former life as the HMAS Albatross the significance is that it was built in Australia as our country's first Aircraft Carrier (seaplanes).New photograph made from a scanned copy of a circa 1950 Post Card featuring the ship on calm water.Hellenic Prince / Hong Konghellenic prince, migrant ship, displaced persons, refugees, international refugee organisation, bagnoli camp, hmas albatross, yannoulatos group

The Chinese Imperial Commissioner, Hwang How Cheng, visited Australia at the request of the Chinese Emperor for the purpose of establishing Chinese consulates in the Commonwealth. He visited Ballarat at the request of Ballarat’s Chinese community. The newspaper reported that it was hoped the Commissioner would visit the Ballarat School of Mines “where the knowledge he would get would probably be of the utmost usefulness in the development of the great resources of China.” The Commissioner was accompanied by interpreter Ah Ket (Melbourne barrister and solicitor), and met by members of Ballarat’s Chinese community, including Dr Wong Chock Son. Apparently the Chinese Commissioner wanted to visit SMB because of its international fame relating to education in mining. From the SMB Letter book (Cat. No. 436) comes the following which suggests the Commissioner was based in Adelaide) '17th November 1906 His Excellency, Hwang How Cheng Chinese Commission Adelaide May it please your Excellency By this post I have the pleasure in forwarding for your Excellency's kind acceptance (and one for Mr. When) copies of the photograph taken of your recent visit to the School of Mines. I trust they will serve a pleasing memento of what, I hope, was a pleasant visit to our Golden City. Yours Faithfully Fredk Martell Director' The visit was reported in the Ballarat Star in 14 November 1906:- The Chinese Imperial Commissioner, Hwang Hon Cheng, who recently arrived in Victoria on behalf of the Chinese Government, paid a visit to Ballarat last evening, and was entertained by his fellow countrymen at a dinner at the Bow Leong rooms, Main street. The commissioner, who came up by the express, was accompanied by his secretary and Mr Ah Ket, the well-known Chinese barrister, of Melbourne; but some disappointment was expressed by the fact that he did not wear his official robes, being attired in the more sombre European dress. Mr W. D. M’Kee presided at the dinner, on the invitation of the Bow Leong Society, and in addition to representative Chinese residents, three were also present the mayor of the city (Cr. J. J. Brokenshire), Crs. R. Pearse, G. Crocker (City), J. R. Elsworth, A. Mackenzie, J. A. M’Neil, A. Levy, G. Bunting, F. Penhalluriack (Town), Col. Williams, Mr. J. Gent, Messrs. F. J. Martell (director of the School of Mines), A. W. Hager (president of the Orphan Asylum), A. Kenny (superintendent), R. G. Fitzgerald (clerk of courts at Ballarat East), J. Trethowan, A. A. Buley, Serg Dalton, and others. Apologies were received from the mayor of the town Revs. J. West Lau, Dr Cairns, Hon. J. Y. M’Donald, L. Lederman, C. C. Shoppee and others. The gathering was a very cordial one, and the hospitality of the Chinese was greatly appreciated. After the loyal toasts, “The King” and “The Emperor of China,” had been honoured, the chairman extended a hearty welcome on behalf of the society and others to the commissioner. Mr M’Kee said he was privileged to speak in behalf of the Chinese. There was a warm feeling of friendship between them and himself, and his services were always at their command. If he were in China he would desire that a similar compliment would be extended to him. They were all pleased the Emperor of China had sent the commissioner to establish consulates in Australia with a view of the empire understanding the feelings of Australasia better than they did at present. He hoped the commissioner would have opportunity of visiting some of their industries, as they desired him to gain all the scientific and practical knowledge of those industries that he could. The toast of “The Commissioner” was proposed by Col. Williams who expressed pleasure at the visit of a gentleman of education and attainments to look into the condition of the scions of China in Australia. He hoped the commissioner would carry away a correct impression. In Australia they had nothing to conceal; they hoped to be understood. (Applause.) No intelligent man had the temerity to condescend to patronise China, one of the richest countries in the world, with a civilisation dating back thousands of years. In the matter of population alone it was equal to one-third of the world. They heard a lot about the “awakening of China.” They hoped it would be humane, just, and considerate if it had power. He hoped the commissioner would be satisfied with what he saw. The law of filial relation to the children was strictly observed in China, and he did not know whether it would not be a good thing if they had a little more of that religion here. It would be a fair thing to tell the commissioner that while he might inquire into the labour laws, the basis of these laws was not a desire to oppress but to enable every man to obtain the same conditions they expected from their own people. If he gained that impression he felt they would be fairly treated. (Applause.) Mayor Brokenshire supported the toast. They had, he said, in the Chinese a most law-abiding people. Their behaviour was an example to the British citizens. They were quiet, inoffensive men, and they toiled hard, even on Sundays. (Laughter.) Mr Ah Ket; That is what the government does with the railway employees. (Laughter.) The Commissioner replied through Mr Ah Ket, who in a graceful speech acknowledged the toast. The commissioner had, he said been delighted with what he had seen of the country – he believed it to be one of the finest in the world – and he greatly appreciated the hospitality extended to him. (Applause.) The Chairman proposed the toast of “The health of Mr Ah Ket,” and paid a tribute to his ability. It was satisfactory to see that he had risen to such a position, and it might be that in the future he would be asked to occupy a position on the bench. (Applause.) Mr Ah Ket, in response, said he had not come prepared to make a speech. He had come to Ballarat to have a quiet evening with his friends, and as soon as he arrived he had been whirled away in a motor car to a place where he found an aggregation of East and West. He was pleased to see them commingled at the festive board. That suggested the idea that East and West could meet together without friction. Misunderstandings arose only because men were superficial. If they threw off outer garments they would know each other better. He looked forward to the time when nations would understand each other. It was by an interchange of visits that such things could be accomplished, and nations would then live at peace with each other. (Applause.) Other toasts were also honored. Twelve men pose for a photograph on the stairs of a building at the Ballarat School of Mines. Back row left to right: A.D. Gilchrist (Prof. of Engineering), B. Whittington (Mathematics, Physics), Thomas S. Hart (Prof. of Geology and Mining), J.M. Sutherland (Electrical Engineering) Front row left to right: Dr Wong Chock Son (Ballarat), Fred. J. Martell, Alfred Mica Smith, Ah Ket esq (Melbourne Barrister), His Excellency Hwang How Cheng (Chinese Commissioner), Wen Esq (Secretary), Alderman Grase (mayor of Brisbane), Grase Esq (Ballarat).ballarat school of mines, alfred mica smith, fred martell, j m sutherland, a d gilchrist, b whittington, thomas hart, wong chock son, ah ket, hwang how cheng, chinese, chinese commissioner, international, new classrooms, administration building, a building

16 issues of the, "Tramway Topics" - "The Official Bulletin of The Melbourne & Metropolitan Tramways Board", issues 50, 51, 53 to 61, issued between August 1947 and October 1948. All printed on cream coloured paper. Headings of significance are listed below. Common items were; Retiring and Death Gratuities, Appointments and Promotions, long service records. 918.1 - 50 - August 1947 - 4 pages - Comment from London, Scalers in Sydney, Brisbane Services, PAYE to go, Newcastle wants to own the trams, Diesels in favour, Fares in London and Melbourne, Something like a deficit, a remarkable record (substations), Work of Testing Department, Accidents are Expensive, and Transport Operations Indicted (National City Lines - USA) 918.2 - 51 - Sept. 1947 - 4 pages - Our SW6 tram, Transport in the US, Conductresses again, How bus costs have risen, Footscray Extensions, Of Course you are good (drivers and driving), How Fares Go, 40-Hour week. 918.3 - 53 - November 1947 - 4 pages - No increase in fares, an unusually interesting tram (Glasgow), alcohol and driving do not mix, pedestrian crossing case, how wages have increased, Russia prefers trams, Sydney's "Honesty" joke, Higher Fares wanted, Tramcars as hearses, an editor on Trolley buses, buses lead - but at a cost (Leicester), the Non paying passenger (Sydney) 918.4 - 54 - December 1947 - 4 pages - Christmas 1947 (Chairman's notes on the future), New Stockholm tram, according to use and wont - Birmingham, Trams in the USA, Board re-appointed, Buses few, so coaches are hired (London), transport from Footscray, "Philadelphians must have the best" - so they are given trams!, The Merri Creek Bridge and appreciations. 918.5 - 55 - March 1948 - 4 pages - That 4/- doubts arising over the 5-day week, Buses carried pick-a-back, Sydney to lose L500,000 this year, Trolleybuses, Rapid transit with PCC trams, another compliment (rosters in Perth), the bill for it all (Melbourne tram strike), an Extraordinary award (Washington DC), Prison tram's last load (Sydney), Douglas horse trams, Lord Ashfield, Glasgow's all night buses. 918.6 -56 - April 1948 - 4 pages - The Board's ambassadors (MMTB Conductors), Brisbane's bus routes, Another deficit in sight (Liverpool UK), Poor Paris, The resilient wheel, the 5-day week rosters, a subway and its costs (Detroit), PCC's in Belgium, South London Trams. 918.7 -57 -May 1948 - 4 pages - Spread of Hours Payment - 5 day week, weak breaks, Buses multiply - losses expand (Manchester UK), Static Electricity, L750,000 deficit in Sydney, praise for conductresses, no purchase by Newcastle, a loss at Adelaide, Transport in Switzerland, Denmark's giant bus, new trams for Glasgow, Grants for sports, single deckers out of favour (UK buses), Transport by Water (London). 918.8 - 58 - June 1948 - 8 pages - Stirring up strife (Melb.) No profit - no sharing (Kansas City), Just why - prices and fares in the US, MMTB staff needs from 5 day week, Section fares in the US, trams at L5,500 each (Sheffield), The unfinished dance (Perth and Hay St.), Thanks from Bristol, Interest in Melbourne trams (letters to the Board), Adelaide's Deficit, Fares up in Sydney and Adelaide, Moscow transport, No trolleybuses thankyou in Belgium, thanks to the Traffic staff, the Late Inspector Boardman, 24,000 irregularities (passengers), Sth London trams, Melbourne's trams amazing, Winnipeg's transport Growth and Standing passengers - London. 918.9 - 59 - July 1948 - 4 pages - The Red Light - RACV and red lights on trams, A request from Argentina,, where our SW6's are, the last 5c fare (New York), Work in the Fog, Traffic headaches in the US, Brisbane's Streamlined tram, Safety glass, Now for La Trobe St. The Tramways Band (South St.), Transport Losses in Sydney. 918.10 - 60 - August 1948 - 4 pages - from Pretoria (Comments on Melbourne), Buses with sliding Doors (OPS1), PCC trams, trams of the future (Glasgow), new trams in Rome, Clearing up the Parking Problem (Sacramento), Fantastic figures - world tram car figures - anti tram, Trainer Drivers, the railway trams and disaster to Liverpool trams, Monte Video trams purchased. 918.11 - 61 - September 1948 - 4 pages - The Year's Work (Melbourne), How Absurd (transport management), items from Britain, Tramway Band News, Food from Melbourne (to Scotland floods), London's Extraordinary traffic, New trams for The Hague, who are the road hogs, the La Trobe St. extension, out clothing factory, Preston Workshops, Toil on the tracks, how the money comes in (fares distribution). 918.12 - 62 - October 1948 - 4 pages - Melbourne's tram fares, Bourke St., Sydney's Street Transport, Scientist or Baker (London), Trolleybuses out of favour, London's poor bus fleet, tram and bus fares, The band at Wattle Park, Madras tramway deal, 121 decide for 6000 (Sydney Sunday trams), Preston workshops, A Engineer's tribute, Was the Street Quiz on trams faked? (The Sun). 918.3 - No. 31 - September 1945 - Year in review - trams more reliable than buses, loss on buses to munitions and Fisherman's bend, ticket checking, Hawthorn clothing factory SW6 trams construction, news from cities in Europe, sub-stations. 918.14 - 64 - September 1949 - higher operating expenses and revenue, school children behaviour, headway recording system - communication issues, golf at Wattle Park, Mr Bell lives in Riversdale Rd. 918.15 - 67 - December 1949 - Record Payment to Consolidated Revenue, payment to MFB etc, flat fares, Latrobe St extension - delayed, fare concessions - who pays, 918.16 - 68 - January 1950 - Bourke St conversion - Risson looking for an early start, fitting of radios to MMTB vehicles, Resilient wheels 918.4 - on top edge in pencil is "Mr Russell", and 918.10 ditto.trams, tramways, mmtb, melbourne, tramways

1. The moral lexicon of the Warlpiri people of central Australia LR Hiatt This paper discusses words that match ?Good? and ?Bad?; examples of ?Good? and ?Bad? behaviour; morality and law; and egalitarianism and dominance. It also presents a comparison with Gidjingarli (Burarra). 2. Mobs and bosses: Structures of Aboriginal sociality Patrick Mullins (Mount Druitt, NSW) A commonality of Aboriginal social organisation exists across the continent in communities as different as those from the Western Desert across to Cape York, from the towns of New South Wales and Western Australia to cities like Adelaide. This is found in the colloquial expressions ?mob? and ?boss?, which are used in widely differing contexts. Mobbing is the activity where relatedness, in the sense of social alliances, is established and affirmed by virtue of a common affiliation with place, common experience and common descent, as well as by the exchange of cash and commodities. Bossing is the activity of commanding respect by virtue of one?s capacity to bestow items of value such as ritual knowledge, nurturance, care, cash and commodities. Mobbing and bossing are best understood as structures in Giddens? sense of sets of rules and resources involved in the production of social systems, in this case social alliances. Mobbing and bossing imply a concept of a person as a being in a relationship. Attention needs to be given to the way these structures interact with institutions in the wider Australian society. 3. Recognising victims without blaming them: A moral contest? About Peter Sutton?s ?The Politics of Suffering: Indigenous Policy in Australia since the 1970s? and Gillian Cowlishaw?s replies Ma�a Ponsonnet (Universit� Paris- 8-Saint-Denis) Peter Sutton?s texts on Aboriginal violence, health and their politicisation are replied to using his methodology, and acknowledging his convincing points. Sutton rightly denounces a lack of lucidity and scientific objectivity in anthropological debates. These inadequacies impede identification of what Aboriginal groups can do to improve their situations for fear that this identification would lead to blame the victims. At the other end of the ethical spectrum, those who advocate a broader use of what I will call a ?resistance interpretation? of violence fail to recognise victims as such, on the implicit grounds that seeing victims as victims would deprive them of any agency, on the one hand, and entail blame, on the other hand. I aim to define a middle road between those views: the idea that victims should be acknowledged as such without being denied their agency and without being blamed for their own condition. This middle road allows identification of the colonisers? responsibilities in the contemporary situation of Indigenous communities in Australia, and to determine who can do what. Secondly, I show that Sutton?s texts convey, through subtle but recurrent remarks, an ideology of blame rather than a mere will to identify practical solutions. As a consequence, some of his proposals do not stand on a solid and objective causal analysis. 4. 'You would have loved her for her lore?: The letters of Daisy Bates Bob Reece (Murdoch University) Daisy Bates was once an iconic figure in Australia but her popular and academic reputation became tarnished by her retrograde views. Her credibility was also put in doubt through the exposure of her fictionalised Irish background. In more recent times, however, her ethnographic data on the Aborigines of Western Australia has been an invaluable source for Native Title claims, while her views on Aboriginal extinction, cannibalism and ?castes? are being seen as typical of her time. This article briefly reviews what has been the orthodox academic opinion of her scientific achievement before summarising what is reliably known of her early history and indicating what kind of person is revealed in the 3000 or more letters that she left behind. 5. What potential might Narrative Therapy have to assist Indigenous Australians reduce substance misuse? Violet Bacon (Curtin University of Technology) Substance misuse is associated with adverse consequences for many Australians including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Extensive research has been conducted into various intervention, treatment and prevention programs to ascertain their potential in reducing substance misuse within Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities. I explore the potential of Narrative Therapy as a counselling intervention for assisting Indigenous Australians reduce the harm associated with substance misuse. 6. Bone points from the Adelaide River, Northern Territory Sally Brockwell (University of Canberra) and Kim Akerman (Moonah) Large earth mounds located next to the vast floodplains of the lower Adelaide River, one of the major tropical rivers draining the flat coastal plains of northern Australia, contain cultural material, including bone points. The floodplains of the north underwent dynamic environmental change from extensive mangrove swamps in the mid-Holocene, through a transition phase of variable estuarine and freshwater mosaic environments, to the freshwater environment that exists today. This geomorphological framework provides a background for the interpretation of the archaeology, which spans some 4000 years. 7. A different look: Comparative rock-art recording from the Torres Strait using computer enhancement techniques Liam M Brady (Monash University) In 1888 and 1898, Cambridge University?s Alfred C Haddon made the first recording of rock-art from the Torres Strait islands using photography and sketches. Systematic recording of these same paintings and sites was carried out from 2000 to 2004 by archaeologists and Indigenous Torres Strait Islander and Aboriginal communities as part of community-based rock-art recording projects. Computer enhancement techniques were used to identify differences between both sets of recordings, to reveal design elements that Haddon missed in his recordings, and to recover images recorded by Haddon that are today no longer visible to the naked eye. Using this data, preliminary observations into the antiquity of Torres Strait rock-art are noted along with recommendations for future Torres Strait region rock-art research and baseline monitoring projects. 8. Sources of bias in the Murray Black Collection: Implications for palaeopathological analysis Sarah Robertson (National Museum of Australia) The Murray Black collection of Aboriginal skeletal remains has been a mainstay of bio-anthropological research in Australia, but relatively little thought has been given to how and why this collection may differ from archaeologically obtained collections. The context in which remains were located and recovered has created bias within the sample, which was further skewed within the component of the collection sent to the Australian Institute of Anatomy, resulting in limitations for the research potential of the collection. This does not render all research on the collection unviable, but it demonstrates the importance of understanding the context of a skeletal collection when assessing its suitability for addressing specific research questions.maps, b&w photographs, colour photographs, illustrations, graphs, chartswarlpiri, sociology, daisy bates, substance abuse, narrative therapy, rock art, technology and art, murray black collection, pleistocene sites, watarrka plateau

Darkness and a little light: ?Race? and sport in Australia Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) and Daryl Adair (University of Technology Sydney) Despite ?the wonderful and chaotic universe of clashing colors, temperaments and emotions, of brave deeds against odds seemingly insuperable?, sport is mixed with ?mean and shameful acts of pure skullduggery?, villainy, cowardice, depravity, rapaciousness and malice. Thus wrote celebrated American novelist Paul Gallico on the eve of the Second World War (Gallico 1938 [1988]:9-10). An acute enough observation about society in general, his farewell to sports writing also captures the ?clashing colors? in Australian sport. In this ?land of the fair go?, we look at the malice of racism in the arenas where, as custom might have it, one would least want or expect to find it. The history of the connection between sport, race and society - the long past, the recent past and the social present - is commonly dark and ugly but some light and decency are just becoming visible. Coming to terms: ?Race?, ethnicity, identity and Aboriginality in sport Colin Tatz (AIATSIS & Australian National University) Notions of genetic superiority have led to some of the world?s greatest human calamities. Just as social scientists thought that racial anthropology and biology had ended with the cataclysm of the Second World War, so some influential researchers and sports commentators have rekindled the pre-war debate about the muscular merits of ?races? in a new discipline that Nyborg (1994) calls the ?science of physicology?. The more recent realm of racial ?athletic genes?, especially within socially constructed black athletic communities, may intend no malice but this search for the keys to their success may well revive the old, discredited discourses. This critical commentary shows what can happen when some population geneticists and sports writers ignore history and when medical, biological and sporting doctrines deriving from ?race? are dislocated from any historical, geographic, cultural and social contexts. Understanding discourses about race, racism, ethnicity, otherness, identity and Aboriginality are essential if sense, or nonsense, is to be made of genetic/racial ?explanations? of sporting excellence. Between the two major wars boxing was, disproportionately, a Jewish sport; Kenyans and Ethiopians now ?own? middle- and long-distance running and Jamaicans the shorter events; South Koreans dominate women?s professional golf. This essay explores the various explanations put forward for such ?statistical domination?: genes, biochemistry, biomechanics, history, culture, social dynamics, the search for identity, alienation, need, chance, circumstances, and personal bent or aptitude. Traditional games of a timeless land: Play cultures in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities Ken Edwards (University of Southern Queensland) Sports history in Australia has focused almost entirely on modern, Eurocentric sports and has therefore largely ignored the multitude of unique pre- European games that are, or once were, played. The area of traditional games, especially those of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, is an important aspect of the cultural, social and historical experiences of Indigenous communities. These activities include customs of play that are normally not associated with European notions of competitive sport. Overall, this paper surveys research undertaken into traditional games among Indigenous Australians, as well as proposals for much needed further study in this area. Culture, ?race? and discrimination in the 1868 Aboriginal cricket tour of England David Sampson As a consequence of John Mulvaney?s important historical research, the Aboriginal cricket and performance tour of Britain in 1868 has in recent decades become established as perhaps the most famous of all public events in contact history involving Aborigines, white settlers and the British metropolis. Although recognition of its importance is welcome and significant, public commemorations of the tour have enveloped the tour in mythologies of cricket and nation. Such mythologies have obscured fundamental aspects of the tour that were inescapable racial and colonial realities of the Victorian era. This reappraisal of the tour explores the centrality of racial ideology, racial science and racial power imbalances that enabled, created and shaped the tour. By exploring beyond cricketing mythology, it restores the central importance of the spectacular performances of Aboriginal skills without which the tour would have been impossible. Such a reappraisal seeks to fully recognise the often trivialised non-cricketing expertise of all of the Aboriginal performers in 1868 for their achievement of pioneering their unique culture, skills and technologies to a mass international audience. Football, ?race? and resistance: The Darwin Football League, 1926?29 Matthew Stephen (Northern Territory Archive Service) Darwin was a diverse but deeply divided society in the early twentieth century. The Commonwealth Government introduced the Aboriginals Ordinance 1911 in the Northern Territory, instituting state surveillance, control and a racially segregated hierarchy of whites foremost, then Asians, ?Coloureds? (Aborigines and others of mixed descent) and, lastly, the so-called ?full-blood? Aborigines. Sport was important in scaffolding this stratification. Whites believed that sport was their private domain and strictly controlled non-white participation. Australian Rules football, established in Darwin from 1916, was the first sport in which ?Coloured? sportsmen challenged this domination. Football became a battleground for recognition, rights and identity for all groups. The ?Coloured? community embraced its team, Vesteys, which dominated the Northern Territory Football League (NTFL) in the 1920s. In 1926, amidst growing racial tension, the white-administered NTFL changed its constitution to exclude non-white players. In reaction, ?Coloured? and Chinese footballers formed their own competition - the Darwin Football League (DFL). The saga of that colour bar is an important chapter in Australia?s football history, yet it has faded from Darwin?s social memory and is almost unknown among historians. That picture - Nicky Winmar and the history of an image Matthew Klugman (Victoria University) and Gary Osmond (The University of Queensland) In April 1993 Australian Rules footballer Nicky Winmar responded to on-field racist abuse by lifting his jersey and pointing to his chest. The photographic image of that event is now famous as a response to racial abuse and has come to be seen as starting a movement against racism in football. The racial connotations in the image might seem a foregone conclusion: the power, appeal and dominant meaning of the photograph might appear to be self-evident. But neither the fame of the image nor its racial connotation was automatic. Through interviews with the photographers and analysis of the use of the image in the media, we explore how that picture came to be of such symbolic importance, and how it has remained something to be re-shown and emulated. Rather than analyse the image as a photograph or work of art, we uncover some of its early history and explore the debates that continue to swirl around its purpose and meaning. We also draw attention to the way the careful study of photographs might enhance the study of sport, race and racism. ?She?s not one of us?: Cathy Freeman and the place of Aboriginal people in Australian national culture Toni Bruce (University of Waikato) and Emma Wensing (Independent scholar) The Sydney 2000 Olympic Games generated a national media celebration of Aboriginal 400 metre runner Cathy Freeman. The construction of Freeman as the symbol of national reconciliation was evident in print and on television, the Internet and radio. In contrast to this celebration of Freeman, the letters to the editor sections of 11 major newspapers became sites for competing claims over what constitutes Australian identity and the place of Aboriginal people in national culture. We analyse this under-explored medium of opinion and discuss how the deep feelings evident in these letters, and the often vitriolic responses to them, illustrate some of the enduring racial tensions in Australian society. Sport, physical activity and urban Indigenous young people Alison Nelson (The University of Queensland) This paper challenges some of the commonly held assumptions and ?knowledges? about Indigenous young people and their engagement in physical activity. These include their ?natural? ability, and the use of sport as a panacea for health, education and behavioural issues. Data is presented from qualitative research undertaken with a group of 14 urban Indigenous young people with a view to ?speaking back? to these commentaries. This research draws on Critical Race Theory in order to make visible the taken-for-granted assumptions about Indigenous Australians made by the dominant white, Western culture. Multiple, shifting and complex identities were expressed in the young people?s articulation of the place and meaning of sport and physical activity in their lives. They both engaged in, and resisted, dominant Western discourses regarding representations of Indigenous people in sport. The paper gives voice to these young people in an attempt to disrupt and subvert hegemonic discourses. An unwanted corroboree: The politics of the New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout Heidi Norman (University of Technology Sydney) The annual New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout is so much more than a sporting event. Involving a high level of organisation, it is both a social and cultural coming together of diverse communities for a social and cultural experience considered ?bigger than Christmas?. As if the planning and logistics were not difficult enough, the rotating-venue Knockout has been beset, especially since the late 1980s and 1990s, by layers of opposition and open hostility based on ?race?: from country town newspapers, local town and shire councils, local business houses and, inevitably, the local police. A few towns have welcomed the event, seeing economic advantage and community good will for all. Commonly, the Aboriginal ?influx? of visitors and players - people perceived as ?strangers?, ?outsiders?, ?non-taxpayers? - provoked public fear about crime waves, violence and physical safety, requiring heavy policing. Without exception, these racist expectations were shown to be totally unfounded. Research report: Recent advances in digital audio recorder technology provide considerable advantages in terms of cost and portability for language workers.b&w photographs, colour photographs, tablessport and race, racism, cathy freeman, nicky winmar, rugby league, afl, athletics, cricket, digital audio recorders

John Watson's story shows insight to the families that moved to Beechworth and the motivation behind this. It showcases the nuances of life in the district and the day to day ways of living. This history speaks of land cultivation and the innovation of industry in the region, in particular cattle farming and butchering. Watson's account speaks of the way that the practice of breeding cattle effects the rural lifestyle, and the hardships that come with working on the land. This oral history recording was part of a project conducted by Jennifer Williams in the year 2000 to capture the everyday life and struggles in Beechworth during the twentieth century. This project involved recording seventy oral histories on cassette tapes of local Beechworth residents which were then published in a book titled: Listen to what they say: voices of twentieth century Beechworth. These cassette tapes were digitised in July 2021 with funds made available by the Friends of the Burke.Watson's account is historically significant due to its ability to illustrate the lifestyle and industry of those in Beechworth during the twentieth century. It is a rare insight into the the practices of residents of this time. This oral history also shows deep insight into the social structure of the community. It describes the family and community dynamics over a long period of time, the motivations behind behaviour, and the greater community fabric. This is a digital copy of a recording that was originally captured on a cassette tape. The cassette tape is black with a horizontal white strip and is currently stored in a clear flat plastic rectangular container. It holds up 40 minutes of recordings on each side.John Watson1800s beechworth, 20th century beechworth, beechworth, farming and agriculture, farm, farm work, farmers, farming, cattle, industry, oral history, john watson