John Millington Synge's plays were produced by the Irish National Theatre Society in 1905. Program notes reveal that the first performances "were the focus of some of the bitterest scenes ever witnessed in a theatre. Audience unrest ... grew to full-scale riots, and Yeats claimed that by the end of the week's run 70 police were keeping order inside the theatre, while 500 patrolled the streets outside".Unruly gatherings have been witnessed in the Athenaeum Theatre and Collins Street, such as in 1843, a year after the building was completed: "The first election for the Melbourne seat in 1843 turned into a sectarian battle between a Catholic and a Presbyterian candidate." Supporters of the losing candidate "massed outside the Mechanics Institution where the official declaration of the poll was to occur, and tried to storm the building. The police arrived and did disperse them but only to send them on a rampage throughout the town, ...("Building a Free Australia : Places of Democracy" by John Hirst, 2009)Paper program; coloured cover; 16 p. includes articles about the play and the actors.melbourne theatre company, the playboy of the western world, john millington synge, athenaeum theatre, katy wild, riots

Photographed l-r are Yiannis (John) Papadopoulos (Soufi), Vasilis Koutsouvelis and Anastasios Papadopoulos (Stravolemi). Yiannis and Anastasios were brothers and Vasilis their brother-in-law married to their sister Vasiliki. Anastasios and Yiannis worked in Kalgoorlie on their arrival in Australia and following the race riots of 1916 left W.A. for Melbourne. Anastasios eventually went into partnership with his brother-in-law Vasilis in a business in Chapel Street South Yarra. Yiannis established a fruit business in South Melbourne. A sepia studio photograph mounted on a light brown board of three young men. Two are seated in the front and the other manis standing behind them.pappas

A book titled ' .What Came of a No Popery Cry : the story of The Gordon Riots. London in Flames: Mad Gordon's Mob Storming Newgate Gaol and Insulting the Members of the Houses of Parliament.' London: Ward, Lock & Co., Salisbury Square, E.C. New York : 10 Bond Street. 161 - 175 pgs. Ill. This book is one of a series of 37' Ward & Lock's Penny Books for the People.' ' Historical Series. Price one penny. There are also advertisements of note.books, biography, the gordon riots, lydia chancellor, collection, ward & lock's penny biographies, biography, biographies, ward & lock's penny books for the people, historical series, history, english history, the gordon riots, book, books, advertisements, riots, penny books

'BUILDING THE MELBOURNE-BENDIGO RAILWAY'' ( P J MILLAR). Copied from ??? With pages numbered from 19 to 42. Detailed coverage under sections: The builders and designers of the Railway; Some of the bridges along the line (viaducts and tunnels); Ordering of materials and plant; Transport of material; The strikes along the line; Riots on the line; Darbyshire's resignation; Conclusion. Includes 12 figures (poor quality reproduction photos and one map (Contracts for the Main Trunk Lines). One copy without stapling; oneP. J. Millarbendigo, history, bendigo railway, bendigo railway, j. p. millar, captain andrew clarke.

Diggers & Mining. The gold licence. The Government Camp. Between 1851 and 1854, there was continual unrest on nearly all of the Victorian diggings, due chiefly to the licence system and the repressive methods of its enforcement (though there were other causes - see Unit 8). The diggers held protest meetings; they formed diggers' associations; they sent petitions to the government. At times, serious rioting threatened - as at Bendigo in 1853. But the Legislative Council continued the system; Markings: 37 994.LIF. 4. Used as a teaching aid.hanimounteducation, tertiary, goldfields

Anastasios Papadopoulos is pictured on the left. The gentleman on the right was know as 'Nikolaos Kefalonitis'. Anastasios migrated to Western Australia from Ithaca in 1912 where he found work in Kalgoorlie. Following the race riots of 1916 he left W.A. together with his brother John and they hitchhiked across the Nullarbor travelling by camel train, van and on foot to reach Melbourne where they both settled. Anastasios a fish and chips shop in Chapel Street South Yarra. His daughter Irini Pappas was a highly respected actor in Melbourne's Greek community. unknownA sepia studio photograph of two smartly dressed men. One is seated with his arms crossed and the other is standing next to him.

Pictured are brothers, on the left, Yiannis (Soufis) and on the right Anastasios (Stravolemis) Papadopoulos. Unknown man in centre. Anastasios migrated to Western Australia from Ithaca in 1912 and Yiannis (John) followed in 1913. They found work in Kalgoorlie where they experienced the race riots of 1916. In that same year they left W.A. and hitchhiked across the Nullarbor travelling by camel train, van and on foot to reach Melbourne where they both settled. John operated a fruit business in South Melbourne; Anastasios a fish and chips shop in Chapel Street South Yarra.A studio sepia photograph of an old torn photograph of two young men with an older man.pappas

Eureka battle was fought on 3 December 1854, with the soldiers attacking the miners on the Eureka Lead, Ballarat East. Before the actual battle there were skirmishes and unrest. McIntyre, the author of the letter was arrested after the burning of Bentley's Eureka Hotel.The letter is dated 29 March 1855, the location being Bakery Hill. It is a digital copy of a letter from McIntyre who was present at the burning of Bentley's Eureka Hotel. McIntyre was arrested with Fletcher. It is important that a digital copy of this letter is preserved, as it is one of the rare original letters of eyewitness accounts that have survived from the mid 1850s in Ballarat.8 jpeg files and one pdf file of the handwritten Andrew McIntyre letter. eureka, mcintyre, fletcher, eureka hotel, bentley, riot, ballarat, vern, eureka stockade, andrew mcintyre

Diggers & Mining. The Chinese on the Gold Fields. Slide: The practical failure of the Act of 1856, and the fresh outburst of anti-Chinese feeling in the Buckland riots of 1857, led to Victorian Government to take further action in the latter year. (1) A residence fee was imposed on all Chinese in the colony (one pound per month - ultimately reduced, after Chinese protests, to four pound per year). (2) The co-operation of South Australia was sought, and , in 1857, the government of that colony passed a restriction act similar to the Victorian Act of 1855. Markings: 21. Used as a teaching aid.hanimounteducation, tertiary, goldfields

Diggers & Mining. The Chinese on the Gold Fields. Slide: Map of New South Wales. Chinese immigration by sea - N.S.W. 1856 - 896, 1857 - 327, 1858 - 12,096. Total number of Chinese in N.S.W. 1861 - 21,000. Riots of Lambing Flat, 1861. Act of 1861 the working out of alluvial fields solved the problem in N.S.W. Faced with a similar problem to that of Victoria, New South Wales passed, in 1861, a Chinese Immigration Restriction Act (like the Victorian Act of 1855). Markings: 10 994:LIF I. Used as a teaching aid.hanimounteducation, tertiary, goldfields

Borrisoleigh was the location from which the Quinane family and other Irish immigrants originated from. Nancy Quinane or Kinnane was one of these. Ann (Nancy) Quinane/Kinnane was baptised on 6 June 1830 at Upperchurch or Borrisoleigh, Tipperary, Ireland. She and her husband, Matthew Ryan, sailed from Liverpool to Australia on the Phoebe Dunbar in 1952. Nancy and Matthew Ryan lived on the Eureka Lead. in 1854. Matthew filed for compensation for his tent being burnt down during the Eureka Riots, the tent being inside the Eureka Stockade. Nancy, also known as Eureka Nancy, was present during the Eureka Stockade battle, and was said to have looked after the children. She is credited with assisting the amputation of Peter Lalor's Arm.borrisoleigh, tipperary, ireland, kinnane, quinane, ryan, matthew ryan, nancy quinane, eureka, eureka stockade, peter lalor

This is the untold story of Margaret (1904) and Jean (1906) Davies and their uncompromising faith, amazing courage and endless endurance. Margaret was called to Korea as an educator from 1910 to 1940. During the Mansei Uprising, Japanese police arrested her for inciting to riot and drove Kim Il-Sung into Manchuria where he founded Korean Communism. Jean gave up a promising career in surgery at the Women's Hospital in Melbourne to practise at a mission hospital in Chinju, Korea. Sent home as a foreign alien before the attack on Pearl Harbor she practised at outback mission stations in Australia, doubling as the Flying Doctor. She medically examined the population of the New Hebrides (Vanuatu) as a first step to rid the country of leprosy. Jean returned to Pukatja in South Australia during British nuclear bomb testing at Maralinga.Small paperback bookmargaret davies, ellice jean davies, clarendon-presbyterian-ladies-college, 1900s, korea, missionary, surgeon, maralinga, vanuatu

Collection of documents relating to the Box Hill to Doncaster tramway: 1 - "Hectic Electric Tram" by Rex Shane. Newspaper clipping from People magazine describing Australia's first electric tramway, owned and operated by HJ Hilton. Dated 17/7/1963 2 - Photocopy of handwritten proposal for Doncaster Electric Tram. Page 2 only, with points 6 to 16. 3 - "Feudin' and Fighting' Over the Tram" by Geoff Palmer. 2 page, typed article from "the Herald", Saturday 17 July, 1954, describing disputes over the Box Hill to Doncaster tramway. 4 - "Our First Tramway was a Riot". 4 page, typed article from "the Herald", 29-12-58, describing the history of the Box Hill to Doncaster tramway.trams, tramways, box hill, doncaster, first tram

The ship Speke, which was wrecked in 1906 near Kitty Miller Bay, was named after the town Speke in Liverpool, where Speke Hall is located. Source http://www.nationaltrustcollections.org.uk/place/speke-hall Speke Hall This half-timbered Tudor courtyard house acquired its present shape during the 16th century under the ownership of Sir William Norris and his grandson, also Sir William. It was completed, except for some minor additions, for Edward Norris by 1606. The predominant architectural message of Speke is the decorative potential of wood. The exterior, with its high proportion of timber to infill, is a riot of geometrical patterning, while many of the Tudor interiors are filled with carved and embellished panelling – including a genealogical overmantel from c.1560 – some probably imported from the Low Countries, where the Norrises had trading connections. After a period of neglect, Speke was restored and entirely refurnished in the mid-19th century by the Watt family. 2 x Large photos of Speke Hall - 1 Black & White, 1 coloured.Speke Hall, Gardens and Estatethe speke, sailing boats, shipwrecks, photographs, speke hall

Removed from HMAS Canberra before being scuttled. HMAS Canberra was an Adelaide class guided missile frigate of the Royal Australian Navy (RAN). Based on the Oliver Hazard Perry class design, Canberra was one of four Adelaide class ships constructed in the United States of America, and one of six to serve in the RAN. The frigate entered service in 1981. During her career, Canberra was assigned to escort the Royal Yacht Britannia during Queen Elizabeth II's visit in 1988, helped enforce the post-Gulf War United Nations' sanctions against Iraq during 1992 and 1993, was part of the Australian responses to the 1998 Indonesian riots and the 2000 Solomon Islands Civil War, and returned to the Persian Gulf in 2002 as part of the War in Afghanistan. In 2005, Canberra became the first ship of her class to be decommissioned. The frigate was marked for conversion into a dive wreck and artificial reef off Barwon Heads, Victoria, and was scuttled on 4 October 2009. Electric emergency light, fixed mountedwarning lights, hmas canberra

Without knowing anything about the ring-in O'Day turns up at the races. Discovering a hidden brand on Smokey that could only have been burnt into Grapeshot's hide, and holding no belief for the crook administration at Nuggety Flat, he canters smartly down to the home of an old Chinese whose life his father saved during the Lambing Flat riots. Chin lends him 500 sovereigns. Waiting till O'Hara and Co. are "set" O'Day cleans up for himself and Chin, and quietly heads for home. Later he corners young O'Hara who confesses to the job, says Grapeshot is safely back in his paddock, and that Smokey has been sold to a Sydney show team owner and is well out of the district. O'Hara takes his money to the Camoola banker Redfern, who has befriended him, and clears up all his financial affairs. W.O. Tom Foster as Redfern.The album and images are significant because they document literature written by a prominent member of the Wodonga community. The presentation of this precis was supported by several significant district families and individuals.Ringer's River Album Coloured photo Plate 25des martin, many a mile, ringer's river, northeast victoria stories

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerMore than a thousand protestors surround Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai on June 26th following a peaceful rally at Edinburgh Place in Central. Doors to the complex were barricaded by protestors, who left after a six hour siege in protest at police violence at a prtest held earlier on 12 June 2019. Protesters ended a six-hour siege of Hong Kong’s police headquarters – their second in a week over the now-suspended extradition bill – early on Thursday morning. More than 1,000 were involved at the height of the protest, which began after 10pm on Wednesday. Around 100 were left at the end and dispersed without a fight when officers with riot shields emerged from the building in Wan Chai at 4am on Thursday. After a peaceful rally attended by thousands earlier at Edinburgh Place in the Central business district, hundreds descended on Arsenal Street, blocking the junction with Lockhart Road to all traffic and sealing the entrances to the police base. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

The Hong Kong Police Force (香港警務處, HKPF; HKP), also known as the Hong Kong Police, is the largest disciplined service under the Security Bureau of Hong Kong. It is the world's second, and Asia's first, police agency to operate with a modern policing system. It was formed on 1 May 1844, with a strength of 32 officers. Queen Elizabeth II granted the Royal Charter to the Hong Kong Police Force in 1969 for their handling of the Hong Kong 1967 riots—renaming them: the Royal Hong Kong Police Force. Following the transfer of sovereignty, the Force is once again named the Hong Kong Police Force.[1] The current Commissioner of Police is Andy Tsang Wai-hung.[2] Including the Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Force and civil servants, the force consists of about 40,000 personnel; which gives Hong Kong the second largest citizen–police officer ratio in the world. In addition, the Marine Region with about 3,000 officers and a fleet of 143 vessels, is the largest of any civil police force.Wooden Plaque 15cm x x13cmRoyal Hong Kong Police

'The Grange ' was a 2 storey home built 1857 by Mr Charles Tuck, originally named 'Baydon Hill' , at 1011 Nepean Highway, Moorabbin ( South Brighton). Mr Charles Tuck was Veterinary Surgeon from Baydon Hill, Wiltshire, England, who migrated to Australia c1850. He married his cousin Miss Jan Chaudler in Melbourne in1853. He was at the Ballarat gold-fields at the time of the riots and then they settled in South Brighton ( later Moorabbin) and built a large Georgian Styled home called 'Baydon Hill'. The Tucks had a large family - 9 children. Charles enjoyed a prosperous Veterinary Practice as his advice was needed for stock purchases by the farmers / settlers. Charles died in 1893 and Jane left the property c 1903 and died at Blackburn in 1928. The House had 5 owners, the last being the Healey family c1920 and at some stage the name was changed to 'The Grange' and the gates shown were installed. The Healey Family were also prosperous in developing vegetables and flower seeds and seedlings. 'The Grange' was sold to Moorabbin City Council 1972 and then used by the City of Moorabbin Historical Society for meetings and storage of historical material. It was demolished amidst considerable controversy 1983 and the District Police Offices were built on the site. ( S.T.Mulvany, Grand-daughter of Charles Tuck 26/7/1974)The Grange was a significant property 1853 -1983 in Moorabbin. It was built by Mr Charles Tuck 1857and in1900 extended from Point Nepean Road to South Road - 10acres. Mr Harold James Healey purchased the property in c1920 and leased a portion to a Chinese market gardener. Later with his sons he established a profitable Plant Nursery that they managed for 42years.. Keith Healey, a son, remodelled the house extensively mid 20thC .The Moorabbin City Council purchased it in 1972 for $255,000 and it was demolished amid controversy 1983. The District Police Offices are now on the site.3x black and white photographs of the property at 1011 Nepean Highway Moorabbin built by Mr Charles Tuck c1853 known as 'The Grange'. Originally it was named 'Baydon Hill' because he migrated from Baydon Hill, Wiltshire, England c1850. These photographs are c 1880, 1920 and 1950 showing the original and later additions made to the property by some of the 5 owners.Written in pencil on back a) " This Photo donated by Mr Neil Follett - at the time it came into his possession he had a photography studio in Cheltenham. Photographer unknown"; Folio 6 b) The Grange c 1950 Folio 6/10 c) 'Baydon Hill' ( alias "The Grange" ) / Donated by Mrs Elsa Jones, daughter of Leslie Stephen Tuck, youngest son of Charles Tuck Folio 6 /18tuck charles, tuck jane, veterinary surgeons, livestock, market gardeners, early settlers, dendy's special survey, brighton, moorabbin, ballarat, gold diggings, horses, chickens, cattle, bullocks, flower shows, fruit garden, mulvaney s. t., healey haold james, healey keith, moorabbin city council, chinese market gardeners, plant nursery, tuck leslie stephen, jones elsa

Hoda Afshar's 2018 body of work, "Remain," offers a forthright and unapologetic political commentary on Australia's border protection policy, shedding light on its impact on human rights. This collection comprises a film and a series of photographic portraits that chronicle the stories of stateless men who chose to stay on Manus Island, Papua New Guinea, even after the closure of the immigration detention centre in October 2017. In the accompanying film, the experiences of these men are conveyed through episodic fragments, narrated with a mix of lyrical and brutal voiceovers. Some express themselves through poetry, others through song, while some recall the riots and suicides. Set against the backdrop of a picturesque landscape featuring lush foliage and crystal-clear water—a stark contrast to the harsh realities described—the emotional impact of the work is intensified. It creates a simultaneous sense of beauty and horror. The photographic portraits of the same individuals are equally compelling. Positioned prominently against a dark backdrop, these subjects assert their presence, emphasizing their right to be seen. The deliberate simplicity of these portraits serves as a powerful political statement, countering the invisibility imposed by the act of detention. Afshar metaphorically acknowledges the struggles faced by these men, depicting them contending with the elements—fire, water, and earth—yet never questioning their inherent humanity. Here we see Behrouz Boochani, the Kurdish Iranian writer whose memoir ‘No Friend but the Mountains: Writing from the Manus Prison’ won the Victorian Premier’s Prize for Literature and the Prize for Non-Fiction in 2019. Boochani was held in detention on Manus Island from 2013 until the centre’s closure in 2017 and was forced to remain on the island in a stateless condition.

William (1857 - 1920) was a butcher. William was born 7 Nov 1857 on the Buckland (River) near Bright, son of John Joseph Tacey and wife Elizabeth Cooper. This was just a few months after the Buckland River anti-Chinese riots. He had siblings Thomas (1856-1929), Mary Ann (1860-1920), Edward (1863-1952) and Arthur Edward (1870-1896). William died 30 March 1920, Camberwell. He married Florence Margaret Edwards in 1884. Both are buried in Box Hill Cemetery (CE-0162). They had 7 surviving children; 2 died in infancy. William was a butcher in Thornbury but moved to Camberwell with his brothers seeing the opportunity in the new suburbs. They set up shops in Canterbury Road, opposite Highfield Road, Surrey Hills; Burwood; corner of Elgar & Whitehorse Roads, opposite the Whitehorse Hotel and Canterbury Road, Surrey Hills just east of Surrey Hotel. The first directory entries are in 1888 & 1889 for the Surrey Hills shop & Elgar Road. In Surrey Hills a substantial property was developed on land which "was purchased by Edward Tacey on 16 September 1889. Edward Tacey was a butcher and the Sands & MacDougall street directory indicates that a butcher’s shop had been constructed on the site and was operating by 1890. It seems that the family lived for some time at a house located next door to the shop at 627 Canterbury Road (visible on the 1909 MMBW plan, but since demolished). On 15 June 1920 Edward Tacey transferred all three blocks of land to Joseph Tacey, most likely his son * and also a butcher, who carried on business from the same premises. Joseph Tacey died on 20 February 1933, after which administration of his estate (which included the three blocks of land) passed to his widow, Mary Dorothy Tacey." (Context P/L Heritage Assessment) Correction: *Edward Tacey (1863 - 1952) was the brother of William Tacey (1857 - 1920). The property passed to Joseph Charles Tacey (1887 - 1933), his nephew and son of William, not his son. His wife was Mary Dorothy Coates. Albert Arthur Tacey was a brother of Joseph Charles Tacey. Edward later moved from the area and continued in the business in a number of regional Victorian centres. In Surrey Hills the business was continued by other members of the family including Albert Arthur Tacey (1902-1959) who lived at 7 Sunbury Crescent, and daughter Stella Florence Tacey and her husband Roy Morris and their son Harry Tacey Morris. The donor of the Tacey collection of photos was Elaine Merle Tacey (1925-2003), daughter of Albert Arthur Tacey. She married Donald McKenzie. A black and white photograph of a couple in the garden. The man is standing and wearing a 3 piece suit whilst the lady is seated and holding a posy of flowers in her lap.(mr) william tacey, butchers, (mr) edward tacey, (mr) thomas tacey, (mr) joseph tacey, (mrs) stella morris, (mr) roy morris, (miss) florence margaret edwards, (mrs) florence margaret tacey, (mr) albert arthur tacey, (miss) stella tacey, (mr) harry tacey morris

This digital image was produced from one of the glass negatives that form part of the collection, probably taken by Louis Haeusler (b.1887) with the photographic equipment in the Wodonga Historical Society Haeusler Collection. Merry-Go-Rounds or Carousels were a popular entertainment accompanying many celebrations and events in Albury and Wodonga from as early as the mid 1870s. They featured at events such as Empire Day and Arbor Day celebrations as well as the Wodonga Racing Club meetings, Wodonga Agricultural Shows and Victory Day celebrations at the end of World War 11. They were operated by a variety of travelling showmen and entrepreneurs. Early merry-go-rounds were steam powered. The merry-go-round in this negative was owned by Anton Weniger of Melbourne. From 1909, Mr Weniger operated a shooting gallery and Steam Riding Gallery on the Lower Esplanade, St. Kilda on land he had leased in 1909 from the St. Kilda Foreshore Trust. Weniger also took his carousels by train to many rural areas, including several visits to Albury, Yarrawonga and Benalla. His largest carousel was designed and built in Melbourne by Herbert Thomson in 1915. It has now been restored and has been on show as the Civic Carousel in Canberra, ACT since 1974. Anton Weniger’s steam merry-go-round was definitely in the Albury- Wodonga area in September 1912. As reported in the Border Morning Mail on Saturday 2 November 1912, Mr. Weniger was the victim of a robbery which included some money and his gold watch and chain, stolen from a railway truck in the Wodonga railway yards. The riding gallery and other belongings had been placed on the truck in Albury after the Albury show and sent on to Wodonga in transit to Wangaratta. Whilst in the Wodonga yards the truck was broken into and the goods stolen. Two of Weniger’s former employees, Herbert Backhouse and Edmund Pressard were subsequently charged with the robbery and sentenced to respective sentences of 3 and 9 months imprisonment, both with hard labour. In January 1916, Weniger’s Steam Riding Gallery was attacked by a group of rioting soldiers as a result of rising anti-German sentiment with the onset of World War 1. As a result, Anton Weniger terminated his interest and lease of the Steam Riding Gallery to his partner, William George Kelly. Although he had lived in Victoria for over 25 years and had been a naturalised Australian for 20 years, Anton Weniger was interned for the duration of World War 1 as an enemy alien. Anton Johannes Matthias Weniger died on 14 August 1923 and is buried in the Brighton General Cemetery, Melbourne, Victoria.This item is unique and has well documented provenance and a known owner. It forms part of a significant and representative historical collection which reflects the local history of Wodonga. It contributes to our understanding of domestic and family life in early twentieth century Wodonga, as well as providing interpretative capacity for themes including local history and social history.Digital image created from the Haeusler Glass negative collection. A large group of people standing around a Merry-Go-Round.At top left of Merry-Go-Round "A.WENIGER./MELBOURNE"wodonga pioneers, haeusler family, glass negatives, dry plate photography, carousel, anton weniger

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a street art poster taken on the streets of Hong Kong during the protests against legislation to allow Hong Kong suspects to be extradited to mainland Chinese carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, poster art, posters

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerSeven police officers stand guard in front of Hong Kong's main police headquarters on Arsenal Street in Wan Chai as an estimated one thousand protestors surround on 26 June 2019. Protestors take turns to step up and hurl abuse at the officers, in a protest lasting 6 hours before peacefully dispersing. The protesters chanted 'Release the martyrs' and 'Stop police violence' in reference to violent clashes with police in the days previous. ( https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016238/hong-kong-police-under-siege-again-protesters-surround)carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, police, wan chai

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph crowds gathering on June 16 on the streets of Causeway Bay before an estimated 2 million people take part in march protesting the government's push for extradition laws to China and demanding an apology from the chief executrive Carrie Lam. Nearly 2 million’ people take to streets, forcing public apology from Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam as suspension of controversial extradition bill fails to appease protesters. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology )carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd or protestors against proposed extradition laws gathering on the streets of Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, leading down to the gathering area. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerPhotograph of a crowd on the streets of Hong Kong to protest against proposed extradition laws, heading towards Admiralty. carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty

Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, had plenty of political support in the territory’s pro-Beijing legislature to pass a bill that would allow extraditions to mainland China. The legislators were set to begin discussing the bill in early June, and intended to vote on it just weeks later. A series of protests took place, and after a June 16 protest saw the largest turnout yet, Ms. Lam made a major concession: She postponed the bill, at least temporarily. It was an undeniable victory for the protesters — but it did little to quell the unrest. Since the bill could later be reintroduced, protesters felt they remained in danger. The police tactics to break up the demonstrations on June 12, including the use of more than 150 tear gas canisters to push protesters far away from the government office, created a new set of demands from the protesters. Now, instead of just calling for the withdrawal of the bill and Ms. Lam’s resignation, they said they wouldn’t be content unless there was an independent investigation of officers’ conduct. They also wanted the release of protesters arrested on June 12, and for the government to rescind its description of the demonstrations as a “riot,” a designation that carries legal significance. None of that has happened. Many analysts say Ms. Lam is unlikely to step down, nor would Beijing accept her resignation if she offered it. She has more wiggle room on the other demands, but has not indicated any willingness to budge. The Hong Kong Protests are a leaderless, digital movement.There is no single leader or group deciding on or steering the strategy, tactics and goals of the movement. Instead, protesters have used forums and messaging apps to decide next steps. Anyone can suggest a course of action, and others then vote on whether they support it. The most popular ideas rise to the top, and then people rally to make them happen. At its best, this structure has empowered many people to participate and have their voices heard. Protesters say it keeps them all safe by not allowing the government to target specific leaders. Their success in halting the extradition bill, which was shelved by the territory’s chief executive, speaks to the movement’s power. Despite the lack of a clear leader, protesters have shown extensive coordination at the demonstrations, having planned the specifics online beforehand. Supply stations are set up to distribute water, snacks, gloves, umbrellas and shields made of cardboard. Volunteer first aid workers wear brightly colored vests. People form assembly lines to pass supplies across long distances, with protesters communicating what they need through a series of predetermined hand signals. Anyone walking in dangerous areas without a helmet or a mask is quickly offered one. No individual can speak on behalf of the protesters, which makes negotiations difficult, if not impossible. (https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-explained.html, accessed 07/07/2019) Hong Kong’s amended extradition law would allow the extradition of suspects to mainland China for the first time. Supporters say the amendments are key to ensuring the city does not become a criminal refuge, but critics worry Beijing will use the law to extradite political opponents and others to China where their legal protections cannot be guaranteed. The government claims the push to change the law, which would also apply to Taiwan and Macau, stems from the killing last year of a Hong Kong woman while she was in Taiwan with her boyfriend. Authorities in Taiwan suspect the woman’s boyfriend, who remains in Hong Kong, but cannot try him because no extradition agreement is in place. Under the amended law, those accused of offences punishable by seven years or more in prison could be extradited. The new legislation would give Hong Kong’s leader, known as the chief executive, authority to approve extradition requests, after review by the courts. Hong Kong’s legislature, the legislative council, would not have any oversight over the extradition process. Many Hong Kongers fear the proposed extradition law will be used by authorities to target political enemies. They worry the new legislation spells the end of the “one country, two systems” policy, eroding the civil rights enjoyed by Hong Kong residents since the handover of sovereignty from the UK to China in 1997. Many attending the protests on Sunday said they could not trust China as it had often used non-political crimes to target government critics, and said they also feared Hong Kong officials would not be able to reject Beijing’s requests. Legal professionals have also expressed concern over the rights of those sent across the border to be tried. The conviction rate in Chinese courts is as high as 99%. Arbitrary detentions, torture and denial of legal representation of one’s choosing are also common. Many in the protests on Sunday 09 June 2019 said they felt overwhelmed by a sense of helplessness in the face of mainland China’s increasing political, economic and cultural influence in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s top political leader is not elected by ordinary voters but by a 1,200-strong election committee accountable to Beijing. Half of its legislature are chosen through indirect electoral systems that favour pro-Beijing figures. Many Hong Kongers also cited the jailing of leaders and activists from the 2014 Occupy Central movement– a 79-day mass civil disobedience movement – as well as the disqualification of young localist lawmakers as signs of the erosion of civil freedoms. Resentment towards China has been intensified by soaring property prices – with increasing numbers of mainland Chinese buying properties in the city – as well as the government’s “patriotic education” drive, and the large numbers of mainland tourists who flock to Hong Kong. Many Hong Kongers are also concerned about China’s growing control over the city’s news media, as they increasingly self-censor and follow Beijing’s tacit orders. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jun/10/what-are-the-hong-kong-protests-about-explainerCrowds mass on Queens Way in Hong Kong as an estimated 2 million people march in protest at the government's refusal to withdraw a controverisal law allowing people to be extradited to mainland China. Chants demanded the chief executive apologise and the legislation be withdrawn, while many held signs protesting police violence. Nearly 2 million protesters flooded the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday, organisers claimed, delivering a stunning repudiation of Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s governance and forcing a public apology out of the city’s leader over her campaign to bulldoze a controversial extradition bill through the legislature. A day after Lam suspended her push for the bill, expecting it to defuse a crisis that has seen violent clashes between mostly young protesters and police, the centre of Hong Kong was brought to a complete standstill as the masses marched to chastise her for refusing to withdraw the bill or apologise when first asked to, and declaring that nothing short of her resignation would satisfy them now. (https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3014737/nearly-2-million-people-take-streets-forcing-public-apology ) carrie lam, hong kong protests, extraditions, protest, protestors, admiralty